Chapter 18 Introduction to the Numismatics of Thrace, ca. 530 BCE–46 CE Evgeni I. Paunov “Thrace, indeed, of that time was more exposed to the influence of Asia than that of Europe” (Gardner 1918, 106) 18.1 Previous Research This contribution is a modest attempt to provide a concise introduction to the main scholarly problems, peculiarities, and key bibliography of the numismatics of ancient Thrace. It delib- erately omits the Roman period – Republican, Imperial, and Roman provincial coinages in the Thracian provinces. There is a long tradition of interest in the study of numismatics of ancient Thrace. Coinage of the Thracian kings and tribes has been continuously treated in numerous works since the middle of the eighteenth century.1 The most comprehensive works on Thracian coinage, however, remain both corpora published by the late Yordanka Youroukova (Youroukova 1976; 1992). In the last decade, however, study of the coins of ancient Thrace has been neglected in international numismatic scholarship. Indeed, except for a short mention (Psoma 2012, 157–159), Thrace is absent from the recent Oxford Handbook of Greek and Roman Coinage (Metcalf 2012) and only seldom appears in the “Surveys of Numismatic Research” published each five years by the International Numismatic Commission (CIN/ INC), where it is usually integrated into the numismatics of Greece and Macedonia. Ulrike Peter has recently published a bibliographic review of the numismatics of Thrace (Peter 2009), though, and the coin history of Thrace has been targeted in a large number of: newly published numismatic corpora for various city-mints (e.g., Amphipolis (Lorber 1990), Mesambria (Karayotov 1994; 2009), Odessus (Topalov 1999; Karayotov 2007), Apollonia (Topalov 2007), Thracian Chersonese (Tzvetkova 2004), Cardia (Tzvetkova 2009), and Abdera (Chryssanthaki-Nagle 2007)); more general studies on royal and tribal types (Peter 1997; Manov 1999; Peykov 2011); and die-studies of large-scale late Hellenistic coinages distrib- uted in Thrace, such as the tetradrachms of Aesillas (Bauslaugh 2000), Thasos (Prokopov 2006), and the Macedonian Regions (Prokopov 2012).2 A Companion to Ancient Thrace, First Edition. Edited by Julia Valeva, Emil Nankov, and Denver Graninger. © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Inc. Published 2015 by John Wiley & Sons, Inc. 266 Evgeni I. Paunov 18.2 The Setting Thrace, strategically located at the junction between the west (Europe) and east (Asia), has always been a zone of powerful interests and states and cultures competing for domination (see Chapter 2). From the earliest times the seascape and river network of southern Thrace have influenced the economic and political orientation of the area and largely enhanced con- tacts, interactions, and trade with the Aegean and the Mediterranean more broadly. Ancient authors (e.g., Thuc. 4.107; 7.57; Str. 7.47–48) had pointed out that the lower courses of the Strymon, Nestos, and Hebros (mod. Maritsa) rivers were navigable and suited for communi- cation and transport (Casson 1926, 23, 34; Isaac 1986, 141–143; de Boer 2010, 176–177). Indeed, control over the middle and lower courses of the Hebros provided access to the Thracian interior (Archibald 1994, 445). This river network effectively bridged the Aegean with the core area of Thrace. Down to the late nineteenth century, various goods, timber, and iron ore/bullion were transported via the Hebros/Maritsa from the area of Philippopolis down to the river mouth at Aenos, and then redirected to Constantinople (May 1950, 11; Tsonchev 1962, 848–852; de Boer 2010, 177). These aspects of geography are confirmed by Thrace’s rich and versatile numismatic performance.3 Hence, the coin evidence is of primary importance for the complex reconstruction of Thracian history and socioeconomic relations. But let us allow the coins to speak for themselves. 18.3 Numismatic History of Thrace The Archaic period Coinage was invented in western Asia Minor around the middle of the seventh century (Schaps 2004; Kroll 2012).4 The new medium was made from electrum, an alloy of gold and silver, and first used in Lydia, before spreading to Ionia (Kroll 2012, 38–40; Konuk 2012, 44–45). Coins were instantly acceptable in payment on trust because of the involvement of the state as issuing authority, indicated by a stamp (Seaford 2004, 136; Kroll 2012, 39). From the very beginning, coins were normally issued in small fractional denominations as well as in single and multiple weight units – stater, drachm, and their fractions (Kim 2002; Kagan 2006). Because of its sheer practicality, coinage quickly became an indispensable instrument of everyday economic and public life as well as a standard for the weights and measures of any well-ordered state (Kroll 2012, 40). Coinage was introduced into Thrace in the last decades of the sixth century by the Greek poleis on the Aegean littoral: Abdera (ca. 530; cf. Kagan 2006, 56–58; Chryssanthaki-Nagle 2007), Thracian Chersonese (ca. 515), Dicaea-by-Abdera (ca. 515), Maroneia (ca. 510), Neapolis (ca. 500), and Selymbria (ca. 490). Soon after the west Pontic colonies copied the new fashion, first at Apollonia Pontica (ca. 480–475), later followed by Istrus (ca. 460) and Mesambria (ca. 450–440). The issuing authorities employed different emblems and symbols (parasemon) on their coins, usually adapting types deriving from their foundation legends or those of their mother- cities: for example, the Thracian Chersonese elected to show the lion of Miletus, the mother- city of Kardia; Samothrace – sphinx on the obverse; Selymbria – a rooster; Dicaea – head of Heracles and a cock; Aenos – Hermes’ head and his caduceus, later replaced by a goat and xoanon on a throne; Abdera – a seated griffin, copied from its mother-city Teos (but facing left, not right); Maroneia – prancing horse and vine with bunches of grapes (of Dionysos); Introduction to the Numismatics of Thrace 267 Neapolis – gorgoneion; Galepsos – the goat of Paros; Byzantium – a cow standing on dolphin; Apollonia Pontica – anchor and crayfish; Mesambria – helmet and wheel; Istrus – two male heads, one inverted (Dioscuri?) and an eagle attacking dolphin. A number of factors influenced the expansion of coinage in Thrace, including: the avail- ability of precious metals; profits from the export of raw materials and goods (e.g., ore, mined metal, construction materials, timber, pitch, honey, etc.); slave trade profits; wealth accumu- lated from agricultural production; a need for widely accepted means of payment; a need to store wealth/bullion from gift exchange, seizure, booty, taxation, and the like; as well as other internal social and political developments. The Persian invasion in Europe in the late sixth century substantially influenced the need for money and triggered the opening of new mints in southern Thrace, eastern Macedonia, and Paeonia (see Chapter 21; cf. Dahmen 2010, 43–47). A few coinages, such as the staters of “Lete” type (Psoma 2006, 61–85, attributed to Berge) and of “satyr carrying off a pro- testing nymph” type (attributed to early Thasos) that existed in this region before 513 (Draganov 2000, 46–50), probably served to pay the tribute of local tribes to the Persians (Gardner 1918, 193; Psoma 2012, 157). Such circumstances are well demonstrated by their presence in coin hoards (by definition, a hoard is “an aggregation of two or more coins (or other valuables) put away by their owner with the intent of recovery”: Metcalf 2012, 6–7) found in the Mediterranean,5 Lycia,6 Egypt,7 and the Levant.8 The coins in question were issued in the name of Thracian tribes (Derrones, Bisaltae, Edones, Orreskii, Tyntenoi) and Paeonian tribes (Ichnai, Laeai), and some of their kings (Getas of Edones [see Figure 18.6.1], Mosses of Bisaltae, Dokimos?), most of which are known to have existed only from their coinage. Large denominations (such as tetrastaters = dodecadrachms [ca. 39 g], decadrachms [ca. 32 g], triple staters = octodrachms [ca. 29 g]) were struck by local tribes, only rarely by coastal cities like Dicaea and Abdera, and were apparently intended for large-scale, interna- tional transactions. At the same time, the existence of numerous silver fractions from the very beginning of civic mints in the area speaks in favor of an early development of urban centers and the use of coinage in everyday transactions (Kagan 2006, 52–57). The sophisti- cated fractional system and the coin iconography in southeastern Thrace (especially Dicaea, Abdera, Selymbria, and Thracian Chersonese) appear to be strongly influenced by the Achaemenid East. The earliest coinages in the region west of the Hebros were struck on the so-called “Thraco- Macedonian” standard, a technical term to denote the fluctuations of a presumed local weight system, divided into three different series/groups (Raymond 1953; Lorber 2008). Its earlier weight was based on a silver stater of 9.82 g, representing 1/50 of the Babylonian light (Persian) silver mina (491 g), and was thus directly intended for trade and acceptance in Persia and the East (Raymond 1953, 23). Again, coin denominations follow the oriental divi- sion to thirds and sixths, but at the same time the Greek standard of obols and drachms was adapted (Draganov 2000, 41–44; Dahmen 2010, 44). Later, the local standard was reduced in weight to meet the average stater weight (9.40 g). In fact the two standards of drachms were implemented simultaneously: a heavy one, with a theoretical weight of 3.68 g, named “Raymond series 3,” and a “light” one, 3.27 g, called “Raymond series 2” (Draganov 2000, 42; Lorber 2008, 8–13). After the Persian Wars only the coinages of the Derrones, Edones/Getas, Bisaltae/Mosses, and Orreskioi survived. By the late 460 s, the last remaining “Thraco-Macedonian” tribal coinages ceased to exist (Psoma 2012, 159) and may reflect the expansionist policy of the Macedonian king Alexander I (Draganov 2000, 49–51), who took control over the precious metal deposits in the Dysoron and Pangeium mountains (Hdt.