Trans. Revista Transcultural de Música E-ISSN: 1697-0101 [email protected] Sociedad de Etnomusicología España Stone, Ruth M. Shaping time and rhythm in african music: continuing concerns and emergent issues in motion and motor action Trans. Revista Transcultural de Música, núm. 11, julio, 2007, p. 0 Sociedad de Etnomusicología Barcelona, España Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=82201104 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative Shaping Time and Rhythm in African Music: Continuing Concerns and Emergent I... Página 1 de 9 Revista Transcultural de Música Transcultural Music Review #11 (2007) ISSN:1697-0101 Shaping Time and Rhythm in African Music: Continuing Concerns and Emergent Issues in Motion and Motor Action[1] Ruth M. Stone Key words: Motion and Motor Action; Rythm in African music; Kpelle in Pepper Coast of West Africa (Liberia and Guinea); Pêle; Womi; Hornbostel, Blacking, R.Fauffman, Kubik, Keil, Agawu. Resumen Proponiendo el “motor” o movimiento como foco de aproximación a la manera de entender el ritmo en la música africana, Ruth M.Stone hace un recorrido por los principales autores que, pese a las diferentes orientaciones teóricas, han concebido el movimiento (motion) como la clave de acceso a los ritmos africanos: Hornbostel, Blacking, Kubik, Agawu, son mencionados entre otros, para acabar enlazándolo con su propia experiencia entre los Kpelle de Liberia. Bajo la perspectiva de la fenomenología social, Stone busca enfatizar la importancia del movimiento y gesto (motion and action) en el pêle, acto musical que comprende canto, danza, música, sorpresa y, evidentemente, motion and action. Palabras clave: movimiento y acción motora; Música y ritmo africanos; Kpelle en Pepper Coast de Africa Occidental (Liberia y Guinea); Pêle; Womi; Hornbostel, Blacking, R.Fauffman, Kubik, Keil, Agawu. Rhythm in music has attracted attention over the generations. One early adventurer in southern Africa reported: Their notion of melody is very slight, while their time is perfection itself, and the very fact that several hundred men will sing the various war songs as if they were animated by a single spirit shows that they must keep the most exact time. (Wallaschek 1893: 1, as quoted in Stone 1985: 139) Ethnomusicologists have energetically engaged in explanations as well. The keys to understanding rhythm in African music have been identified in various ways: the beat of the big drum proposed by William E. Ward (1932a, 1932b, 1932c), the metronome sense suggested by Richard Waterman (1948), hemiola offered by Rose Brandel (1959), or the standard pattern, attributed to Desmond K. Tay who worked with Arthur Morris Jones (1954). Kwabena Nketia has described the timeline, a variation on the standard pattern (1974). Among all of the paths to explaining rhythm, I propose to focus on one: the motor, identified by Robert Kauffman in his 1980 survey article as one of the explanatory routes for African rhythm. “Motor” means motion, whether it is created by the human body as in a drummer striking a drum or by a dancer moving her feet. Motion can also be defined as conceptual, that is “one who or something which imparts motion” (Oxford English Dictionary [OED ] 1986: 699). Different theoretical orientations have been associated with motor explanations for African http://www.sibetrans.com/trans/trans11/art04.htm 11/07/2008 Shaping Time and Rhythm in African Music: Continuing Concerns and Emergent I... Página 2 de 9 rhythm at different points in history. Some approaches are clearly more powerful in offering analyses of time in African music though each, it seems to me, illuminates some aspect of the issue. Erich M. von Hornbostel, quite early in the twentieth century—1928 to be exact—said in a now famous quote, African rhythm is ultimately founded on drumming. Drumming can be replaced by hand-clapping or by the xylophone, what really matters is the act of beating; and only from this point can African rhythms be understood. Each single beating movement is again two-fold: the muscles are strained and released, the hand is lifted and dropped. Only the second phase is stressed acoustically; but the first inaudible one has the motor accent, as it were, which consists in the straining of the muscles. This implies an essential contrast between our rhythmic conception and the Africans’ we proceed from hearing, they from motion . (1928: 52-53, italics mine) One key phrase of this statement is, “What really matters is the act of beating.” Another key expression is “We proceed from hearing, they from motion.” Hornbostel asserted a motor basis for rhythm, emphasizing not just the acoustic sound as part of the analysis, but the physical movement as well. I would point out that Hornbostel was working in an intellectual climate of cultural evolutionism, and the assumptions of this paradigm are evident, if not explicitly stated here. According to cultural evolutionism, Africans were held to be less culturally evolved than Western Europeans and were referred to by Hornbostel as “so-called primitive man” (1928: 59). From the oft quoted phrase, “We proceed from hearing, they from motion,” one can infer that Hornbostel is imputing a higher level of cognitive functioning to people who proceed from “hearing” rather than those who proceed from “motion.” Body movement may be conceived as more instinctual and less rational. Hornbostel goes on to say, “They rely ultimately on psycho- physical conditions. Bodily motion is freed from effort by repetitions. It is moulded into a precise shape, and proceeds in accordance with its own laws and seemingly by itself” (Hornbostel 1928: 59). It would be easy to dismiss this idea from Hornbostel as outmoded, ill-informed, or simply not worthy of consideration. The reason to follow it, however, is that for more than half a century ethnomusicologists have engaged with the idea of a motor basis for rhythm even as they have changed the theoretical orientations from which they have investigated it. John Blacking in 1955 , some twenty-five years after the original assertion, addressed Hornbostel’s idea and found some aspects to be worthy of notice. He says, I witnessed some of the most striking evidence in support of Hornbostel’s theory... in Bulawayo...All the Choirs had to sing set pieces of European composed music... These songs were conducted by the African teachers who coaches the choirs: I was astonished to see that several of them gave vigorous up-beats on all the strong beats where I should have given a down-beat...I discussed the matter with some of the African teachers afterwards, and they said that they definitely felt the up-beat to be the strong beat. (Blacking 1955: 19) Blacking went on to say that he felt that the full significance of the motor concept had not been appreciated (1955: 20). His ethnographic inquiry in this case was likely based on structural- functionalism as well as phenomenological sociology. He had observed a phenomena —a downbeat on what he considered a weak beat— that jarred his sensibility and he then proceeded to ask questions of the teachers who were conducting in a particular manner. What is important here is that Blacking, in his research, was looking at a concept similar to the one Hornbostel was investigating. But he was doing so from quite a different theoretical orientation. Several years later, Gerhard Kubik analyzed motor patterns, noting, “Motor images are of primary importance in much of Africa’s instrumental music. I believe the research student should attempt to understand them first, and then their inter-related acoustic images” (1965: 35). His work has been supplemented by slow motion analysis of film of an Ngbaka musical bow performance filmed by Gilbert Rouget (1971) and also of a dance suite from Dahomey filmed by Rouget and Jean Rouch (1969). http://www.sibetrans.com/trans/trans11/art04.htm 11/07/2008 Shaping Time and Rhythm in African Music: Continuing Concerns and Emergent I... Página 3 de 9 Gerhard Kubik drew his analysis of Mangwilo xylophone music in Northern Mozambique recorded in 1962. First, he took 8 millimeter silent film, counting frames during the upswing of the hand and then again during the downswing in order to quantify the relative lengths of the upswing and downswing. Because there were 24 frames of film moving per second, Kubik maintained that one could get quite a detailed measurement of the upswing or downswing, which moves about 320 M.M. per quarter note or 640 per eighth note (1965: 45), and he proceeded to show not only the audible beats or impact points but the “silent” ones as well. An extension of this study involved Kubik’s analysis of the length of the upswing and downswing. He studied European students playing Ugandan akadinda xylophone. He found that their impact rhythm or sound was correct, but they lifted their sticks in a different way between impact points compared to expert Ugandan players. Ugandan players took two-thirds of the time between impact points to reach the vertex or high point of their swing and one-third of the time to bring it to the xylophone for the next impact. European players, Kubik studied, tended to divide the time between impact points equally; half of the time to reach the vertex and half of the time to bring the stick down. Kubik found the same ratio of upswing held for backcloth beating, millet pounding and pumping of blacksmiths’ bellows (Kubik 1972 as quoted in Stone 1978). Kubik explored related motor aspects when he identified “inherent rhythms” in East and Central African instrumental music.