The Legacy of Rudolf Christian Friedrich Lechler Jessie G. Lutz

uring the second half of the nineteenth century, the especially in contacts with women and children, was his second Dname of Rudolf Lechler (1824–1908) became almost wife, Marie. She worked with him as evangelist and educator synonymous with the Basel Hakka Mission in Guangdong, for thirty-nine years, and her assistance in the conversion and . Unlike most Protestant in China in the mid- education of Christian wives and mothers contributed greatly nineteenth century, Lechler had a long career, spending fifty-two to the establishment of Christian families, the backbone of stable years as evangelist and mission administrator. He mastered the Christian congregations. Hakka dialect and trained a circle of Chinese coworkers who were responsible for the initial conversion of a high percentage of the Early Years Basel Christians. He worked closely with his Chinese assistants, becoming deeply attached to some of them. Rudolf Lechler was born in 1824, the third son of Gottlob Lechler, Residence in a different culture was a learning experience a pastor in the small town of Hundersingen in the Danube valley for many missionaries, one that frequently opened up a gap of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen. Rudolf was reared in a deeply between the home board, which was primarily interested in pious and conservative family. Their was evangeli- conversion statistics, and field missionaries, who were seeking cal and pietistic, and missionaries frequently visited the home. to make Christianity relevant to the needs and interests of the When Rudolf was ten years old, his mother died, leaving eight populace. As Lechler acquired greater appreciation for China’s children; two years later his father married Elisabeth Bauman, cultural heritage and a deeper understanding of the difficulties also a devout, evangelical Christian. Educated at home by his faced by Chinese converts in China’s non-Christian society, he father, Rudolf studied Latin, Greek, French, and above all the became a voice for moderation. Often he urged tolerance on the Bible and church history. Rudolf was said, however, to be no great part of the Basel Mission Board, as well as by newly arrived mis- student, a source of frequent conflict with his father. Shortly after sionaries ignorant of Chinese social mores. When Basel forbade confirmation, Rudolf was apprenticed to Ludwig Schmidgal, a child betrothal by Christians, Lechler explained that impover- merchant in Breilstein. ished Hakka parents could not afford the bride price and dowry In November 1842, as Rudolf was completing his four-year expected if they waited until the marriage partners came of age. apprenticeship as a merchant, he became gravely ill and went Placing a girl as a little daughter-in-law in the home of her future through a conversion experience. He determined to become a husband was an economic necessity designed to assure both sets and on January 1, 1844, entered the Basel Mission of parents of a mate for their child at minimum expense. When School, joining Hamberg there.2 By this time Karl Gützlaff, an ardent new missionary insisted that Christians abstain from the first German Protestant missionary to China, had publi- every aspect of village and lineage ceremonies deemed supersti- cized the China cause in Europe, England, and America and tious, Lechler wrote that he saw no harm in Christians eating the was calling for Western recruits to supervise and instruct his meat distributed after the festivities so long as they took no part Chinese evangelists of the Chinese Union. Basel heeded this in the rituals. Meat was a luxury to be relished only on special call, selecting Rudolf Lechler and Theodor Hamberg as its occasions.1 He protested Basel’s attempt to substitute transliter- first missionaries to China. At Lechler’s ordination service, ated Chinese for Chinese characters in Basel middle schools. Gottlob Lechler spoke of his joy over Rudolf’s decision to be- A Chinese evangelist, he explained, would not be accorded come a missionary. As a minister, he said, he had contributed respect if he were not literate in Chinese characters and lacked to missions for over twenty-five years; as a father, he was now acquaintance with the classics. Despite the heathen connotations offering his own flesh and blood. Rudolf Lechler and Theodor of the Confucian classics, they were essential knowledge for an Hamberg sailed for China in November 1846. Simultaneously, educated man in China. the Rhenish Mission Society, in Barmen, answered Gützlaff’s Lechler initially was overshadowed by his Basel colleague call and commissioned Ferdinand Genähr and Heinrich Köster Theodor Hamberg, who studied with him at the Basel Mission to assist Gützlaff and the Chinese Union. The four arrived in School and traveled with him to China in 1846–47. Hamberg on March 19, 1847. was five years older, came from a cultured and sophisticated background, and was considered more gifted intellectually Introduction to China than Lechler. But Hamberg lived only seven years in China, and much of that time was devoted to language study; he died Gützlaff was overjoyed that his pleas for China missionaries from in 1854 just as he acquired real facility in the Hakka dialect. Europe had finally been answered; he looked forward to great Many of the other German missionaries to China also had brief things. The day after the missionaries’ arrival, Gützlaff escorted careers. It was Lechler, therefore, who provided continuity to the them to their rented rooms in the China quarter, had them don Basel Mission during the second half of the nineteenth century Chinese clothes, and instructed them to adopt Chinese cuisine and who gained status in the eyes of the home board so that it and lifestyle. Each was given a Chinese name, and each was respected his recommendations on mission policy. Aiding him, assigned a language tutor and assistant, Hamberg studying the Hakka dialect, and Lechler studying Hoklo. In the belief that a Jessie G. Lutz is Professor Emerita of Chinese History, Rutgers University, Westerner learned spoken Chinese best by interacting with the New Brunswick, New Jersey. Her recent publications include (with R. R. Lutz) populace, Gützlaff informed them that they were to accompany Hakka Chinese Confront Protestant Christianity, 1850–1900 (Sharpe, their Chinese assistants on a preaching tour the following Sun- 1998) and Opening China: Karl Gutzlaff and Sino-Western Relations, day, and they were to take up residence in the Chinese interior 1828–1953 (Eerdmans, 2007). as soon as possible. Their letters to Basel could not hide their

38 International Bulletin of Missionary Research, Vol. 31, No. 1 culture shock, though they were still buoyed by the dream that an ethnic minority not fully incorporated into Confucian society, the Gospel of salvation would soon be carried to every Chinese the Hakka had a reputation for being more receptive to hetero- province.3 dox teachings than other Han Chinese. During his years in the By the autumn of 1847 both Hamberg and Lechler had be- Shantou region, Lechler had worked on a Hoklo dictionary, which come much less sanguine about prospects for evangelizing all of was later used by missionaries evangelizing among the Hoklo China via the Chinese Union. Their attempts to reside at Tanshui, and was revised and published by the English Presbyterians. north of Kowloon, had stirred up strenuous local opposition, and He had also published a collection of Western hymns translated during one boat trip they had been attacked by robbers, who into Chinese by missionaries, Yang xin shenshe (Western hymnal), stripped them of their clothing and valuables. Clearly, China for use in worship services. He had made a number of converts, was not open, as Gützlaff had so often pronounced. Residence but since he was unconvinced that they had experienced a true outside the treaty ports by foreigners aroused such antagonism renewal, he had baptized only thirteen males and no women. as to be hazardous. Chinese who rented or sold property to Contemplating the request of a certain Toa for baptism, Lechler Westerners were attacked or even imprisoned. Both Basel mis- wrote in his diary: sionaries, furthermore, had become convinced that many of the Chinese Union evangelists were not believing Christians, What I have missed in him for some time is also something I have indeed, that they had professed Christianity only in order to missed in my assistants, namely evidence of an inner life. His knowledge was very considerable. He acknowledged himself as secure employment and travel money for alleged itinerations a sinner tainted by hereditary sin and real sin, which would bring into the interior. Attempts to inform Gützlaff of the true charac- him to eternal damnation. And he believed the words that only ter of the Chinese Union workers were rebuffed, and relations the blood of Jesus Christ could cleanse him. . . . But can one un- between Gützlaff and the Basel missionaries became decidedly derstand all this without living of it and in it? If a man were to live cool.4 Though both Hamberg and Lechler continued to employ in the experience of these truths, there must take place, according Chinese Union members, they insisted on further instruction of to my views, a powerful manifestation of a comparable spiritual their assistants, and they attempted to supervise them closely. life. Dr. Gützlaff has expressed the opinion that my expectations Those who faltered were quickly dismissed. Unlike Gützlaff, are too high, that I am imposing a standard on heathen Christians they permitted only ordained ministers, not Chinese assistants, that is more suitable to believers from Christendom. I myself have to baptize converts. They nevertheless continued to operate on had heavy internal battles over this matter, and I have begged the Lord to give me enlightenment that it may lead me down the the premise that Chinese evangelists would make most of the right path. Finally, it seemed to me that I could no longer resist initial contacts and that the rural interior was the most promis- the pleas of these people and should, in God’s name, carry them ing milieu for evangelism. They thus built on and also modified over through Holy Baptism to the Trinitarian God, a God that is Gützlaff’s mission methodology. also their God, their Creator, and their Savior.8 The Shantou Experience Christianity for Lechler still meant Western European Christianity, but he was beginning to appreciate the need for adjusting one’s In accord with Gützlaff’s original assignment, Lechler left sights to the Chinese milieu. Hong Kong on May 17, 1848, to establish a mission among the Despite Lechler’s sense that he had labored in vain among the Hoklo in the Shantou region. Three Chinese Union assistants Hoklo, his evangelism helped prepare the ground for the estab- and a servant accompanied him. Since marauding pirates made lishment of an English Presbyterian mission in Chaozhou during travel on a Chinese junk highly risky, Lechler took passage on the late 1850s. One of Lechler’s most promising converts was Lin the only Western vessel available, an opium smuggler, and he landed six days later at Nanao, a major opium depot. He was repeatedly rebuffed in attempts to rent a residence and had to Since pirates made travel take refuge with the captain of the opium ship.5 His Chinese assistants advised returning to Hong Kong. Luckily, Lechler met highly risky, Lechler took a former Chinese Union member identified only as Old Kong passage on the only or Khong-lan. Kong had originally been baptized by Gützlaff and sent to northern Guangdong to proselytize, but Kong, Western vessel available, Lechler wrote, was not truly converted and was now engaged an opium smuggler. in the opium trade. Kong nevertheless offered to guide Lechler, in Chinese disguise, on a risky, fourteen-hour journey to his home village near Chaozhou. Here Kong provided Lechler Qi (Lim A-Kee). Lin, however, was the only Christian convert with meals and housing. Lechler’s assistants, who had feared in his family, and he ultimately succumbed to constant pressure to venture into the interior, eventually joined him. Contacting from his family. When his wife died and his family demanded a previous acquaintances, the assistants and Kong gathered eleven traditional funeral, he agreed and returned his Bible, catechism, people from neighboring villages for Lechler to instruct. Asked and hymnal to Lechler.9 Lin admitted to Lechler that he had done why he housed a foreigner despite the dangers, Kong replied, wrong, but he expressed the hope that God would forgive him as “He is my brother, a godly ambassador who does only good.”6 God had forgiven others. Lechler concluded that Lin was not a Lechler returned to Hong Kong for consultation with colleagues true “born again Christian.” Yet, when the English Presbyterians in September. Though Lechler made three subsequent trips to entered the region some years later, Lin and Old Kong requested the Chaozhou area between 1848 and 1852 and established a that a missionary be sent to their villages to instruct them. Lin small Christian community, official pressure compelled him to eventually became a church elder, and his son became a pastor. leave each time.7 One wishes for Kong and Lin’s definition of Christianity. Had In 1852 Lechler abandoned the Hoklo mission in Shantou they considered themselves Christians throughout the interval as a failure and joined Hamberg in work among the Hakka. As of isolation from Westerners?

January 2007 39 Work with the Hakka and Taiping Christians optimistic, ready to embrace the Taipings as Christians who would complete the task that they themselves had begun. When In 1853 Lechler’s sister came out to marry Genähr, and in 1854, it became known, however, that Hong Xiuquan believed that through the mediation of Hamberg, Lechler also acquired a his revelation superseded that of the New Testament, many wife, Auguste Nordstadt, from Sweden.10 Unhappily, she died of Westerners turned against the Taiping Christians. Since the dysentery on April 17, 1854, only forty days after their wedding. Basel Mission concentrated on the Hakka community in its Lechler suffered a further blow with the death of Hamberg the work and since most of the early leaders of the Taiping rebel- next month. Sustaining Lechler was an unquestioning faith in the lion were Hakka, it was natural that Taiping members should truth of Christianity as he understood it, the elemental evangeli- seek out Hamberg and Lechler when fleeing to Hong Kong cal Christianity of nineteenth-century German pietists. Despite for refuge. Li Zhenggao and Hong Rengan, nephew of Hong adversity and his own bouts of illness, he remained convinced Xiuquan, were among these. Hong Xiuquan had converted of the higher wisdom of God. He lamented the paucity of his the two to Taiping Christianity and had baptized them, but converts and the frequency of their apostasy and moral lapses, they had failed in attempts to unite with the Taiping forces in but he never seems to have doubted the universal, unique truth Guangxi and were being hunted by imperial authorities. They of Protestant Christianity or the sanctity of the mission enterprise. made their way to the Basel Mission in Hong Kong, where He was, furthermore, interested in Chinese society and culture. Hamberg and Lechler instructed them in Christian doctrines Sprinkled through his correspondence are comments on Chinese and rebaptized them.11 Hong Rengan for a time worked with beliefs regarding creation, a description of a dragon boat festival, of the London Missionary Society (LMS), but a discussion of the practice of selling civil service titles, and so eventually joined the Taipings at their capital in Nanjing. Li, forth. His remarks are critical, but not harsh and censorious. For who had become convinced that Taiping Christianity was a him, China had become home. distortion of true Christianity, became Lechler’s most trusted During the 1850s the Taiping movement (1850–64) became and valued Chinese associate.12 an important concern of Christian missionaries. Was it the After the defeat of the Taipings, Li Zhenggao and Lechler prelude to the Christianization of all China? Or was it sim- itinerated among former Taiping followers in Hong Xiuquan’s ply a Christian heresy? Was it primarily a political rebellion home region, the Hua and Qingyuan districts of Guangdong. against the Manchu dynasty? At first, many missionaries were Because Li had many kinfolk there and because of his earlier

40 International Bulletin of Missionary Research, Vol. 31, No. 1 association with the Taipings, he and Lechler were able to enter which other cultures were judged. China must accept Western homes and villages ordinarily closed to outsiders. Contrary to the science, technology, and concepts of international relations along impression that Taiping Christianity disappeared without a trace, with Christianity. The lectures reveal as well Lechler’s interest in they found individuals who secretly prayed to God (Shangdi); Chinese culture and his appreciation of China’s heritage. While they and others proved receptive to the Protestant Christianity Lechler laments the Chinese oppression of women, he finds their preached by Li and Lechler.13 respect for elders and their loyalty to family praiseworthy. A final chapter on Christian missions relates many of his personal Home Leave and Marriage to Marie Stotz experiences as an evangelist, including a repetition of a frequent theme: lack of a sense of sin among Chinese is the major obstacle When the Anglo-French War with China began in 1856, Lechler to Christian evangelism. and other Basel missionaries retreated from the mainland to Hong While in Germany, Lechler also acquired a new wife, Marie Kong. There, Lechler worked with the local Hakka Christian Stotz, from the Neckar region near Württemberg. She shared in community and assisted Dr. J. H. Hirshberg of LMS in St. Paul’s his mission work until they retired from China in 1899. Often Hospital. The medical knowledge that he gained later assisted she accompanied him and his Chinese assistants on itinerations him in offsetting antiforeign sentiment and securing an audience in the interior, thereby making access to women and children on his itinerations. Illness necessitated his return to Germany in more possible. While the men preached in public, she joined the 1858 for recuperation. women and children in the inner quarters. Not having children Missionaries on furlough were expected to visit churches of her own, she devoted herself especially to the girls’ school she and speak to congregations and mission societies in order to founded in Hong Kong. Acting as a go-between for her gradu- popularize missions and inform potential supporters about ates, she arranged marriages with Chinese evangelists and other their field. Through such contacts and also their reports and Christian converts, thereby helping establish the Christian families correspondence with the home front, China missionaries became so important to the durability of Christian communities. Educa- the principal conduit for information on China generally among tion was a means of social mobility for the orphans, beggars, and Westerners. Eight of Lechler’s lectures were published in 1861 as unwanted daughters Marie was able to enroll. Having acquired Acht Vorträge über China. For Lechler, as for most Protestant mis- literacy and acquaintance with Western culture, they married up, sionaries of his era, Western Christendom was the norm against in some cases to overseas Chinese businessmen. Other graduates

January 2007 41 went on to secondary schools to prepare to become teachers, or funds for a stopover. A joyous reunion with former members of “Bible women.”14 the Basel community awaited the couple in Hawaii and again in San Francisco.17 Lechler as Administrator Returning to China in 1888, Lechler dropped his administra- tive duties and served once again as a field missionary. Marie Upon Lechler’s return to China in 1861, he became increasingly and Rudolf settled at the newly established station of Pingtang, involved in administrative responsibilities. The Basel Mission was near Xingning in northern Guangdong. In cooperation with expanding as Chinese evangelists carried the Christian message evangelist Chen Minxiu, an ordained minister educated at Basel, to the interior, and it became possible for Westerners to reside in they established numerous outer stations, sometimes journeying the countryside. A major Christian center with about two hundred for months at a time to little clusters of Christians. By 1897 the converts had been established in Meizhou, the Hakka heartland Xingning district, with almost a thousand Christians, had become in northeast Guangdong. Another major center was located in one of the largest Basel stations. In 1899 after a fifty-two-year the Xinan region east of the Pearl River, where primary schools career as a China missionary, Rudolf Lechler and his wife retired for boys and girls, a boys’ middle school, and a seminary for to Germany, where he died in 1908. training evangelists had been established. Though Westerners were posted at the central stations, Chinese were generally in Legacy charge of congregations at the outer stations, and they carried the Rudolf Lechler’s legacy was the Hakka Christian church. As a German, he was something of an outsider to the Anglo-American community of missionaries in Hong Kong and could not be consid- By nurturing Chinese ered one of the leaders in the counsels of the China missionaries. evangelists and guiding Although not a prolific writer, Lechler did contribute articles to recently arrived German the Chinese Recorder and the Evangelisches Missions-Magazin on the Basel Mission and the history of the Hakka peoples, and his missionaries, Lechler lectures during his first two furloughs were published. In 1903, helped to build a stable on the one hundredth anniversary of Karl Gützlaff’s birth, he contributed a memorial essay to the Allgemeine Missions Zeitschrift Hakka church. in which he credited Gützlaff with the decision of Basel, Barmen, and Berlin to enter the China field. But , he thought, came closest to fulfilling Gützlaff’s dream by establishing posts Christian message to the countryside. Once a cluster of congre- in all the provinces of China.18 Lechler translated the Gospels of gations had grown up, it became possible to establish a central Matthew and Luke into Hakka, and he completed a phonetic station with schools for boys and girls and with a Westerner or Hakka dictionary begun by Hamberg. occasionally an ordained Chinese in residence. Lechler was in Distinguishing Basel’s mission work were its heavy reliance charge of staffing and overseeing these Christian communities on Chinese assistants and its concentration on rural interior vil- and their leaders. By 1876 Basel had four central stations, sixteen lages rather than on the treaty ports and major urban centers. outer stations, eleven schools, and 953 communicants. Fourteen Also, emphasis on primary and secondary education for both years later, in 1890, the numbers had more than doubled: thirteen girls and boys contributed to the establishment of upwardly central stations, thirty-eight outer stations, fifty-six schools, and mobile Christian families, thereby strengthening both the church 2,029 communicants.15 and the Hakka community. By nurturing Chinese evangelists During the early 1860s a major conflict between Hakka and guiding recently arrived German missionaries, Lechler and bendi (local Cantonese residents) in the Foshan district of helped to build a stable Hakka church that for some is closely Guangdong had led to the expulsion of thousands of Hakka. identified with their sense of Hakka ethnicity. While most mis- Hundreds fled to Hong Kong, where the Basel Mission provided sion societies expanded to other provinces, Basel continued temporary food and shelter. With the assistance of the mission, to work primarily in Guangdong. By 1922 its communicants some, including a number who had converted to Christianity, in Guangdong Province were second in number only to the emigrated overseas; furthermore, Hakka congregations in Mei- American Presbyterians.19 zhou, Xinan, and elsewhere were continually depleted by the Today the Hakka church is thriving, especially in Meizhou, departure of their members seeking better economic opportunities where youth are less subject to the lure of consumerism and overseas.16 They established Christian communities in Australia, materialism than in the Pearl Delta region. Ties between main- Sabah (North ), Hawaii, , San Francisco, South land and overseas Hakka have been renewed, and assistance America, and elsewhere. Retaining ties with the homeland, they from overseas Chinese has attained proportions reminiscent remitted funds for the establishment of schools and for the sup- of earlier remittances by Chinese émigrés. In recent decades port of orphanages and Chinese pastors. When Marie and Rudolf the Basel society has formed partnerships with independent Lechler returned to Germany on furlough in 1886, Christians Hakka churches in the People’s Republic as well as in overseas in Hawaii invited the Lechlers to visit them and even provided communities. Notes 1. Lechler to Inspector, Hong Kong, December 5, 1863, Archives of Basler the Basel archives, I have retained the German transliteration in Missionsgesellschaft, A-1.5, #10. Unless noted otherwise, subsequent endnotes. archival references are all to materials in the Basel Mission archives. 2. W. Schlatter, Rudolf Lechler. Ein Lebensbild aus der Basler Mission in The transliteration system employed by nineteenth-century German China (Basel: Missionsbuchhandlung, 1911), pp. 1–23. missionaries differs from pinyin; to assist in locating the sources in

42 International Bulletin of Missionary Research, Vol. 31, No. 1 3. Lechler to Inspector, Victoria, March 22, 1847, A-1.1, #4; Hamberg Insurrection (Hong Kong: China Mail, 1854), still an important source to Inspector, Hong Kong, March 27, 1847, ibid., #6. on the early Taiping movement. 4. For further detail on the Chinese Union and its demise, see Jessie G. 12. Lechler, “Lebensgeschichte des Reisepredigers Li Tschin-kau,” Hong Lutz and R. Ray Lutz, “Karl Gützlaff’s Approach to Indigenization: Kong, April 20, 1868, A-1.6, #9; also Li Chengen, “Das Leben des The Chinese Union,” in : From the Eighteenth Seligheimgegangenen Diakon Li Tschin-kau,” 1885, A-1.19, #38. Century to the Present, ed. Daniel H. Bays (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford 13. Li Tschin-kau, “Übersetzung des Berichts von dem Reiseprediger Univ. Press, 1996), pp. 269–91. Tschin Kau vom 8ten bis zum 10ten Monat,” trans. Lechler, Hong 5. “Mission in China,” Evangelisches Missions-Magazin 34, no. 4 (1849): Kong, February 17, 1869, A-1.6. #3; Li Tschin-kau, “Bericht über 143–44, quoting from Lechler’s diary; William Gauld, “History of die Arbeit des Reiseprediger Li Tsching-kau, 1870,” trans. Lechler, the Swatow Mission” (unfinished M.A. thesis, United Reformed January 1871, A-1.7, #91; Lechler to Inspector, July 16, 1869, A-1.6, Church Archive, Overseas Addenda, Box 103A, London), quoting #18. from Lechler’s diary, pp. 6–8; Schlatter, Rudolf Lechler, pp. 48–84. 14. This was generally true of the graduates of parochial girls’ schools. 6. “Mission in China,” pp. 143–44. See, for example, the report of the Berlin orphanage in Hong Kong, 7. “The Expulsion of Mr. Lechler from Yamtsau,” Chinese and Missionary Findelhaus Bethesda auf Hongkong (Berlin: Selbstverlag des Berliner Gleaner 2, no. 2 (July 1852): 15–16; George Hood, Mission Accomplished? Frauenmissionsvereins für China,1910), pp. 32–37. The English Presbyterian Mission in Lingtung, South China (Frankfurt: 15. C. J. Voskamp, “The Work of German Missions in China,” in China Peter Lang, 1986), pp. 28–29; Schlatter, Rudolf Lechler, p. 78. Mission Yearbook, 1914 (Shanghai: Christian Literature Society of 8. Diary for October 5, 1849, quoted in Evangelisches Missions-Magazin China, 1914), pp. 373–76. 35, no. 2 (1850): 248–49. 16. Philipp Winnes to Inspector, Hong Kong, January 14, 1861, A-1.4, 9. Lechler’s diary quoted in Gauld, “History,” pp. 11–12. #14; Lechler to Committee, January 10, 1862, ibid., #19; Lechler to 10. In the belief that a wife and family detracted from the dedicated, Inspector, “Erster Quartalbericht,” April 1868, A-1.6, #5. sacrificial life expected of a missionary, the Basel Society required a 17. Schlatter, Rudolf Lechler, pp. 183–87. Accompanying the Lechlers missionary to work in the field for five years before marrying. This were two girls who had been affianced to Hawaiian Christians. rule was soon abandoned as it became evident that women were 18. “Zur Würdigung Gützlaffs, des ersten deutschen Chinesen- needed to contact women and children in Chinese society, where missionars,” typed MS, Schachtel/box, A-1.10. separate social relations for sexes were the norm. 19. Milton T. Stauffer, ed., The Christian Occupation of China (Shanghai: 11. The contacts between Hamberg and Hong Rengan were the basis for China Continuation Committee, 1922), pp. 167–74. Hamberg’s Visions of Hung Siu-Tshuen and the Origin of the Kwang-si Selected Bibliography Works by Rudolf Lechler 1879 “A Sketch of the Work of the Basel Mission.” Chinese Recorder Lechler’s correspondence, reports, and essays are located in the Archives 10 (November–December): 145–48. of Basler Missionsgesellschaft, Basel, Switzerland, under China: Berichte 1887 “Meine Reise von China in die Heimat” (My journey home und Korrespondenz, 1847–1899, Lechler Fascicle, Schachtel/Box A-10.1. from China). Evangelisches Missions-Magazin. Selections from Lechler’s diaries and reports were regularly published 1888 “Die Chinesen in ihrem Verhältnis zur europäischen Kultur” in the Evangelisches Missions-Magazin (Basel), 1847–72. (The relation of the Chinese to European culture). Evangelisches 1851 Yang xin shenshe (Hymnal). Hong Kong. Missions-Magazin, pp. 110–41. 1860 Das Evangelium des Matthaeus im Volksdialekte der Hakka-Chinesen (The Gospel of Matthew in Hakka). Berlin. Works About Rudolf Lechler 1861 Acht Vorträge über China (Eight lectures on China). Basel: Verlag Eppler, Paul. Geschichte der Basler Mission, 1815–1899. Basel: des Missionshauses. Missionsverlag, 1900. 1865 Luka, tso uk, yim su, Hakka, syuk wai (The Gospel of Luke in Gauld, William, “History of the Swatow Mission.” Unfinished M.A. thesis, Hakka). Hong Kong. Council for World Mission, Archives of United Reformed Church 1871 “German Mission in Canton Province.” Chinese Recorder 4 (Presbyterian Church of England), Foreign Mission Committee, (October): 137–38. Overseas Addenda, Box 103A. London. 1874 Drei Vorträge über China (Three lectures on China). Basel: Hood, George. Mission Accomplished? The English Presbyterian Mission in Missionsbuchhandlung. Lingtung, South China. Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 1986. 1876 “A Visit to Some of the Basel Mission Stations in Kwangtung Lutz, Jessie G., and Rolland Ray Lutz. Hakka Chinese Confront Protestant Province.” Chinese Recorder 7 (July–August): 276–83. Christianity, 1850–1900. Armonk, N.Y.: M. E. Sharpe, 1998. 1877 “Historical Sketch of the Basel Mission Station at Lilong.” “Missionar Rudolf Lechler, 1847–1899, in China.” Evangelische Heidenbote Chinese Recorder 8 (January–February): 46–54. 5 (1908): 36–38. 1878 “The Hakka Chinese.” Chinese Recorder 9 (October): 352–59. Schlatter, Wilhelm. Geschichte der Basler Mission, 1815–1915. Vol. 2, 1878 “On the Relations of Protestant Missions to Education.” In Die Geschichte der Basler Mission in Indien und China. Basel: Record of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of Missionsverlag, 1916. China, Held at Shanghai, May 10–23, 1877. Shanghai: Presbyterian ———. Rudolf Lechler. Ein Lebensbild aus der Basler Mission in China. Basel: Mission Press. Missionsbuchhandlung, 1911.

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