THE WILDERNESS MYTH: WILDERNESS IN BRITISH COLUMBIA by ERIC OWEN DAVIES B.A. University of British Columbia 196 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of Geography We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA April 1972 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for.reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the Head of my Department or by his representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department of The University of British Columbia Vancouver 8, Canada Date ABSTRACT The exploitation of natural resources in British Columbia has been strongly influenced by man's attitudes towards his environment. These attitudes have evolved from the cultural and historical legacy of Europe as well as from certain unique North American characteristics. As an ultimately irreplacable resource, wilderness serves as an interesting example of man's relationship to his environment. However, this relationship is difficult to document, requiring consideration of such diverse aspects as the cultural and historical sources of wilderness attitudes; the various values placed on wilderness; the treat• ment of wilderness as reflected in parks policy; and an approximate knowledge of the existing distribution of wilderness in British Columbia. Attempts to integrate these can at best only provide a personal view of the overall situation, but this seems useful if there is to be progress towards the understanding of man's relationship to his environment. The North American's perception and treatment of wilderness have been significantly affected by human history generally and North American myths specifically. Only in the last seventy to ^ ^eighty years has it been possible for North Americans to regard wilderness without a'.great deal of fear and disdain. Up until this time the wilderness was an area of the unknown where man ventured in fear of his physical and spiritual safety. With the advent of an increasingly technocratic society, wilderness has come to serve as a significantly important symbol for a growing number of people. Wilderness stands as a symbol of man's origins and of his initial role as a member of the earth community. It symbolizes a collection of goals, ideals, and values that man may pursue as alternatives to pure material achievement. Also, because it is ultimately an irreplacable resource, wilderness preservation represents the preservation of individual freedoms and the number of alternatives available to future generations. The predominantly negative attitudes towards wilderness have facilitated and encouraged its hastened removal from the North American scene. Certainly British Columbia presently possesses vast amounts of wilderness. However, given the relatively short period of time since the date of its original European settlement, the rate of wilderness depletion must be regarded as significant. In examining wilderness losses over five time periods ranging from 1923 to 1970 it was found that the greatest alienations occurred following WW II, notably on Vancouver Island and in the mainland area south of 54°. While the rates of wilderness loss in these two regions have slowed somewhat, the. mainland area north of 54° is currently experiencing wilderness loss at an accelerating rate. In 1970 less than 40% of the mainland area south of 54° could be classified as wilderness. This same figure for Vancouver Island was discovered to be less than six percent. Study of the mainland area north of 54° indicated that 84% of this area was wilderness, although this figure was based on insufficient data. In light of this wilderness view for British Columbia, eight specific reccommendations on preservation policies at both the Federal and Provincial levels of Government can be outlined: clarification of .purposes and objectives, greater cooperation between governments, implementation of a public education program, preservation of future alternatives, a greater emphasis on long-term considerations, and a broader basis for policy decisions. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Abstract i List of Tables vi List of Figures vii List of Maps viii Acknowledgement ix CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER 2 A CULTURAL AND HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE 7 CHAPTER 3 WILDERNESS VALUES The Ultimate Irreplacable Resource 29 Wilderness Values 31 CHAPTER 4 WILDERNESS AND BRITISH COLUMBIA'S PARKS The National Parks 50 Summary 70 The Provincial Parks 72 Strathcona Provincial Park 81 Tweedsmuir Provincial Park 90 Conclusions 96 V CHAPTER 5 Page DETERMINATION OF WILDERNESS DISTRIBUTION Introduction 99 Definitions 101 Approaches to Mapping the Wilderness 1. Sampling Ill 2. Accessibility 115 3. Mapping 116 CHAPTER 6 WILDERNESS DISTRIBUTION Introduction 121 Wilderness Distribution Over Time 124 Wilderness Distribution 1970 143 Summary 162 CHAPTER 7 CONCLUSIONS 164 BIBLIOGRAPHY 17 3 vi TABLES Page I. Land Areas of British Columbia 124 II. Amount of Non-Wilderness at Given Time for Regions of British Columbia 139 III. Area of Additional Non-Wilderness as Indicated from Examination of National Topographic Series Maps at a Scale of 1:250,000 143 IV. Percentage of Wilderness Contained in Each Unit of Grid 148 V. Residuals Prom Sample .. 153 VI. Residuals for Each Grid Unit South of 54° 159 VII. Relationship Between Wilderness and Elevation 161 vii FIGURES Page la. Change in Wilderness Area Over Time for Mainland Regions South and North of 54 . 134 b. Change in Amount of Non-Wilderness for Each Time Period for Mainland Regions South and North of 54° 134 2a. Change in Wilderness Area Over Time for Vancouver Island and Queen Charlotte Islands 137 b. Change in Amount of Non-Wilderness for Each Time Period for Vancouver Island and Queen Charlotte Islands 137 3. Total Amount of Non-Wilderness at Given Time for British Columbia 139 4. Percentage of Wilderness at Given Time for Regions of British Columbia '. 141 5. Average Size of Wilderness Areas in Province at Given Times 141 6. Percentage of Wilderness in Each Horizontal Row of Grid 149 7. Residuals From Sample 154 8.' New Quantities of Wilderness for Vancouver Island as Obtained from Three Map Sources 1970 156 9. Total Value of Residuals for Each Row South of 54° 156 viii MAPS Page 1. National and Provincial Parks in British Columbia 51 2. Ybho and Kootenay National Parks 67 3. Strathcona Provincial Park 89 4. Tweedsmuir Provincial Park 94 5. Wilderness Distribution in British Columbia 1923 125 6. Wilderness Distribution in British Columbia 1937 126 7. Wilderness Distribution in British Columbia 1948 127 8. Wilderness Distribution in British Columbia 1957 128 9. Wilderness Distribution in British Columbia 1970 129 10. Wilderness Distribution in British Columbia 1970 (revised) 146 ix ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would first like to thank Dr. Gary Gates and Mr. K.G. Denike of the Department of Geography, U.B.C, for their help and encouragement throughout the development of this thesis. I am especially indebted to the spirit of academic freedom provided by Dr. Gates. I should also like bo thank Dr. C.S. Holling of the Resource Science Center, U.B.C. for supplying me with financial support from the Ford Foundation. Thanks must also be extended to the Department of Geography, U.B.C. for the additional financial assistance provided. Finally I should like to thank my parents for their continued encouragement and my wife Diane who has provided both moral and financial support. CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION We have met the enemy and he is us. (Pogo, by Walt Kelly, date unknown) From the time of the first European settlements, North America has been subjected to actions based on several myths. Two of the most basic of these have been the myths of "progress" and "overabundance." The former refers to North America's conception of progress as meaning increased material production at virtually any cost. A tacit assumption in pursuing progress has been that the attainment of material wealth would ensure the evolution of a significant culture and a well-adjusted society. It was seldom questioned that material wealth was synonymous with progress and that this was a highly desirable goal for a new nation striving for recognition. The myth of overabundance has nicely complemented the myth of progress, based as it is on the premise that the resources of this continent were inexhaustable. Thus, with an endless supply of resources it was relatively easy to envisage a continuous flow of material growth. It was this combination of myths coupled with an advancing technology and unbounding human energies that rushed a frontier across a continent and in the process enveloped the natural resources of the land at a totally unprecedented rate. - 2 - The myths of progress and overabundance are related directly to those myths that have evolved around wilderness. The first of these centres around the under• standing and perception of what wilderness is and what it symbolises. The second is merely a special case of the myth of overabundance, that is, that vast areas of wilderness presently exist and will continue to do so in the future without any conscious effort towards p re s e rvati on. The history and culture of North America have predisposed its peoples to perceive wilderness in a particularly negative manner. The unconquered wilderness was that area which harboured savage men and animals as well as countless demons of the imagination. It was inevitable, therefore, that the wilderness itself should become inbued with the same negative attributes. The frontiersman shared the condition of very early man who was forced to remove the forests in order to build settlements and to provide protection from wild animals and nature.