University of Denver Digital Commons @ DU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Graduate Studies 1-1-2014 Beyond Donors and Dollars: An Ethnographic Case Study of International Aid and Its Agents in Mozambique Carly Amanda Santoro University of Denver Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/etd Part of the African Studies Commons, and the Biological and Physical Anthropology Commons Recommended Citation Santoro, Carly Amanda, "Beyond Donors and Dollars: An Ethnographic Case Study of International Aid and Its Agents in Mozambique" (2014). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 575. https://digitalcommons.du.edu/etd/575 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate Studies at Digital Commons @ DU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ DU. For more information, please contact [email protected],[email protected]. BEYOND DONORS AND DOLLARS: AN ETHNOGRAPHIC CASE STUDY OF INTERNATIONAL AID AND ITS AGENTS IN MOZAMBIQUE ____________ A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of Social Sciences University of Denver __________ In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts __________ by Carly A. Santoro March 2014 Advisor: Dr. M. Dores Cruz Author: Carly A. Santoro Title: BEYOND DONORS AND DOLLARS: AN ETHNOGRAPHIC CASE STUDY OF INTERNATIONAL AID AND ITS AGENTS IN MOZAMBIQUE Advisor: Dr. M. Dores Cruz Degree Date: March 2014 Abstract In Mozambique, international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) work mainly in Mozambique’s rural areas, with programs dedicated to the prevention of infectious diseases, education, access to food and clean water, gender equity, and many other concerns. Yet despite these efforts, Mozambican populations are critical of NGOs’ missions and practices, and Mozambique remains one of the poorest countries in the world. To explore these issues concerning contradictions in aid in Mozambique, I employ the concept of cultural capital, which refers to cultural practices, perspectives, and beliefs in relation to one’s ability to access symbolic and material goods. My thesis examines the degree to which three classes of agents (rural Mozambicans, urban Mozambicans, and Western expatriates) utilize cultural capital by examining the perceptions, behaviors, and cultural trends within the groups as they relate to international development. ii Acknowledgements This thesis would not have been possible without the assistance and support of a variety of people. Firstly I’d like to thank my informants who are working on the front lines of development, and thinking critically about the issues I discuss herein. I would also like to express my gratitude to the Irmãs Concepcionistas who opened their home to us and provided a wealth of hospitality, the district administration in Manjacaze and the local administrators, the Institute of Socio-Cultural Research of Mozambique (ARPAC) and Dr. Fernando Dava, director of ARPAC. The completion of this thesis also greatly benefitted from funding from the Office of Internationalization and Humanities Institute Student Travel and Research Grant given by the University of Denver, the faculty research grant given to Dr. Cruz, and colleagues at the Department of Anthropology and Archaeology at the University Eduardo Mondlane, with whom I discussed the project. I would like to express my special appreciation and thanks to my advisors. Dr. Cruz, as my project is part of your broader research in Mozambique, concentrating particularly in Manjacaze, this thesis would not have been possible without your guidance. For your support in providing me with this research opportunity, networking, and going above and beyond the call of duty to assist in this task, I owe you a great deal of thanks. Dr. Clemmer-Smith, thank you for always being encouraging and insightful; I consistently felt a renewed zeal for my research after thesis meetings with you. Thank you to my other committee members, Dr. Renee Botta and Dr. Alejandro Cerón for taking time to read my thesis and for your much appreciated contributions. Thank you. iii Table of Contents Chapter One: Introduction………………………………………………………………...1 Mozambique: The Darling of Development?..........................................................1 Bourdieu and Cultural Production………………………………………...9 Chapter Two: Historical and Cultural Background……………………………………...19 Manjacaze and Colonialism……………………………………………………...24 Chapter Three: Theoretical Context and Literature Review………………………….….56 Social and Cultural Capital……………………………………………………....57 Chapter Four: The Dusty Road to Manjacaze……………………………………….......94 On the Trail of Development: Investigative Fieldwork in Manjacaze………......99 Chapter Five: An Urban Mozambican Perspective…………………………………….151 “Poverty is a Big Business in Mozambique”………………………………......159 Chapter Six: Espresso and Expatriates………………………………………………....191 “An NGO is like a Seagull”……………………………………………….........192 Chapter Seven: Conclusion…………………………………………………………......225 References………………………………………………………………………………248 iv CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION Mozambique: The Darling of Development? A gust of wind greets me at the corner of Avenida Eduardo Mondlane and Avenida Julius Nyerere as I examine my tattered map one last time. After winding my way through streets named after various heroes of socialist and communist persuasion in Maputo, the capital of Mozambique, I am tantalizingly close to my destination. The vague directions I am following have instructed me to go two blocks up on Avenida Eduardo Mondlane, named for the hero of Mozambique’s liberation struggle; the apartment I am looking for is somewhere on that block. A few passersby curiously glance my way, no doubt intrigued by the American-looking woman seemingly engrossed in an annotated map of their city. This is my first week in Maputo without the guidance of my advisor, Dr. Dores Cruz and my first venture into fieldwork researching expatriates living in the country. My fieldwork until now has mostly taken place in Manjacaze1, a rural town vastly different from the bustling city life of Maputo. Feeling nostalgic for the relative simplicity of Manjacaze’s town layout, I put my Maputo map away as the wind picks up yet again. Discarded trash swirls in the air before settling on the opposite side of the street. The Maputo air smells faintly of ocean breeze, seafood, and refuse all rolled into one. The city is situated on the Indian Ocean, and an 1 I am using the Portuguese spelling for Manjacaze. The Changaan term is Mandlazaki. Despite the recognition of the Changaan term and its use by Changaan speakers, the interviews in this region were conducted in Portuguese and Manjacaze is generally used when speaking Portuguese or English. 1 array of seafood restaurants offering the famous “LM [Lourenço Marques2] Prawns” dot the coast. The apartment I’m looking for is merely a few hundred meters away from the sea, and the breeze and ocean air are constant reminders of the vast expanse of the nearby Indian Ocean. The area of Maputo along the ocean front is the wealthier part of the city, where most of the expatriates live, but where there are very few Mozambicans. After several more minutes of searching for the elusive residence, I hear a voice behind me call out in English, “Looking for Elliott3’s apartment?” The voice belongs to a young white man standing next to a red Toyota truck, hauling cases of Laurentina beer from the back seat along with an assortment of mismatched lawn chairs. Initially startled by his English greeting and American appearance, I answer in the affirmative. “You here for the party at Elliott’s?” he asks again with a smile as he drags a large cooler from the bed of the pickup. After establishing that I am indeed there for the party, he introduces himself as Alex, one of Elliott’s friends from the international school they both attended in Maputo. Despite his Billabong sweatshirt and hemp choker, both of which I identify as being uniquely American, Alex is a young man who has lived in Mozambique for over twenty years, a child of Italian parents who moved to the country for work. Elliott, whose apartment I had been searching for, works as a Program Coordinator for Save the Children, one of the hundreds of international non- governmental organizations (INGOs) currently operating in Mozambique. I was given Elliott’s contact information by an American intern who had passed through Manjacaze and who had suggested that he might be a good resource for expatriate contacts in 2 Lourenço Marques was the colonial name of the capital before being renamed Maputo in 1976. 3 For the purpose of confidentiality, I will be using pseudonyms for informants. 2 Maputo. As it turned out, the intern was quite right. Luckily for me on this particular Saturday afternoon, I had managed to obtain an invite to his party, and I was anxious to meet him and gather more contacts to further my research. Grateful to have a guide for the next part of this endeavor, I follow Alex up the winding stairs leading to Elliott’s apartment. Along the way, Alex identifies an open space filled with paint cans and construction gear as Elliott’s new apartment. It is currently being renovated; the party is on the rooftop. We continue to the roof, beers and lawn chairs in hand. The scene that greets us takes me by surprise. Upon subsequent reflection, however, I realize that it is not at all unusual. The gathering could have easily been mistaken for a typical party in any American city. There are about twenty or thirty young people milling about, American music is blasting on the stereo, and an array of Mexican food is laid out on a table. To make the picture complete, bottles of Trader Joe’s hot sauce are scattered around the food, and a game of Beer Pong, a typical American drinking game, is being set up off to the side. Most of the people in attendance are American, with a few Europeans mixed in the crowd. Portuguese as the dominant language has disappeared, replaced by animated discussions and abounding jokes in English.