P. Sercombe Adjacent Cross-Border Iban Communities; a Comparison with Reference to Language

P. Sercombe Adjacent Cross-Border Iban Communities; a Comparison with Reference to Language

P. Sercombe Adjacent cross-border Iban communities; A comparison with reference to language In: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 155 (1999), no: 4, Leiden, 596-616 This PDF-file was downloaded from http://www.kitlv-journals.nl Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 11:00:46PM via free access PETER G. SERCOMBE Adjacent Cross-Border Iban Communities A Comparison with Reference to Language 1. Introduction The Iban comprise one of the most numerous of the indigenous groups in Borneo and, while in Sarawak (in East Malaysia, on the island of Borneo) they constitute an indigenous majority, in neighbouring Brunei they are a minority group, as well as being considered non-indigenous to the state. Given that a number of minority groups in Brunei appear to be undergoing a process of ethnolinguistic assimilation under the hegemony of the numeric- ally and politically dominant Brunei Malays, one might reasonably enquire if there has been cultural and linguistic assimilation among the Iban of Brunei (despite their relatively strong ethnolinguistic vitality rating (Martin 1995:32)). Cultural and linguistic shift in Southeast Asia and the Pacific rim have received increasing attention in recent years. Important contributions include: Thurston 1987, Mühlhausler 1989, Florey 1991, Kulick 1992, Dutton (ed.) 1992, and Dutton and Tryon (eds) 1994. In Brunei there has been the work of Eva Kershaw (1994) on the position of Dusun and that of Martin (1995) with respect to the ethnolinguistic vitality of indigenous languages under the domination of Brunei Malay, while Sercombe (1996a) briefly con- sidered the ethnolinguistic situation among the tiny group of Penan (official- ly considered non-indigenous), former hunter-gatherers for whom the tran- sition to a settled existence has itself been a radical change. To date, the Iban in Brunei have received little close attention other than in the demographic studies of Austin (1976, 1977a and 1977b) and in Not- hofer's survey of Brunei languages (1991). The Iban in Sarawak, however, PETER G. SERCOMBE is a lecturer in the Department of English Language and Applied Linguistics at the Universiti Brunei Darussalam who graduated from Bedford College and Essex University (UK). Interested in language use and identity, he has previously published 'Ethnolinguistic change among the Penan of Brunei; Some initial observations', Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 152-2:257-74, and 'An annotated bibliography of the Penan of Brunei', Borneo Research Bulletin 27 (1996):52-63. Mr. Sercombe may be contacted at the Department of English Language and Applied Linguistics, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, Universiti Brunei Darussalam, BE 1410 Brunei. E-mail address: <[email protected]>. BKl 155-4 (1999) Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 11:00:46PM via free access Adjacent Cross-Border Iban Communities 597 have received rather more consideration from scholars in recent times. Kedit's work on modernization (1980a and 1980b), Asmah's description of Iban grammar (1981), Freeman's detailed ethnographic study of Iban agri- culture (1992 (1970)), Sutlive's account of the effects of urbanization (1972 and 1992a), and Jawan's analysis of the Iban in the arena of Sarawak politics as well as economie development among this group (1992 and 1994) are just a few of the more widely known published sources on this subject. This paper compares the circumstances of two Iban longhouses situated approximately two miles apart, but otherwise located in the separate nation states of Brunei and Malaysia. The two groups inhabit areas with markedly different environments, despite their close geographical proximity, especial- ly as re.gards economie conditions, which, I believe, have had and continue to have a significant effect on their patterns of language use. The picture given here is a general one and does not give detailed consideration to the potential significance of age and gender differences, which might otherwise have revealed finer distinctions in language use between various subgroup- ings within each community. 2. Background to the study 2.1 History of the Iban people The history of the Iban in Sarawak is thought to have commenced with their migration from the Kapuas River region in western Kalimantan by way of the low-lying watershed between the Kapuas and the Batang Lupar River (around three centuries ago). They are reported to have come in search of new land for cultivation and to expand their territory (Sandin 1967:1 and 1994:79). The Iban have been particularly noted for their considerable mobility (Austin 1976:64), and this accounts for their spread into and throughout Sarawak since they first arrived on the island of Borneo, compared with the less widespread movement of other groups. Ibans, however, remain numer- ically predominant in western Sarawak. Groups of Iban subsequently began to migrate eastward across Sarawak to the Baram River in significant numbers between 1900 and 1941. Here they settled largely in the lower Baram area and on the larger tributaries, the Bakong and Tinjar. They were prompted in this both by their own desire to acquire new land and by the encouragement, during the earliest decades of the present century, of the ruler of Sarawak, Charles Brooke, who regarded the Iban as a buffer against the Sultanate of Brunei as well as a useful means of keeping the inhabitants of the Baram district in check (Pringle 1970:269- 72). Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 11:00:46PM via free access 598 Peter G. Sercombe 2.2 Economy of the Iban people The Iban have been traditionally characterized as dry-rice shifting cultiv- ators. The swidden method of agriculture meant that there was a continual search for new land, which the Iban were then able to continue colonizing until fairly recently. Theirs is basically a rice culture, aimed at ensuring ample supplies of this staple food. In recent decades, however, cacao, pepper and rubber, among others, have been planted as cash crops. Nowadays, increas- ing numbers of Iban are seeking work in urban, coastal areas (see Sutlive 1992a), in the same way as members of other ethnic groups throughout Borneo, in order to satisfy changing needs and values. Symbols of status are rapidly becoming 'consumeristic, mass cultural and alien to local ethnic tra- ditions' (Mulder 1996:175), as has been observed also in the case of groups in Java, Indonesia, undergoing similar kinds of change. Both longhouse com- munities considered here now tend to buy video players and televisions for the home - a trend that is certainly not exclusive to Iban - instead of acquir- ing the large ceramic jars that were the traditional wealth totems (even though these are still esteemed, though more as antiques or relies of a past era than as modern symbols of prestige). 2.3 Social organization of the Iban people Ibans (like the majority of other indigenous groups throughout Borneo) have traditionally occupied longhouses, generally located beside and facing rivers. They have comprised mainly autonomous communities, which are unstratified, unlike those of many other Bornean groups, which are general- ly more institutionally hierarchical in their social organization (see Revel- MacDonald 1988:80). They are not necessarily egalitarian (see Rousseau 1980:52-63), however, and every longhouse village has a headman (tuai rumah) or - exceptionally - a headwoman. Since the arrival of European col- onizers, the way an Iban longhouse leader is viewed, and the way in which he retains his position, has come to be more influenced by factors outside Iban society, particularly the central government. As was recognized by Steward, trying to account for cultural change among primitive societies around the world, 'In states, nations and empires the nature of the local group is determined by these larger institutions no less than by its local adaptations' (Steward 1955:32). 2.4 Distinctive cultural features of the Iban people The Iban have tended to remain strong adherents of certain traditions and are famous throughout Sarawak and West Kalimantan for their gawai (festivals), particularly the harvest festival, held annually at the end of May. This is despite massive social, political and economie changes throughout Borneo, especially since Sarawak became part of Malaysia in 1963 (see Cleary and Downloaded from Brill.com09/25/2021 11:00:46PM via free access Adjacent Cross-Border Iban Communities 599 Eaton 1992:3; Avé and King 1986:65). Significant here is the fact that even when Ibans embrace a major religion such as Islam or Christianity, many con- tinue to observe their traditional festivals with vigour.1 2.5 The Iban language Iban is an isolect of the Malayic subgroup of the Austronesian language fam- ily. Cense and Uhlenbeck, in their critical survey of Borneo languages, actu- ally treated Iban as a dialect of Malay (Cense and Uhlenbeck 1958:10), a view which, when put forward in the Malaysian media, sparked considerable con- troversy (see Ejau 1987; Masing 1987). The notion that Iban is a Malay dialect is not accepted by most Ibans, who themselves would prefer to be seen as a separate ethnic category. Moreover, Iban and Malay are considered to be mutually incomprehensible by those who clearly identify themselves with one or the other grouping. Adelaar (1992:v) states that 'Historically Iban [...] underwent a separate development from other Malayic isolects', and cites Hudson's opinion that, while Iban and Malay are closely related, Iban is 'a language in its own right' (Adelaar 1992:1). Adelaar subsequently

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