AN ASPECT OF ARAB SOCIETY OF THE EARLY SEVENTH CENTURY -Non-related People in the Male Line Descendants' Groups- AKIRA GOTO Researcher, the Toyo Bunko (Oriental Library) Introduction It is generally recognized that in Arab society of the early seventh century, the male line descendants' groups were predominant as the social and political units. W. M. Watt says about these groups as follows:(1) "The social and political units among the Arabian nomads were groups of varying sizes. Western writers usually refer to these as 'tribes' or, in the case of the smaller groups and subdivisions, 'sub-tribes' and 'clans', but those terms do not correspond exactly to Arabic terms. There are a number of words in Arabic for such social and political units, but the commonest usage is to refer to a tribe or clan simply as Banu Fulan ('the sons of so and so')." This short account is the most observant note on this subject. It is true that there were many fruitless efforts to discover the Arabic terms corresponding to 'tribes'. Arab historians who left us so-called historical sources about the society, however, seldom discussed the general conception of the 'tribe' or any other social and political units, and they merely described each deed of a certain group, mentioning its proper name, mostly as banu fulan, with a few exceptions.(2) It should be noted that this usage is valid not only for Arab nomads but also for settled Arabs such as the citizens of Mecca and Medina. As expressed by the words, banu fulan (sons of so and so), the groups were formed mainly by kinship in the male line. W. M. Watt continues his account cited above as follows: "The structure of these pre -Islamic tribes has not yet been adequately studied in the light of recent advances in social anthropology. They are presented in Arab tradition as being primarily constituted by kinship in 75 the male line, though there are certain exceptions to this. A person not related to a group by blood (not a sahih or samim) could enjoy some of the privileges of membership, above all protection. He might do so as an ' ally' (halif), a 'protected neighbour' (djar) or a 'client' (mawla)." The aim of this article is to examine the social basis of such exceptions, especially of halif and mawla. W. M. Watt is perhaps the first writer to have distinguished clearly halif from mawla. W. R. Smith, a scholar of the begin- ning of this century, said the following about mawla (pl. mawali):(3) "At the same time an Arabic group might and generally did contain in addition to pure-blooded tribesmen (saraha, sing. sarih) a certain number of slaves and clients. The clients again, mawdli, were of two kinds, freed- men and free Arabs of other kins living under the protection of the tribe or of its chief or some other influential men." He includes both freedmen and free men of other kins under one term 'clients' (mawali) and the usage of this word has been adopted by every Islamic historian without further consideration. Even after the appearance of the two volumes of Muhammad's biography written by W. M. Watt, in which he distinguished ' free men' from 'mawali',(4) the wrong usage has prevailed. It is clear from reli- able sources that 'mawla' means only 'freedmen', and never 'free men of other kins'. W. M. Watt, however, has presented us with few grounds for distinguish- ing between 'mawla' and 'halif'. This is just a note to present the grounds, which should throw light on a certain aspect of the social institutions of Arab society at the time. Before making a detailed examination of 'mawla' and 'halif', it seems desir- able to pay some attention to other kinds of people not related to the groups. Slaves are one such kind of people. In the Qur'an, various Arabic terms cor- responding to the English term 'slaves' are found, such as 'abd (pl. 'ibad, f. ama), raqaba (pl. riqab), ma malakat aymanu-kum, fata' (pl. fatayat), 'abd mamuluk. Though 'abd is used as a general term for 'slave', raqaba corresponds only to those slaves who are about to be freed(5), and the term ma malakat aymanu-kum(one who is kept by your right hand) appears only in reference to a member of a family,(6) (in particular to concubines). Such different usage of terms does not imply, however, that at that time there were several classes of slaves in Arab society. It is possible that one slave may have been called by various terms depending on differing circumstances. 76 ORIENT AN ASPECT OF ARAB SOCIETY OF THE EARLY SEVENTH CENTURY M. H. Lammens insists in his voluminous work(7) that Abyssinian slaves composed a troop of the Meccan military forces. If he is correct, the slave class would have played an important role in the society. True, there was a troop called ahabish (Abyssinian people in the general sense) in the Meccan army op- posed to Muhammad's power. This term, however, clearly refers to the name of a place where Arabs originating from various tribes were living together, and should not be identified with Abyssinian people.(8) Besides this, there is no evidence to prove an important role of slaves in the society; there was no military troop composed of slaves; there were no plantations with slave workers; there were no factories with slave labourers. So, as people not related to the groups of that time, slaves were not so important. The 'jar', (which used to be translated 'protected neighbour'), were also people not related to the group. "If one of the polytheists asks thy protection (istajara-ka), grant his protec- tion (ajir-hu) until he hear the word of Allah, then see that he reaches a place of security." This aya of the Qur'an(9) seems to indicate concisely the conception of the term. Besides this, the following articles of the 'Constitution of Medina'(10) will give us a more detailed conception of it: "The 'protected neighbour' (jar) is as the man himself (protector) so long as he does no harm and does not act treacherously,"; "No woman is given 'neighbourly protection' (tujar) without the consent of her people,"; "No 'neighbourly protection' is given (la tujar) to Quraysh and those who help them,"; finally, the 'Constitution' is concluded with the paragraph, "God is 'protecting neighbour' (jar) of him who acts honourably and fears God, and Muhammad is the Messenger of God." Through these accounts, one may easily recognize that the 'jar' was a protected person who could enjoy the same privileges as the protector. Though Ibn Sa'd and other Arab writers left us biographies of many of Muhammad's contemporaries whose social ranks were very varied, from the most influential men to slaves, including mawali and hulafa', one cannot, however, find any biography of the 'jar'. This fact suggests that the 'jar' was not a perma- nent member of the group, but only a temporary visitor to the group. There- fore, it seems unnecessary to pay more attention to the 'jar'. Vol. XII 1976 77 Mawla (Pl. Mawali) The following are the brief records of the mawali who emigrated from Mecca to Medina and participated in the Battle of Badr:(11) 1) Anasa; mawla attached to Muhammad, born in slavery at al-Sara'a, his father was a Persian and his mother an Abyssinian.(12) 2) Abu Kabsha; mawld attached to Muhammad, born in slavery at Dus, of the Sulaym tribe.(13) 3) Salim; mawla attached to Abu Hudhayfa: according to another version he was attached to a lady named Thubayta from Banu 'Ubayda of ansar because he was freed by her. (14) 4) Sa'd; mawla attached to Hatib b. Abi Balta'a from Banu Asad; Sa'd had been a member of the Kalb tribe, and was enslaved on capture and brought to Hatib.(15) 5) Khabbab b. 'Uzwan; mawla attached to 'Utba.(16) 6) 'Amil b. Fuhayra; mawla attached to Abu Bakr; had been a slave of al- Tufayl b. al-Harith who was a child born of a previous marriage of Abu Bakr's second wife, and after 'Anvil's conversion to Islam, Abu Bakr bought him and freed him.(17) 7) Bilal b. Rabah; mawla attached to Abu Bakr, born in slavery at al- Sara'a; Abu Bakr bought him and freed him.(18) 8) Mihja' b. Salih; mawla attached to 'Umar b. al-Khattab; born in the Yemen; had been enslaved on capture; freed by 'Umar.(19) 9) 'Umayr b. 'Awf; mawla attached to Suhayl b. 'Amr, born in slavery at Mecca.(20) Among the Meccan people there was another mawla whose personal record survives: 10) Abu Rafi'; had been a slave of al-'Abbas b. 'Abd al-Muttalib, given to Muhammad and then freed by him.(21) Among these ten mawali, there was no free Arab, but each of them, except Khabbab of 5) whose record is rather obscure, had once been a slave and then been freed. This fact seems to imply that mawali differed in social standing from free men. The 'Constitution of Medina' declares that a believer could not take a mawla attached to another believer as a halif without the other believer's con- sent. This provision clearly shows the strong dependency of mawali on their 78 ORIENT AN ASPECT OF ARAB SOCIETY OF THE EARLY SEVENTH CENTURY masters. Returning from the Battle of Badr, Muhammad praised a brave com- batant named Abu Hind who was a mawla attached to an ansar at that time and said to his people;(22) "Well, Abu Hind should become a member of the ansar and they should marry him to one of them." This speech of Muhammad implies that Abu Hind as a mawla had not yet been given full membership of the society.