City Harvest Church of Singapore: an Ecclesial Paradigm for Pentecostalism in the Postmodern World

City Harvest Church of Singapore: an Ecclesial Paradigm for Pentecostalism in the Postmodern World

chapter 14 City Harvest Church of Singapore: An Ecclesial Paradigm for Pentecostalism in the Postmodern World Kim-kwong Chan This chapter examines a church that fits the following criteria: it embraces Pen- tecostalism, it is situated in a Chinese cultural milieu, it enjoys healthy growth, it is developing a new ecclesial paradigm, it influences local and regional ecclesial communities, it has demonstrated the ability to transplant itself cross- culturally, and it contributes to the diverse expression of Christianity. The subject is the City Harvest Church 城市丰收教会 (chc) in Singapore, and the discussion here concentrates on its ecclesial implications for the future development of Pentecostalism in Chinese, if not global, Christianity. Pentecostalism and the Global Chinese Christian Community The origins of contemporary Pentecostalism were shaped by its relationship to the broader Chinese society. As Pentecostalism began to take root in Chinese Christianity,1 the new movement initially met with enthusiasm, especially among foreign mission circles in China, who vigorously preached this new- found or rediscovered truth. They established major centers in various parts of China with the help of newly arriving Pentecostal missions from North Amer- ica. Gradually this movement began to cause tensions within mission circles, and many missionaries with Pentecostal experience broke away from their original mission boards and founded rival agencies. As the movement spread to some Chinese congregations, it caused further divisions. Many denominations * I would like to acknowledge Pastor Kong Hee and the team of pastors at chc, who allowed me to have access to the records of chc and its related ministries, as well as chc church members, chc School Of Theology students, leaders of its affiliated churches, and the ben- eficiaries of its social ministries. They also sponsored much of my fieldwork in Singapore and Malaysia. This study was made possible by the generous support, trust, and openness that chc extended to me. 1 For a comprehensive treatment of this theme, see Melton 2012. © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���7 | doi �0.��63/978900434�8��_0�6 <UN> City Harvest Church of Singapore 287 and mission agencies in China, such as the Presbyterians and China Inland Mission, openly condemned the movement as divisive and heretical. The Pen- tecostals in China, despite their small number at that time, did not unite to form a common front but split into different camps due to internal theological disputes. In the eyes of Chinese Christian leaders, this nascent movement was characterized by quarrels, chaos, division, heresy, and controversy, and it has been shunned by mainstream Chinese Christianity ever since. Subsequent events further constrained Pentecostal influence on Chinese Christianity, at least until the end of the twentieth century. First, the “first fruit” of Chinese indigenous Pentecostalism—the True Jesus Church 真耶穌教會 (tjc)—not only embraced the Pentecostal theology of Holy Spirit baptism and the practice of glossolalia, but also ecclesial practices such as foot washing and observing the Sabbath. The tjc also laid claim to tremors or shaking dur- ing glossolalia as a unique spiritual hallmark. All these practices could be theo- logically justified in a wider Christian context. Nevertheless, within the young and restrained mainline Chinese Christian community, the tjc was regarded as an oddity incompatible with orderly mainline Christian practices and con- sequently has for the most part remained entrenched in its ecclesial enclave. Second, in the 1960s a Hong Kong movie star, Mui Yee 梅绮,2 experienced the baptism of the Holy Spirit and founded the New Testament Church 新约 教会 in Hong Kong, and later among Chinese Christians in diaspora in Tai- wan, Malaysia (Tan 2011:227, 233), and other parts of Southeast Asia. These new churches were generally established by her followers after they broke ties with their original churches. Yee stressed glossolalia, healing, and prophecy and became a sensation within Chinese Christian circles, generating many theo- logical debates. In 1966 she developed tongue cancer and prophesied that she would be resurrected three days after she died from cancer. The nonfulfillment of her prophecy generated further anti-Pentecostal sentiment in mainline Chinese Christian circles, which continue to hold the conviction that these charismatic experiences would never be compatible with the orthodox Chris- tianity embraced by the Chinese churches. Finally, scientific materialism (Marxism-Leninism) became the official or- thodoxy of the People’s Republic of China. In this worldview, all supernatural phenomena are regarded as superstitions to be eradicated from the socialist nation. Beginning in the early 1950s, the Christian church was forbidden to 2 Her full name is Jiang Duanyi 江端儀, or Kong Duen Yee, and she was well known under the alias Mui Yee. She became popular through her movies, which were widely distributed in the Chinese-speaking communities in Asia. See “江端儀,” Wikipedia, http://zh.wikipedia.org/ wiki/%E6%B1%9F%E7%AB%AF%E5%84%80 (accessed March 26, 2015). <UN>.

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