Pressing Concerns: Hong Kong’s Media in an Era of Transition by Stephen J. Hutcheon The Joan Shorenstein Center ■ Discussion Paper D-32 PRESS POLITICS September 1998 ■■PUBLIC POLICY Harvard University John F. Kennedy School of Government Copyright© 1998, President and Fellows of Harvard College All rights reserved The Joan Shorenstein Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy John F. Kennedy School of Government Harvard University 79 John F. Kennedy Street Cambridge, MA 02138 Telephone (617) 495-8269 • Fax: (617) 495-8696 Web Site Address: http://ksgwww.harvard.edu/~presspol/home.htm INTRODUCTION Contrary to the predictions of most pundits, Yet, at the same time that these democratic scholars and journalists that China’s takeover of institutions were being established, Hutcheon Hong Kong in July 1997 would lead to the ero- reveals that a form of self-censorship emerged in sion of Hong Kong’s freedom of the press, rule of an effort not to upset China or its pro-Chinese law and democratic institutions while its econ- allies in Hong Kong. This self-censorship was omy would continue to thrive, one year later, reinforced by changes in the ownership structure just the opposite seems to have happened. Due to of the media in the 1990s when overseas the Asian economic crisis, which could not have Chinese business magnets, who held substantial been predicted before the takeover, the economy commercial interests in China, bought up has faltered, but Hong Kong’s democratic institu- important Hong Kong media outlets. They cared tions still thrive. Raised in Hong Kong and the more about winning favor with China’s leaders China correspondent for the Sydney Morning than maintaining freedom of the press. Herald in Australia, Stephen J. Hutcheon makes Hutcheon shows the impact of this development none of the above predictions in “Pressing on the South China Morning Post, the oldest Concerns: Hong Kong’s Media in an Era of and most authoritative English language paper in Transition.” He wrote this paper while a Fellow Hong Kong. Shortly after it was bought by a at the Shorenstein Center during the fall semes- Chinese businessman from Malaysia, the paper ter of 1997 when he asserts that it was too early fired its irreverent cartoonist who poked fun of to figure out what would happen to one of Asia’s China’s political leaders as well as of British most “vibrant and open media communities.” rule. Even Western media owners caved in to Nevertheless, his paper analyzes the forces that pressure from Beijing in order to gain access to could erode the freedom of the Hong Kong media the Chinese market. Rupert Murdoch, who and the counter forces that might help to protect bought Star TV, won permission to expand from the media’s independence. As his approach sug- Hong Kong into China proper on the condition gests, it is still too early to know which of these that he eliminate its BBC news broadcasts which forces might win out. had antagonized the Chinese authorities. He points out that even under British rule, Despite this self-censorship, however, the Hong Kong media was not altogether free. Hong Kong’s media in the year following the The British imposed laws used in its other takeover, for the most part, has functioned rela- colonies to ensure that the press would not tively freely. In part this is due to newspeople oppose its rule. Although in practice these laws who are dedicated to their profession. Though were rarely used, freedom of the press came grad- Hutcheon observes that the Hong Kong journal- ually to Hong Kong. The Hong Kong Journalists ist profession is relatively young and inexperi- Association became publicly more outspoken enced, the South China Morning Post has a and Hong Kong’s citizens became more active in number of veteran journalists who continue to asserting their rights only by the mid-1980s, report fairly objectively on events in China as more than a century after British rule. The major well as in Hong Kong. There are also veteran impetus for more democratic procedures came in radio and television producers in Hong Kong reaction to the Chinese military crackdown on who refuse to be intimidated. One of them is Ng protestors in Tiananmen Square on June 4, 1989, Ming-lam, who established popular radio call-in when over one million of Hong Kong’s six mil- and news programs on Radio Television Hong lion population demonstrated and demanded Kong, a government-owned network. These pro- more democratic institutions to protect them- grams criticized political leaders both in Hong selves from similar crackdowns after the Kong and China. When, after the takeover, a takeover. When Christopher Patten became Standing Committee member of one of China’s British governor in 1992, the pressure for democ- rubber-stamp parliaments, Tsui Sze-man ratic elections increased and in 1995, the first attacked Radio Television Hong Kong, for lam- fully democratic elections took place in which pooning politicians, Ng then switched to Metro the Democratic Party, led by Martin Lee, became broadcast, but Radio Television Hong Kong con- the majority party in Hong Kong’s Legislative tinued with its hard-hitting news programs and Council (LegCo). irreverent call-in shows. Stephen Hutcheon 1 Despite the influx of outside owners of the emphasized that a critical media is vital to an media, within Hong Kong there are some strong open, vigorous economy and society. If Hong independent media owners who uphold freedom Kong lost its freedom of expression and infor- of expression. Hutcheon focuses on Jimmy Law mation, she warns, it could not maintain its Chee-ying, the publisher of the Chinese lan- world economic status. Even though the elected guage Apple Daily, the best-selling Hong Kong LegCo had been dissolved after the takeover, newspaper. He has shown himself unafraid of pro-democratic groups made a spectacular come- challenging and even insulting China’s leaders. back in Hong Kong’s first legislative election He had also been a co-owner of the clothing under Chinese rule. Although the pro-Beijing retailer Giordano, which has stores all over administration devised the new electoral sys- Asia, including China. When in 1993 he called tem, based on restricted proportional representa- China’s then Prime Minister Li Peng, a “turtle’s tion, to stop the Democratic Party of Martin egg with a zero IQ” because he had carried out Lee, in the election to the new LegCo in May the orders to crack down on the Tiananmen 1998, the Democratic Party and their allies took Square protestors, his stores in Beijing and 15 of the 20 directly elected seats. Therefore, for Shanghai were closed down. He then sold his the first time since the 1949 Communist revo- stake in Giordano and concentrated completely lution, China has a legally recognized opposi- on his publishing empire. Although his publica- tion party. tions have not directly insulted China’s leaders The accepted wisdom has been that Beijing since the takeover, they continue to report rela- will determine Hong Kong’s future, but there is tively objectively on events in China. the possibility, as suggested in this paper and as Hutcheon cautions, however, that Apple seen in the events since the takeover, that such Daily continues to be the largest paper in post- Hong Kong phenomena as an independent pub- takeover Hong Kong not because of its hard- lisher, such as Jimmy Lai, and a legally recog- hitting political reporting, but because of its nized opposition party, may, in the long rum, sensationalist coverage of sex, crime, and scan- have a greater impact on China than Beijing has dals and its unique column on Hong Kong’s red on Hong Kong. light district and brothels. Apple Daily’s large circulation may also be due to the fact that it Merle Goldman more closely reflects the concerns of Hong Professor of Chinese History Kong’s population than any foreign-owned or Boston University and Beijing-run newspaper, such as Ta Kung Pao. Associate The Harvard intellectual historian, Leo Lee, Fairbank Center for East Asian Research explains that while on the surface nothing Harvard University much seems to have changed in Hong Kong, he reveals that underneath much is changing and that change is mirrored in Apple Daily. While the former British culture and language has been pushed aside by Chinese culture and lan- guage, it is not by the Mandarin culture and lan- guage of Beijing, but by the Cantonese culture and language of nearby Guangdong. Cantonese make up the overwhelming majority of Hong Kong’s population. Jimmy Lai is Cantonese and his Apple Daily expresses that culture and lan- guage. Thus, its impact on Hong Kong’s popula- tion is bound to be much greater than that of the South China Morning Post or Star TV. What happens to Jimmy Lai and his Apple Daily may be the best predictor of Hong Kong’s future under Beijing rule. Individuals, public pressure groups and LegCo also act as watchdogs. Mr. Tsui’s attack on Radio Television Hong Kong was almost unanimously condemned. Hong Kong’s chief administrator, Anson Chan has repeatedly 2 Pressing Concerns Pressing Concerns: Hong Kong’s Media in an Era of Political Transition by Stephen J. Hutcheon Introduction to step up its monitoring and “guidance” work Shortly after the crushing of the Chinese among the Hong Kong press. Using tactics rang- pro-democracy movement in June 1989, China’s ing from gentle persuasion to outright threats, 2 newly anointed leader, Jiang Zemin, hosted a the agency sought to bring the press to heel. delegation of Hong Kong luminaries.