Center of Arab Women for Training and Research The research presented in this publication is the result of a project supported by Canada’s International Development Research Centre (www.idrc.ca) This report is presented as received by IDRC from project recipient(s). It has not been subjected to peer review or other review processes. This work is used with the permission of Center of Arab Women for Training and Research (CAWTAR). © 2013, Center of Arab Women for Training and Research (CAWTAR). Traditional and new forms of young women’s political engagement in a transitional context Tunisia as example Maryam Ben Salem Project : Young Women and Political Participation: Institutional and Informal Mobilization Paving the Way to Future Actions Research Team : Maryam Ben Salem Senior Researcher and Study Author Azza Chaabouni Research Assistant Lilia Ben Salem Senior Advisor Giorgia DePaoli Project Coordinator Project supervisor Dr Soukeina Bouraoui CAWTAR’s Executive Director Center of Arab Women for Training and Research -CAWTAR- wwww.cawtar.orgww.cawtar.org This work was carried out with the aid of a grant from the International Development Research Centre, © CAWTAR 2013 Tous droits réservés July 2013 Translated from French Translation: Setra planet Cover page graphic design: Noway Studio Printed in Tunisia Table des matières GeneralGeneral introductionintroduction 1 ChapterChapter 22.. Distinct modes of politicalpolitical engagementengagement / activism:activism: conventionaconventionall participation andand cyber-activismcyber-activism 73 InIndexdex of activistsactivists interviewedinterviewed 35 SectionSection i.i. Predispositions forfor engagementengagement : ChapterChapter 11.. Emergence of a new form familyfamily heritage and personal experiencexperienceses 7878 ofof political parparticipation:ticipation: cyber-activismcyber-activism SectSectionion ii. SociaSocializationlization in an apoliticalapolitical environment: andand citizencitizen activismactivism 42 activismactivism as a self-constructionself-construction processprocess 85 TheThe shiftshift fromfrom non political stand to partyparty activism 8686 Citizens,Citizens, ffromrom submission to engagement: cyber-activismcyber-activism 92 SectionSection i. Cyber-activism:Cyber-activism: attemattemptpt to dedefinefine a ap racticepractice 47 SectionSection ii. Cyber-activism:Cyber-activism: an indicator of representative SectionSection iii. PPooliticallitical socializationsocialization ggenderender approacapproachh 98 democrdemocracacyy forfor youth?youth? 53 SectionSection iv.iv. Cyber-activism:Cyber-activism: specispecificfic modalities modalities f orfor action action taking taking 10 1066 SectSectionion iii. FromFrom undergroundunderground to streamlining:streamlining: Cyber-activists’Cyber-activists’ pospositioningitioning ambivalence:ambivalence: the political professionalizationprofessionalization ooff cyber-activistscyber-activists in prospect 5599 recognition-contempt ddialecticsialectics 110707 RevolutionaryRevolutionary legitimacylegitimacy 61 Recognition differentiateddifferentiated modalitiesmodalities1 08108 Field legitimacylegitimacy versus the legitimacylegitimacy ofof numbers 6363 Ambiguities ooff the hyperhyper media coverage 110909 Values ofof cyber-activismcyber-activism 68 SectionSection v.v. investigateinvestigate inter-generationinter-generation didifferencesfferences Conclusion ofof the firstfirst chachapterpter 70 and contextualcontextual eeffectsffects onon engagementengagement 116116 Conclusion ofof the second chapterchapter 125125 ChapterChapter 3. ResilienceResilience to maintain militantmilitant engagementengagement : Sexist slander,slander, an obstacleobstacle preventing politicalpolitical women’s cconditionsonditions forfor the success and failurefailure ofof youngyoung women’s presencepresence in thethe new mediamedia 162162 militantmilitant ccareersareers 112626 women’s cyber-activism:cyber-activism: ambivalenceambivalence ofof instantaneous visibilitvisibilityy 116969 SectionSection i. RewardsRewards of militantismmilitantism 113030 SectionSection iii. MentorshipMentorship 174 Depreciation ofof the cultural capital in militant logics CConclusiononclusion ofof the third chapterchapter 180180 A/A/ Social origin 130130 B// Engagement age 113333 C/C/ From ideological struggle to electoral campaigning 137 GeneralGeneral conclusionconclusion andand recommendationsrecommendations 183183 HoldingHolding a permanent position at thethe partpartyy anandd women’s biographic availabilityavailability 141 Women’sWomen’s publicpublic speakingspeaking andand decisiondecision makingmaking 147 BBibliographyibliography 118787 SectionSection ii. Rocognizing women’s publicpublic speakingspeaking in politics thrthroughough the prism ofof media visibilityvisibility 150150 State ooff political women’s media visibilitvisibilityy in tunisia 151151 ChallengeChallenge ofof media visibilityvisibility forfor political women: anyany strategies to ensure mediamedia coverage ofof women’s politicalpolitical actions 155 General Introduction 1 General introduction Mohamed al-Bouazizi, a street fruit vendor, in protest of the confiscation of his wares by the authorities, sets himself on fire in Sidi Bouzid. This act sparked in his city on December 17, 2010 wide movements of protest that rapidly propagated to other cities (Meknessy and Menzel Bouzeyene). On December 28, 2010, President Z.A. Ben Ali1 gave a speech warning agitators of “harsh sanctions”. Other cities in turn drew in, mainly Gafsa, Gabes, Kasserine, and Sousse protesting against the unemployment of university graduates, police repression and officials’ flagrant nepotism. On January 12, a general strike was launched in Sfax by the Tunisian General Labor Union (UGTT), thereby politicizing people’s demands. In a demonstration held in Sfax bringing together about 50,000 people, slogans were clearly political calling for more freedom, while quarters of the political party in power, the Constitutional Democratic Rally or RCD, were devastated and burnt down. Social unrest reached Tunis the capital in the second week of 2011. The media blackout which partly accounted for the failure of the mining basin’s rebellion in 2008 hence isolating protesters, was redirected by bloggers broadcasting on the Facebook social network (relayed by satellite TV channels as F24 and Aljazeera) photos and videos of demonstrations, denouncing police repression, contributing more 1 Zine el Abidine Ben Ali was President of the Republic of Tunisia from November 7, 1987 to January 14, 2011. Traditional and new forms of young women’s political engagement in a transitional context Tunisia as example General General 2 Introduction Introduction 3 or less to rallying public opinion against repression on protesters2. In this study, we hope to answer some of these issues by focusing The withdrawal of the army combined with the lawyers’ support on a special category: Women. Our focus in this study is specifically and mainly the General Union (UGTT) ordering a national strike young women due the persistent poor representation of women in on January 14, 2011 were decisive in the collapse of the regime. politics and more particularly that of young women. In fact, on the same day, Ben Ali fled the country for Saudi Arabia The emancipation of women at all levels has been a major challenge while hundreds of Tunisians were protesting across the Ministry of in the overall politics of the Tunisian State, for it emerged since Interior, the repression’s most powerful symbol, chanting the now independence as Tunisia’s specific character with regard to other famous slogan “DEGAGE!.” The twist of fate made of 2010 the UN Arab countries, reflected in the promulgation of the Personal International Youth Year at the suggestion of Z. A. Ben Ali, which Status Code in 1956. Women’s political, civic and social rights in witnessed the birth of a collective action conducted by Tunisian Tunisia are guaranteed, with the exception of some pertinacious youth that the community wanted to flatter, but which was for long discriminatory provisions in the personal status code including economically3 marginalized and kept away from a tightly protected heritage inequalities. While the Ben Ali Regime tried to remain in public space. line with the feminist approach of Bourguiba, its policy towards By relieving the participation arena, the “January 14 Revolution” women seemed more to have manipulated the issue. Designated by revived interest for research on politics and relationships between Sophie Bessis as the “Champion of brochure design4”, the regime was co-citizens, particularly youth which had been for long perceived very keen on emphasizing figures showing off women’s accrued to be apolitical, shut away in their private sphere: do youth actually participation in public spheres, hence the State’s modernism while participate more than before the Revolution? Do they prefer other at the same time shrouding its “democratic deficit.” The limit of this forms of participation/engagement to party support? Do their façade feminism is reflected in the regime’s rejection of ensuring full political practices and perception of politics reflect any crisis in the equality between men and women. On the other hand, the careful representation system? study of figures shown by the regime stressing its great modernity clearly reveals contradictions inherent to authoritarian systems trying to “divert individuals away from civic awareness to establish a 5 2 Kerim Bouzouita, « Les coulisses de la révolution