Przegl¹d Strategiczny 2016, nr 9 Marcin STYSZYÑSKI DOI 10.14746/ps.2016.1.13 Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznañ ISIS COMMUNICATION STRATEGY Growing threats and worldwide influences of jihadist organizations such as the Is- lamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) rely on ideological, military, financial and opera- tional capacities. Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, the leader of ISIS responded to insurgents’ hopes and offered new concept of jihad and implementation of sharia regulations as well as establishment of the historic caliphate. Moreover, seizure of large parts of Syria and Iraq, support of Sunni communities and hostility against Shia population, as well as terror campaign and brutal executions reinforced the position of the organization and defined new forms of jihad compared to dignity, bravery, honor and adventure. So far, more than 30 different groups, including insurgents from Asia and Africa have taken an oath to al-Baghdadi al-Baghdadi (Feakin, Wilkinson, 2015: 7–8). However, ISIS could not succeed without appropriate propaganda and communica- tion strategies that enabled to recruit and inspire insurgents, including foreign volun- teers. In fact, ISIS is the first organization, which exploits effectively propaganda and media tools like Internet websites, online journals or social medias and new communi- cation technologies. Besides, propaganda techniques play a crucial role in motivation and agitation process that encourages young persons to join the battlefield in Syria and Iraq and to carry out terrorist attacks in the West. The series of terror acts that occurred in France in 2015 (Callimachi, Yardley, 2015) and the Brussels bombings in 2016 (Khomami, 2016). ISIS communication strategy reflects the following channels: – Liturgical speeches and classic Arabic rhetoric; – Official media channels; – Internet forums and social medias; – Encrypted communication. LITURGICAL SPEECHES AND CLASSIC ARABIC RHETORIC The liturgical sermon called khuþba in Arabic is one of the oldest narrative and oratory forms in the Arab and Muslim world. It is presented in mosques during Friday’s prayer or on special occasions of feasts and holidays. Basic narration and stylistic features reflect two parts of the speech. The first one regards short prayers, religious invocations and cita- tions of Quranic verses. It is always followed by the expression: wa ba’d (and then; after- wards), which indicates separation between passages in the speech. The second part is delivered after a short break and it is the main fragment of the sermon. It usually concerns religious and moral values or social questions such as unemployment, drug abuse, orga- nized crime or family crisis and positive values of Islam. Discussions are based on the 172 Marcin STYSZYÑSKI Quran and hadiths (stories, statements and report attributed to the Prophet Mohammad) or various allegories and examples from history and everyday life. The speech is con- cluded by other religious citations (Jones, 2012: 195–232). Moreover, the central fragment of the sermon also reflect implementation of rhetori- cal devices (balâgha in Arabic) regarding different forms of narration and composi- tions, appropriate words and arguments as well as rhetorical figures like comparisons, metaphors, repetitions or antithesis (Gaffney, 1994: 271–293). Khuþba also includes some non-verbal devices and speaker’s attributes such as theo- logical skills, respect among believers, presentation of the sermon in liturgical podium above the auditorium as well as sacral clothes during the speech or balanced voice and gestures (Jones, 2012: 195–232). It should be pointed out that religious discourse was often politicized by Islamist groups, which used the structure of khuþba or balâgha to present political messages in the second part of the speech. Traditional liturgical discourse has also affected Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi who applied the concept of the sermon in his official speeches. The sermon delivered in Ramadan 2014, in which he announced the establishment of the ca- liphate is a good example in that context (Strange, 2014). Contrary to previous jihadist leaders, al-Baghdadi respected all conventions and etiquettes regarding non-verbal and narration features of khuþba (Jones, 2012: 195–232). His sermon was presented in classic Arabic in the main mosque in Mosul above the auditorium in liturgical podium. Al-Baghdadi was wearing sacral clothes and he was standing up at the first step 67 of speech and then he was sitting down during other parts of the discourse. He also avoided loud voices, chaotic gestures or reactions and he used index fingers to precise or underlines some questions. Apart from personal skills, al-Baghdadi followed strict narration and stylistic de- vices of khuþba and balâgha. He started his speech with religious invocations and cita- tions and after a short break he refers to main subjects concerning spiritual values of the holy month, which absolves from all sins and rehabilitates human souls. Ramadan was confronted with specific concept of jihad described by al-Baghdadi as scarified efforts facilitating defeat of enemies and implementation of Islam values and the his- toric caliphate. Furthermore, Al-Baghdadi’s opinions were followed by appropriate argumentations based on sources such as the Quran, hadiths or citations of noble personalities from the history of Muslim empires. For examples, he refers to the speech of the Caliph Abu Bakr who became the first Muslim Caliph from 632 to 634 following the Prophet Mu- hammad’s death. Al-Baghdadi appeals to the famous speech of Abu Bakr after seizure of power: “I have been given the authority over you, and I am not the best of you. If I do well, help me; and if I do wrong, set me right. Sincere regard for truth is loyalty and dis- regard for truth is treachery. The weak amongst you shall be strong with me until I have secured his rights, if God will; and the strong amongst you shall be weak with me until I have wrested from him the rights of others, if God will. Obey me so long as I obey God and His Messenger. But if I disobey God and His Messenger, ye owe me no obedience. Arise for your prayer, God have mercy upon you’’ (Munir, 2005: 39–40). Al-Baghdadi avoided straight political messages but the appeal to the symbolic speech of Abu Bakr enabled to authorize the new Caliphate and to justify ISIS policy ISIS Communication Strategy 173 regarding violent implementation of sharia laws, executions of hostages and religious minorities. It should be pointed out that al-Baghdadi’s speech was addressed to local audiences that have been used to traditional and liturgical discourse. Furthermore, the religious features strengthened ISIS political messages and they stimulated allegiance of rival jihadist groups and recruitment of new insurgents. OFFICIAL MEDIA CHANNELS ISIS has implemented some innovative forms of propaganda that includes new technol- ogies such as TV channels, radio stations or sophisticated online magazines issued in PDF versions. It should be pointed out that all sources are available in different free Web hosting or uploading sites. They are released in multilingual versions in order to attract wide audi- ence, especially young militants from Western countries (Daninos, 2015: 10–14). Dabiq magazine became an important communication platform for radical Islamists around the world (Jihadology, 2015). The name refers to the historic Battle of Marj Dabiq near Aleppo in Syria. In 1516 the Ottoman army conquered most of the Middle East, which encompassed the entire region of Syria and built the new Empire (Gray, 1975: 14–15). Instead of long theological and political discussions, the magazine contains short messages based on suggestive graphics and provocative pictures similar to tabloid press or comics. Cover and first pages from the magazine usually present main head- lines, including slogans regarding policy and strategy of the new caliphate. Statements, manifestos and short reports are always followed by photos illustrating ISIS successful offensives and campaigns in Syria and Iraq, images of wounded soldiers among fires and explosions as well as victorious parades of militants in controlled cities or harvest campaign and distribution of food and water. Other pictures show brutal executions of Shia prisoners, representatives of Christian and Yazidi communities or some colorful and sophisticated graphics showing spectacular terrorist attacks around the world. The pictures are followed by symbolic sentences such as: “Khalifa declared”, “A new era has arrived” or: “It’s either the Islamic state of the flood” (Jihadology, 2015). The Dabiq respects traditional concept of propaganda popularized by previous jihadist leaders such as Osama bin Laden, Abu Musab al-Zarqawi. For example, differ- ent opponents are usually called ºalîbiyyûn (crusaders), þaghut (a devil, a Satan) or kuffâr (sinners) and murtaddûn (apostates). The meanings are already known for radi- cal Islamists, who compare Western and local authorities to the Devil, sins, immorality, crusaders wars or Zionism. Furthermore, the Dabiq presents transliterations of the Arabic words without English equivalents in order to conserve stylistic traditions of jihadist propaganda and to identify symbolic meanings that unite and strengthen ISIS insurgents and followers. It should be also pointed out, that ISIS hijacked the stylistic and linguistic concept of the Inspire magazine issued by Anwar al-Awlaqi who has been killed in 2011 by drone attack on his convoy in Jawf province, Yemen (Koplowitz, 2013).