Addressing the Political Dynamics of Radicalization Leading to Religious Extremism in Bangladesh

Simulacra | ISSN: 2622-6952 (Print), 2656-8721 (Online) https://journal.trunojoyo.ac.id/simulacra

Volume 4, Issue 1, June 2021 Page 115–129

Addressing the political dynamics of radicalization leading to religious extremism in Bangladesh

Md. Nazmul Arefin1*, Nousheen Sharmila Ritu2 1 Independent Researcher, Bangladesh 2 United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), Bangladesh

* Corresponding author E-mail address: [email protected] DOI: https://doi.org/10.21107/sml.v4i1.10543

Article Info Abstract

Keywords: When radicalization and religious extremism is predominantly perceived politics of terrorism through the prism of ‘9/11’ and/or ‘Post-Soviet Muslim radicalization’, there is a danger of oversimplifying the phenomenon of extremism for religious extremism majoritarian Muslim societies like Bangladesh. To understand the dynamics radicalization of religious radicalization, it is imperative to devise a political genealogy South Asia and identify both micro and macro level political drivers of radicalization by Bangladesh addressing the political histories, catalysts, and risk factors related to religious extremism. Considering the paucity of research on this particular area, this paper sets out to understand and address the political drivers that facilitate the process of radicalization leading to religious extremism in Bangladesh. Adopting qualitative approach, this paper has conducted content analysis of pertinent secondary sources based on predetermined sets of categories for analysis. The results indicate that explicit support by the military rulers for Islamic orthodoxy, culture of political opportunism in democratic regimes and weak governance are some of the major political drivers of radicalization and religious extremism in the country. At a regional and global level, insurgency and separatist movements in neighborhood countries, global political environment of confrontation between the West and the Muslim World and the identity politics altogether fostered radicalization leading to religious extremism in Bangladesh.

Citation suggestion: Arefin, M. N., & Ritu, N. S. (2021). Explaining political dynamics of radicalization leading to religious extremism in Bangladesh. Simulacra, 4(1), 115–129. https://doi.org/10.21107/sml.v4i1.10543

Received 30 April 2021; Received in revised form 15 May 2021; Accepted 25 May 2021; Published online 25 June 2021. Md. Nazmul Arefin, Nousheen Sharmila Ritu

Introduction reductionist, it also fails to encompass the theological, social and political aspects of Much of what we perceive as religious religious extremism distinctly across the extremism today is shaped by the global event context of different countries (Wibisono, of 9/11 attack and the ensuing narratives that Louis & Jetten, 2019). Which is why were formed and predominated within the in addition to taking into account the mainstream discourses of religious extremism global political drivers, it is imperative to (Cainkar, 2009, as cited in Wibisono, Louis contextualize religious extremism with & Jetten, 2019). While it is undeniable that the local and regional political genealogy, there are indeed imperceptible effects of conflict and risk factors that facilitate the global political events on issues such as process of religious extremism. religious extremism, there is also the risk Religious extremism in Bangladesh can of simplifying something as complex as be traced back to as early as the country’s radicalization and religious extremism when journey as an independent nation (Mostofa it is consistently associated with just one big & Doyle, 2019). The current ruling party global event. For the purpose of this study, of Bangladesh and even the ones before religious extremism refers to the commitment that has consistently denied any presence to radical ideological beliefs often following or possibility of homegrown terrorism in the pursuit of struggle for religious identity connection to terrorist activities in the country. leading towards group based violence that However, a study into the political trajectory might be incited by perceived injustice of the country reveals that circumstances and (Silber & Bhatt, 2007; Sageman, 2008; Njoku activities espoused by the key political actors & Akintayo, 2018). There are multifarious have paved the path for religious extremism dimensions to religious extremism each of in the country (Lorch, 2020). The political which stems and thrives from both global trajectory of the country has been embroiled and local factors along the line. Hence, if the with contestation of power between the two phenomenon of religious extremism is to major political parties — Awami League (AL) be understood eclectically, it has to be done and Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) — by taking into consideration both the micro during elections and ensuing party politics and macro level political drivers that create and violence (Herbert, 2019). The emergence the vulnerability to radicalization and abets of religious extremism took rise against the violence and extremism. context of rising Islamic orthodoxy in the Mainstream discourses on religious country due to the replacement of secular extremism are overridden by the values with increasing conformation to international security narrative that have religious extremist organizations in an effort consistently identified isolated incidents of of legitimizing and garnering mainstream religious extremism as a part of Post-Soviet support for the ruling parties (Hassan & Muslim radicalization process; this has been Nazneen, 2017). In that due course, religious the case even though evidence suggests that extremist organizations became increasingly much of the incidents of religious extremism, expansive and operational throughout the particularly in Central Asia have been country. On the other hand, weak governance ‘localized and inhibited by secularization coupled with the persistent blame game as much as it is driven by radicalization’ between the two major political parties of (Heathershaw & Montgomery, 2014). But the the country have persistently undermined tendency of elucidating religious extremism the transparency and efficacy of counter to a unidimensional construct is not just terrorism efforts in the country.

However, up until the Holey Artisan the narratives that have been represented in terrorist attack in 1 July, 2016 and killing of the academic literature striving in depicting atheist bloggers like Avijit Roy, Washiqur an interpretation of this phenomenon. Even Rahman, Ananta Bijoy Das, Niloy Chatterjee, though content analysis can be treated both Nazimuddin Samad, and others during the as a qualitative and quantitative research period of 2015-2017, not much attention was method, it is also largely helpful in identifying devoted in understanding the global factors and analyzing the presence and meanings of that might contribute to the incidents of such concepts in communicative language religious extremism in Bangladesh. Against within a naturalistic paradigm (Hsieh & that context, the purpose of this paper is Shannon, 2005). to develop an understanding of religious The purpose of the content analysis has extremism specifically in the context of been to identify the patterns of findings and Bangladesh through the unified lens of local, arguments relevant to the political dynamics regional and global political drivers. While of radicalization and religious extremism in bringing into account the domestic political Bangladesh. Hence, through a directed and factors like contesting power politics, lack inductive content analysis approach, relevant of legitimacy and governance resulting research findings in written text forms from into violence, the paper also addresses the secondary sources including relevant books, impact of regional separatist movements journals, articles, newspapers, magazines within India and Pakistan in subjecting and other publications have been used to Bangladesh towards insurgency and identify and connect together the major religious extremism. It also highlights the political drivers influencing radicalization global political factors involving persecution and religious extremism in Bangladesh. To of Muslims around the globe, impact of conduct the content analysis, at first two global events on homegrown terrorism and distinct broad of categories, i.e., domestic the politics of resentment and identity crisis political dimensions and global domestic in today’s increasingly globalized world. dimensions of radicalization and religious extremism were developed under which the units of meaning were to be coded and Method analyzed. The paper has adopted a qualitative The broad categories were further divided approach in seeking to understand the into sub categories like impact of Islamic major political factors that are involved orthodoxy, political opportunism of religion, with radicalization and eventually leading issues of governance, etc. Next, a word to religious extremism, particularly in search was conducted on the internet using the context of Bangladesh. Qualitative keywords like ‘radicalization’, ‘religious methodology has been deemed to be the most extremism in Bangladesh’, ‘9-11 terror attack’, pertinent in this context given this approach ‘Post-Soviet radicalization discourse’, and of inquiry is best suited in developing ‘political dynamics of radicalization’ to filter understanding of a reality, describing and the relevant articles and research findings. explaining its bearing within its social world The filtered results were posited within the (Morse & Field, 1996). And since there two categories and analyzed to identify the can be no singular objective reality for a connection with each of the dynamics. The phenomenon as complex as radicalization findings led to a discussion how the political and religious extremism, qualitative methods dynamics of radicalization and religious of inquiry have the best shot in encompassing extremism is multifarious stemming from

117 Md. Nazmul Arefin, Nousheen Sharmila Ritu different historical timelines and landscapes; Soon the article of secularism was nonetheless, these realities continue to shape replaced with Islam as the state religion—a the course of these phenomena even in policy that was followed by number of other Bangladesh. similar strategic ventures like inclusion of Islamic studies as mandatory topic for schools, proliferation of mosques, madrasas Results and Discussion and Islamic universities with state patronage Domestic dynamics and inclusion of Islamists in the state cabinet (Griffiths & Hasan, 2015; Hasan, 2012; Lorch, The rise of Islamic orthodoxy as a breeding 2020). Even though all of these policies may ground seem peripheral to the political context of the country, in hindsight it is to be seen When attempting to contextualize that these strategic actions have essentially religious extremism in Bangladesh, it is initiated a process of Islamization in the essential to take a step back and assess the country. Eventually, this disintegration of contribution of the political milieu of the secular values added with proliferation country in expediting support and fostering of Islamist movements and organizations breeding ground for religious extremism. have facilitated the development of Islamist Even though Bangladesh as an independent organizations who later exploited these country started its journey under the conditions to perpetrate acts of religious leadership of Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur extremism across the country. Rahman upon the pillars of nationalism, Towards the end of the 1970s, instead of socialism, democracy and secularism, persecuting Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh for these values were soon to be brushed aside their collaborative role in the genocide in (Lorch, 2020). Even though the military rule 1971, Ziaur Rahman lifted a ban on religious of Major Ziaur Rahman is said to initiate for politics and allowed the party to engage the first time an explicit support for Islamic in grassroots development and politics orthodoxy in the country, inclination towards (Allchin, 2019, p. 84). In order to penetrate the Middle Eastern countries can be traced back grassroots both the dictators, Ziaur Rahman to the early period of Mujib’s regime as and Hussain Muhammad Ershad adopted well. Afterwards the independence of 1971, rural development policies that incorporated understanding the economic importance of foreign-funded NGOs and the religious Middle Eastern countries, Mujib began to parties (Allchin, 2019). And this diffusion espouse an Islamic component to nationalism continues its legacy even in the post-Military in Bangladesh and began participating in period of Democratic Bangladesh. the meetings of Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC). He also reportedly sent a group of Bangladeshi doctors to assist Arab Political opportunism of the legitimacy of allies during the Yom Kippur War against religion Israel in 1973 (Griffiths & Hasan, 2015). This Time and time again across different increased affinity towards adopting religion contexts, it has been witnessed that secular as a political tool was further augmented governments have promoted Islamism during the regimes of Major General and religious political parties for their Ziaur Rahman (1975-1981) and Hussein own legitimacy or electoral gain (Lorch, Mohammad Ershad (1982-1990) respectively. 2018). There are several instances where secular governments co-opted with Islamist

118 ©2021 Simulacra, Volume 4, No. 1, June 2021 organizations or conformed to demands electoral win, there yet seems to be a lack of of these political bodies due to not only transparency and resolution in interdicting their widespread acceptability among the these Islamist forces and actors. Meanwhile, mainstream population, but also in order to extremist organizations exploited this exploit their ability of mobilizing collective leeway in garnering increased support for actions (Butt, 2016; Buehler, 2013). Consistent their cause and launching extremist attacks to those practices, secular governments have across the country. teamed up with Islamist actors to undermine Following the the Awami League the political competition posed by Islamist government’s establishment of the contenders (Camroux, 1996 and Kubicek, International Crimes Tribunal to punish the 2015 as cited in Lorch, 2018). 1971 war criminals, the Shahbagh Movement Even though the Awami League (AL) came to the fore in 2013 demanding execution government proclaimed themselves to be of the war criminals. The movement soon advocates of secularism, their conformation engendered heated opposition from a newly to Islamist organizations and concession in formed organization namely Hefazat e Islam criminalizing religious extremism depict a who demanded action against atheists and different picture. Be it the Awami League blasphemous bloggers of the Shahbagh (AL) or Bangladesh Nationalist Party movement. They further put forward a 13 (BNP), both the regimes have appealed point demand which included provisions to Islam during their electoral campaigns like reinstating the phrase “Absolute faith in an effort of proving themselves to be and trust in Allah” in the constitution; relevant to the mainstream majoritarian legislate capital punishment for maligning Muslim population. Concomitantly, this has Allah, Islam and the Prophet; stop killing correlated with growing number of Islamist or arresting madrasa students and Islamic parties seeking to replace secular constitution scholars; ban foreign cultures like free mixing of Bangladesh with the Sharia law. Post 9/11, of opposite genders; remove sculptures from this backdrop allowed Bangladesh to be one all across the country; make Islamic education of the many bases for globally networked mandatory in primary to higher secondary Islamists declaring jihad against the West levels while removing women and education and the secular democracy in Bangladesh. policy (Dewan, 2013; “Bangladeshi Clerics Eventually, this entailed the patronization Fight Against”, 2013). The Hefazat e Islami of organizations like Jamat-ul-Mujahideen with their massive number of supporters Bangladesh (JMB), Harkat ul Jihadi Islami and the ability of mobilizing them readily Bangladesh (HuJi-B), Jagrata Muslim Janata posed a significant threat to the stability of Bangladesh (JMJB), Ahle Hadith Andolon the AL government. Bangladesh (AHAB), most of whom were responsible for the subsequent terrorist Weak governance and the ensuing blame game attacks across the country (Griffiths & Hasan, 2015). It is reported that HuJI-B is backed by There is a plethora of literature that has the Taliban and was officially banned by the established the role of political maladies like government in 2005; similarly JMB has an corruption, political instability, repression of extensive network and follows the Taliban’s opposition and poor governance as drivers ideals (Asia Foundation, 2017). for extremism or terrorism (Campos & Even though the Awami League tried to Gassebner, 2007; Suleiman & Karim, 2015; restore some balance between Islamism and Simpson, 2014). These findings can be secularism in the country following the 2008 contextualized in Bangladesh as well given

119 Md. Nazmul Arefin, Nousheen Sharmila Ritu how political factors like corruption, weak exploit this indeterminate and disoriented state apparatus and marginalization of the space to further pursue their schemes and opposition are persistent in the country. activities. In this regard, Eqbal Ahmed aptly Riaz (2014) notes in this regard, “If the noted, “Officials don’t define terrorism ruling party continues to marginalize the because definitions involve a commitment opposition, deny it the space for peaceful to analysis, comprehension and adherence protest, and disregard the need for a to norms of consistency” (Combs, 2017). political roadmap for moving forward, it Quite similarly, when there is an absence of will encourage extremists to take over”. But consensus regarding the source of threat and evidently, for the Bangladeshi government, governments are busy playing the blame the major threat has not been religious game with their rivals, no effective counter terrorism, rather the presence or potency of terrorism policy or strategy can ever be the opposition party. adopted or implemented. Both Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and Awami League (AL) have either International dynamics invalidated the prevalence of religious extremism in the country or put the blame Regional politics and conflicted neighborhood upon the respective opposition parties. After the bloody coup of 1975, the military Following the Holey Artisan attack in rulers had revived the Pakistani policy of July, 2016, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina sheltering and supporting separatist rebel alleged JMB and BNP members as the actors groups from Northeast India (Bhaumik, responsible while BNP leaders claimed 2004). Joseph Allchin (2019) shows in his that the AL government has intentionally work that, even in the each democratic incited terrorist attacks in the country to gain regime of BNP, Bangladesh became an international sympathy while dodging the accommodating place for India’s separatists. criminal responsibility on BNP (Lorch, 2020). Pakistan’s Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) Consistently denying the possible presence has used the governments to establish or involvement of international terrorist contact with some of the rebel groups from organizations like Islamic State (IS) or Al Northeast India (Bhaumik, 2004). As part of Qaeda, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina also their regional politics, Pakistani intelligence went on asserting, “The BNP–Jamaat nexus agency was actively helping the insurgent has been engaged in such secret and heinous groups in the borders of Bangladesh to murders in various forms to destabilize the dismember India, in the same way that India country. The British government should had played a role in dividing Pakistan in take more steps on the ground. Jamaat has a 1971 (Allchin, 2019, p. 113). strong influence in East London” (Ganguly Along with the political conflicts of the & Riaz, 2016). two regional hegemons, the insurgents in The government responded in this same Kashmir and the subsequent emergence of pattern even after the numerous attacks on the Hizb-ul-Mujahideen, the Pan-Islamist secular bloggers, atheists, LBTQ activists, vision of Lashkar-e-Taiba in Pakistan, the refusing to acknowledge any threat other dangerous politics of terrorism of America than the political opposition (Ganguly, 2016). and China with Pakistan, the role of However, what this ensuing blame game Myanmar’s military junta in regional ethnic does is that it undermines the collective politics, demonization of the Rohingya efforts in countering extremism by allowing Muslims and the genocide against them time the actual perpetrating organizations to

120 ©2021 Simulacra, Volume 4, No. 1, June 2021 to time played imperative roles behind the Terror, the discourse on terrorism took a rise of religious radicalization and terrorism radical shift where Muslims and terrorists in Bangladesh (Riaz & Fair, 2015; Riaz, 2017; were treated congruently through a Allchin, 2019). hegemonic discourse of orientalism (Jamil, 2014). The aftermath of this incident and the Influence of global politics on homegrown ‘War on Terror’ project launched by the West terrorism gave rise to the phenomena of Islamophobia and distorted imaging of Muslims as Both the Afghan War and the 9/11 terrorists. Following the 9/11 attack, the attack have a huge contributory role in the West developed an increased sense of panic trajectory of religious extremism across and fear over future anticipation of further different countries including Bangladesh. In extremist violence; what they also developed 1979, after the Soviets invaded Afghanistan, was a subliminal fear of the religion, i.e. the the world saw the rise of the Taliban. The spread of Islamophobia through persistent U.S. then supported them with aid and prejudiced media portrayal of Muslims. money to fight against the Soviet (Whitlock, Edward Said in his book “Covering Islam” 2019). Then when in 2001 the U.S. army (1981) upholds how the US media and social invaded Afghanistan, Talibans transformed policy through negative representations and from a group fighting for freedom to a full- images have depicted Islam as hostile and fledged terrorist organization. Though they belligerent following the Iranian Revolution initially came as a group who aimed to free of 1979 (Said, 1981). The result is evident as their country from the invaders, soon they Kimberly Powell in his study on the US media were considered to be one of the most feared coverage since the 9/11 found out that the terrorist organizations in the world. Once public was quick at assuming perpetrators the war was over, the mujahideens sought of any extremist attack as Muslim even to establish similar ideologies within their before having any evidence or details of the own country leading to the development of attack and that Muslim as perpetrators and major terrorist organizations like Jamaat-ul- Christians as victims were the commonplace Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB) and Harkat- thing to be (as cited in Teitaulbam, 2017). ul-Jihad-al-Islam (HUJI-B) in Bangladesh. Eventually, this negative portrayal and Organizations like HUJI-B were heard giving Islamophobia not only creates a sense of slogans like “We all will become Taliban fear or hatred in the community against and Bangladesh will become Afghanistan” this particular religion and its followers but (Raman, 2002). The first instance of organized also among the Muslims, it ignites a sense religious extremism in Bangladesh was of discrimination, anger and vindictiveness witnessed in 1986 when The Muslim Millat against the West and its population which Bahini (MMB) under the leadership of Major eventually creates a strong vulnerability Matiur Rahman who had connection with for radicalization. One of the senior officers militants fighting in the Afghan War. It is said of Bangladesh Counter Terrorism Unit, that almost 3400 Bangladeshis took part in DMP shared on this regard, “Islamophobia the Afghan war who eventually returned to not only creates a sense of fear or hatred the country with stronger radical ideologies in the community against this particular and greater knowledge of violent activism religion and its followers but also among the (Mostafa & Doyle, 2019). Muslims, it ignites a sense of discrimination, On the other hand, following the 9/11 anger and vindictiveness against the West attack and America’s declaration of War on and its population which eventually creates

121 Md. Nazmul Arefin, Nousheen Sharmila Ritu a strong vulnerability for radicalization the Syrian civil war which started between (Dhaka Metropolitan Police, 2018, p. 50).” rebels and the Syrian government. An estimate of 400,000 people has been killed or Persecution of Muslims around the globe is missing, 53% of the total population has been displaced and the UN estimates that While the 9/11 may seem distant past some 13.1 million people require some form now, we’re today witnessing no less instances of humanitarian support or help (BBC, 2018). of state terrorism, even though they’re not On the other hand, the ethnic cleansing being discussed as much. State terrorism here is carried out in Myanmar against Rohingya denoted as the deliberate act, use or threat of Muslims and the conflict situation between violence or intimidation carried out directly/ Israel-Palestine also have had huge impacts indirectly, funded or encouraged by the on the rest of the world. Though this has state, its agent or approved surrogate group impacts on the whole world in some way, against its citizens or as part of international it affects the Muslims around the globe a lot terrorism (Walter, 1969; Jackson, 2009; more deeply. This widespread persecution of Mitchell et al., 1986). The Kashmiri struggle Muslims and an eventual sense of oppression for autonomy since 1947 has been met with and injustice have over the years emerged as violence and since then this crisis has been a large source of radicalization for Muslims exploited by terrorist organizations like all over the world. Al Qaeda, Harkat-ul-Mujahideen, Jaish- The impacts of global persecution of e-Mohammed. According to an article Muslims are hugely relevant within the published by The Conversation in August common Muslims’ psyche of Bangladesh 2019, Kashmir is the most heavily militarized as well due to the population’s imagined region in the world that has experienced sense of Muslim fraternity. Global players gross human rights violations including of terrorism have hence, exploited this gang rapes by military, mass disappearances vulnerability in channeling this sentiment of approximately 10,000 people, murder into radicalized one. To strategically of 100,000 and torture of unaccountably so capitalize this culminated anger of the many more (Ahmed, 2019). Muslims of South Asia including Bangladesh, Twenty five hundred kilometers away the leader of Al-Qaeda Ayman al-Zawahiri from Kashmir, Muslim Uighurs continue to launched AQIS or ‘Al-Qaeda in the Indian suffer a much similar fate in the detention Subcontinent’ in 2014 (Reed, 2016; Allchin, centers in Xinjiang in the hands of Chinese 2019)[3]. Before establishing this new authorities. Government officials report that frontline of global jihadist movement, in approximately 2 million Uighurs and other January of 2014 Ayman al-Zawahiri released Muslim groups have been detained in these a heavily localized and incisive 30-mintue camps since 2017 (Maizland, 2021; Ramzy video which goes on to saying: & Buckley, 2019). Information from fled detainees retells stories of torture, sexual “The events in Bangladesh enjoy the blessings abuse and forced renunciation of faith in of both India and America, since their interests these camps. in fighting Islam overlap, and this why their Looking back, we find such resemblance bilateral relations are becoming stronger day by in earlier incidents as well. In 2003, the U.S. day…My dear Muslim brothers, thousands of started the Iraq war and it lasted till 2011. people are being killed in the streets of Bangladesh The war occupying the present news is without any guilt, except that they have come out

to protest against the collusion of the anti-Islam Globalization and identity crisis secular government with a bunch of transgressing secularists who are heaping insults and vulgar As the world becomes a smaller abuses on Islam and the Prophet of Islam... It place with globalization in place, people is then that we get to understand that ‘human increasingly become aware of their cultural rights’ are the rights of their man, and not the identity. On both a micro and macro level, rights of our man. The events in Bangladesh and nations fall into a classification of ‘us vs. Burma are not too distant from the oppression them’ and strive to establish their identity and killings of Muslims in Kashmir or the racial and values as the dominant power. Each cleansing in Assam, Gujarat and Ahmedabad individual possesses multiple identities either’’ (Allchin, 2019, p. 91). including racial, national, ethnic and other identities but Huntington claims that in The instigating video of Ayman al- this new world order cultural identity shall Zawahiri is a clear indication of how global emerge as the most important identity for an players are closely observing the events of individual that will split the world in cultural Bangladesh and how they intend to lead the lines and thus turning cultural conflicts into anger of the common Muslims into Islamist global conflicts. He further adds that the need Militancy. Similarly, a 2018 national study for cultural identities are further elevated by on understanding radicalization conducted the socio-economic modernization that has by Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP) found created increased alienation, broken sense in their report that witnessing international of solidarity and greater need for a sense of conflicts in which Muslim communities are belongingness (Huntington, 1996). attacked continuously influences young There is increased evidence that cultural individuals to be radicalized as 57.5% globalization has affected local identities to of the respondents from their opinion a large extent. With increased international survey agreed to this statement. One of travel, wireless communication and the senior officers from DMP adds that, assimilation, today ideas, values and norms “The persecution of Muslims all across the are being transmitted at a much greater globe has been vitally used in creating a pace and magnitude. This often leads to the strong anti-Western emotion that ultimately effacing of local cultural values or autonomy prompts radicalization. The popular (Islam, Wahab, Burmester & Chowdhury, perception have been developed that the 2019). Spanish sociologist Manuel Castells torture at Palestine in the Middle East is a in this regard claims that our today’s world result of Western Conspiracy, the torture is guided by two salient and yet contrasting on the Rohingyas is a Buddhist conspiracy trends — globalization and integrity of and Hindu conspirators are to be blamed identities. Globalization with the aid of for the persecution for Muslims in India capitalism and information technology (Dhaka Metropolitan Police, 2018, p. 50).” has created a society where the dominant This goes on to show how persecution of cultures are determined by media and Muslims around the globe is a matter of other global content (Castells, 2005). Today extreme relevance and concern to the people individuals are constantly being exposed to of Bangladesh as well in terms of the need prevailing or popular cultures and values and network for radicalization and eventual that are much different to their individual religious extremism. norms and culture. In situations as such, an individual’s cultural identity is not just

123 Md. Nazmul Arefin, Nousheen Sharmila Ritu limited to their unique values and beliefs, dislocation and displacement also have an but it also shapes how they respond to effect on political identity as the country was contrasting or contradicting ideologies and suddenly exposed to the widespread radical practices. Most of the time, this creates chaos ideas and networks (Nelson & Oldmixon, and confusion within individuals, especially 2017). This reality has been depicted today’s youth who are not only more particularly after the Holey Artisan attack exposed to the pervasiveness of information in 2016 where masterminds of the attack technology, but also are less confident of belonged mostly from the Bangladeshi their roots and identity. diaspora. Terrorists exploit this confusion, compel individuals to choose a binary identity and prioritize religious identity above Conclusion any other beliefs or identity. Beginning Radicalization and religious extremism in the 1970s, through Islamic Resurgence are both complex phenomena that call for and other cultural revival movements, the developing an inquiry that takes into account Muslim immigrants in the West developed the unique and varying factors at play in an increased sense of recognition and the background. In order to disentangle conformity to their Muslim identity. these factors, it is imperative to expand the According to Huntington, the Islamic established contemporary and repetitious Resurgence is a crucial historical movement discourse whereby religious extremism has that has affected more than one-fifth of the been invariably associated with the Post- human population by acting as a dominant Soviet and 9/11 radicalization of Muslims. ‘source of identity, meaning, stability, In pursuit of that goal, this paper attempts legitimacy, development, power and hope, to encapsulate the political drivers of hope epitomized in the slogan “Islam is the radicalization leading to religious extremism solution” particularly for the Muslims. in Bangladesh both at a micro and macro This need for identity and a sense of level throughout the years. At a micro level, purpose and belongingness extends its the political drivers stem from the country’s relevance in Bangladesh as well given own homegrown politics of partisan power how Bangladeshi youths and victims of contestation, exploitation of religion in radicalization have been perplexed over securing mainstream legitimacy and weak whether to take up their civic responsibility governance. Outside the country’s territory, or to go save the Muslim world that is being political insurgency of the neighborhood persecuted in front of them, eventually regions also plays a significant role in making them susceptible to radicalization. making Bangladesh an interface for these In this regard, Associate Editor of Daily Star, separatist movements. On the other hand, Brig. General Shahed Anam Khan (Retd) while the post 9/11 realities should not shares in an interview, “Sometimes religious be singularly treated as the sole causative and secular scholars want you to choose factors, nonetheless, these factors continue between the national or religious identity. to shape the need, narrative and network You have to either be a Bengali or a Muslim. for radicalization and religious extremism in But why is it that we have to adopt a binary Bangladesh along with other countries. identity by choosing either one of the two The increasing identity crisis among (Dhaka Metropolitan Police, 2018, p. 64)?” the youth demographics has also emerged Besides, the social changes in Bangladesh to be a political driver as terrorist networks in terms of urbanization, global integration, continue to capitalize the resentment and

124 ©2021 Simulacra, Volume 4, No. 1, June 2021 need for identity and belongingness in this Conflict of Interest growing globalized world. However, there is a dearth of research that has been devoted There is no conflict of interest in this article. in approaching radicalization or religious extremism from such a multifarious Ethical Clearance perspective. By bringing these varying political dimensions of the radicalization This article conforms to all the ethical and religious extremism within a narrative, standards and has been approved by the this paper seeks to initiate the expansion institution. of understanding of religious extremism at an academic level. Moreover, this study References is largely based on secondary sources so there are still large scopes of research into Ahmed, B. (2019). Call the crime in Kashmir this topic that needs to be done at a larger by its name: Ongoing genocide. The scale using primary data. An increased Conversation. https://theconversation. concentration towards understanding com/call-the-crime-in-kashmir-by-its- radicalization and religious extremism from name-ongoing-genocide-120412 this kind of multidimensional approach can Allchin, J. (2018). Many rivers, one sea: eventually emerge as the first step towards Bangladesh and the challenge of Islamic truly understanding and curbing this crisis. militancy. Hurst Publishers. Asia Foundation. (2017). Bangladesh state of conflict and violence. https:// Acknowledgement asiafoundation.org/wp-content/ The article has used certain aspects of a uploads/2017/10/Bangladesh- paper entitled ‘Causes of Radicalization and StateofConflictand_Violence.pdf a Counter Approach’ which was a national Bangladeshi clerics fight against atheist study conducted by the Department of bloggers. (2013). Al Jazeera. https:// Criminology, University of Dhaka and www.aljazeera.com/features/2013/4/8/ commissioned by the Dhaka Metropolitan bangladeshi-clerics-fight-atheist- Police (DMP). The authors were part of bloggers this research project and so are grateful Bhaumik, S. (2004). Ethnicity, ideology to the DMP for funding the study and and religion: Separatist movements. contributing to the nation initiated effort In Satu P. Limaye, R.G. Wirsing and towards understanding the phenomenon of Mohan. M (Eds.), Religious radicalism extremism and its preventive policies. and security in South Asia. Asia-Pacific Center for Security. https://apcss.org/ Publications/Edited%20Volumes/ Declaration of Ownership Religious Radicalism/ Pages from Religious Radicalismand Security in This article is an original work written by SouthAsiach10.pdf the authors in name. All the works that have been used for the study has been duly Buehler, M. (2013). Subnational Islamization acknowledged and properly referenced through secular parties: Comparing Shari’a politics in two Indonesian within the paper. provinces. Comparative Politics, 46(1), 63– 82. https://www.jstor.org/stable/43664333

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