POPULIST POLITICS VS. ABORIGINAL REALITIES IN AUSTRALIA ... AND CANADA? John Howard, the populist prime minister of Australia, has brought progress on Aboriginal relations to a standstill in that country, which is so often compared with its sister former colony, Canada. Although in many ways Australia’s Aborigines are asking for a less comprehensive settlement of their demands than Canada’s First Nations are, they are essentially being stonewalled by Mr. Howard, with the result Peter Jull that Aborigine-white relations are worsening. Canada should take appropriate note of the dangers of populism. En Australie, ce pays que l’on compare si souvent au Canada, son ancienne colonie- soeur, le premier ministre populiste John Howard a enfoncé les relations avec les Aborigènes dans le marasme le plus complet. Bien que les demandes des Aborigènes australiens soient moins substantielles que celles des Premières nations du Canada, elles sont pour l’essentiel reçu avec tergiversation par M. Howard, de sorte que les rapports entre Aborigènes et Blancs se détériorent. Le Canada devrait prendre bonne note des dangers du populisme. ustralia’s centenary of federation dawns on January Keating introduced International Indigenous Year by speak- 1, 2001. It is an anniversary that doesn’t mean ing movingly of past Aborigine sufferings. His words were A much for Aborigines. In 1901, the new federation novel for a high officeholder. Mr. Keating also said more Constitution forbade national government involvement in than once that Australia had serious catching-up to do in Aboriginal affairs , leaving the subject to the former colonies indigenous matters and that he would hurry the pace. He now reborn as States (until the Constitution was amended personally led the government negotiations on a Native Title by referendum in 1967). Twelve years ago, observation of Act with Aborigine leaders, set up a land fund to buy land the bicentenary of white settlement was marred because of for Aborigines unable to benefit from the Act, and spon- anger at the celebrations by Aborigines, for whom 200 years sored a process to achieve an “indigenous social justice” of white settlement had obviously been disastrous. Even so, package of reforms. it produced a rich load of new historical, social, cultural, This last was an Aborigine-run exercise unique in the and political studies, not least on Aborigine and Torres Strait world. Well-known indigenous leaders reviewed national Islander issues. Many Australians hope that the 2001 cele- policy and sought consensus on new approaches through bration will mark both the coming of age of a confident, nation-wide community hearings and expert workshops, assertive, inclusive, and worldly country and the culmina- publishing three overlapping reports in early 1995. Their tion of Aborigine Reconciliation, the national program to consensus was for moderate and negotiated approaches not renew or reshape race relations, in a spirit of general agree- unlike indigenous reforms in Northern Canada over the ment and concord. past generation. (See especially the third and briefest report, Australia has been trying to make up ground in indige- “Indigenous social justice strategies and recommend- nous policy. Following the June 1992 High Court Mabo deci- ations” reprinted in Australian Indigenous Law Reporter, Vol. sion recognising native title, Labor prime minister Paul 4, No. 3 (1999).) 52 OPTIONS POLITIQUES DÉCEMBRE 2000 Populists vs. Aboriginals n Australia as in Canada there is one widely and national level as a Coalition. The Coalition I dispersed indigenous “people,” the Abori- came to power determined to undo Labor’s gines—actually a welter of cultures and languages Aborigine policy. Its targets included, the ATSIC inhabiting the continent and adjacent islands and Aborigine funds, leaders, and organisations. since at least 50,000 years ago. In many areas the Having made up a simple comic-book view of the With more than rich ceremonial life and customary law remain world for electoral purposes, the new govern- strong, even if largely unknown and unnoticed ment evidently began to believe in it. Worse, a passing glance by outsiders. In the far north-east between while refusing to look into indigenous issues or to the South Australia and Papua New Guinea are a smaller listen to representations or advice, Prime group, the Melanesian islanders of Torres Strait. Minister Howard has nonetheless been unable to African truth Like Inuit, the Torres Strait Islanders may benefit stop talking about the subject. His years in office from “not being like” the larger group in official have seen a regular output of “policy” by one-lin- and minds. But like Inuit and First Nations, ers. Talkback radio hosts and other interviewers Aborigines and Islanders both seek regional self- know that if they bring up indigenous issues, he reconciliation government, land and sea rights, and better is always sure to say something controversial. health, schooling, employment, and local rev- process, enues. Together, the indigenous groups totalled ith more than a passing glance to the Australia’s 386,000 in the 1996 census out of a total popula- W South African truth and reconciliation tion of 18.3 million. process, Australia’s Reconciliation process has seen Reconciliation Aborigine and Islander affairs are largely people in large urban centres, educated groups, decided and run by the six states and two main- and many decent folk all across the country process has seen land territories, although a 1967 referendum now respond positively to the message of a new gives the federal government constitutional para- acceptance of Aborigines and Islanders, their cul- people in large mountcy in the field. That referendum caused tures, and their special needs. The decade of the hope for a new era in race relations. Older politi- 1990s focused on two major public events. The urban centres, cians have told me that the hype surrounding first, in late May 1997, saw a huge convention race relations today seems familiar, but as in provide unprecedented television images, not educated 1967, remains empty of substance. Giving up least of John Howard shouting at the audience hope for comprehensive national land rights in about native title and other Aborigine aspira- groups, and the early 1980s, Bob Hawke’s Labor government tions. As I wrote in awe at the time (in Arena many decent turned to other reforms, including turning the Magazine, No. 30), it was like Greek tragedy. federal Aborigine Affairs department into the The audience in the hall were wonderful, part folk all across Aborigine and Torres Strait Islander Commission demos, part chorus. It was their assembly, as soon (ATSIC) with elected regional and national coun- became clear. They swayed with feelings—fickle, the country cils to oversee it. Innocents abroad who hear of even irresponsible at times. They mischievously this reform must realise that it was intended as an urged on trouble-makers or the angry, but were respond alternative to Canadian-style indigenous self- easily moved to tears; quick to welcome the Prime government, not a supplement to it. Minister's apparent regrets, and jeering when his positively to the Prime Minister Hawke also created the real intent revealed itself. They were black and national Council for Aborigine Reconciliation, white and other, a living community. Speakers message of a made up of both indigenous and non-indigenous engaged them as if in dialogue; some pleaded with new acceptance notables, and chaired by Patrick Dodson, one of them. Speakers trying old audience manipulation the most widely respected Aborigine leaders. crafts were repulsed; others could articulate a of Aborigines Dodson gave the Council much-needed legitima- mood and were approved. This was a primary cy among doubters and as a result it became a Australia, elemental democracy, a proto-nation, a and Islanders, serious player in Aborigine and Islander affairs. national society coming into being. Like the Reconciliation, however, evokes different images Athens of Pericles or Aeschylus, civilisation was their cultures, for different people—from glossy booklets and taking form. It carried ideals and tears openly, vague goodwill, to the process of negotiated without shame. It wanted a new and better world, and their change, to concrete terminus. dismissive of rank, favouring moral standing and authenticity, disdainful of legalism and formal special needs. n 1996 John Howard’s Coalition government evasions. It may have been the birth of a millen- I was elected. It is made up of Liberals and rural nial Australia, a moral commonwealth. Nationals—the latter formerly known as the Like the Canadian First Ministers’ Country party—and governs at both the state Conferences on indigenous rights televised in the POLICY OPTIONS 53 DECEMBER 2000 Peter Jull their mothers through many decades of the 20th century and dispersed into institutional or other white care, never to return. The refusal of the Howard government to mourn these children, or Mr. Howard and even to speak feelingly about them, held a mirror up to our ugly nature, even as indigenous speak- his ministers ers and many whites at both 1997 and 2000 con- boast about ventions spoke affectingly of those ravages and of the stolen generations. “practical Canadian political scientist and Australia- watcher Peter H. Russell believes the Aborigine reconciliation,” issue poses the fundamental question for modern Australia that Quebec has done for Canada (see as they call the his “Corroboree 2000—A nation defining event”, Arena Journal No. 15, 2000, 25-38). The promi- availability (at nence of Aborigine runner Cathy Freeman at the Sydney Olympics, lighting the flame and win- least in theory) ning the gold medal in her event, as well as major of basic services Canadian Press Picture Archive Aborigine content and themes in opening and Cathy Freeman, 400 metres gold medallist at Sydney: closing ceremonies broadcast to a world audi- to Aborigines, Running with a people on her shoulders.