Zimbabwe News, Vol. 18, No. 10
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Alternative title Zimbabwe News Author/Creator Zimbabwe African National Union Publisher Zimbabwe African National Union (Harare, Zimbabwe) Date 1987-10-00 Resource type Magazines (Periodicals) Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) Zimbabwe Coverage (temporal) 1987 Source Northwestern University Libraries, L968.91005 Z711 v.18 Rights By kind permission of ZANU, the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front. Description Editorial. Letters to the Editor. Comrade Samora: A Luta Continua. Repression and Injustice cannot Stand in a People's Liberation Struggle. Do not compromise our revolution the President and 1st Secretary of ZANU (PF)Comrade R.G. Mugabe tells New Brigade. Excepts from the President's Address at the Historic Chimoio Central Committee 31st September 1977. Socialism Part III and IV. Jongwe Press Profile. Cooperative Insurance: Its Role in National Development. Applying Science to Agriculture. The Ingutsheni of Chiweshe. The Black Consciousness Movement. President Samora Machel: Pictorial. Ethiopia — Dawn of a New Era. "No!" to USA Intervention in Central America. Talks in Panama. Fifth Anniversary of the Sabra and Shatila Massacre. Vietnam — The Struggle for Socialism. The West's Economic Apartheid in Africa. The October Revolution. The Case of Photomontage, and the People's Message. Steele Justice. Quiz No. 4. Format extent 52 page(s) (length/size)
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http://www.aluka.org Zimbabwe News
Zimbabwe News . FIGHT AND Official Organ of ZANU(PF) BUILD ZIMBABWE Department of Information and Publicity, 14 Austin Road, Workington, Harare -k Volume 18 No. 10, October 1987, Registered at the G.P.O. as a Newspaper ,70C (incA. sles tax) INDIS U E BONDS t - ".'' -t 1j '9 N.. /
The Aberfoyle Group means business in Zimbabwe. For example, Aberfoyle have recently invested in an exciting new development in the country's lowveld. This is the 12 000 hectare Mwenezi Oil Palm project which will bring employment to nearly 10 000 workers. At peak production this project is expected to generate foreign exchange earnings to the value of Z$60 million per annum. f Aberfoyle develops Zimbabwe's first Oil Palm project. At the heart of this development is the giant Manyuchi Dam, scheduled for completion in December, 1988. This dam will be the fourth largest in Zimbabwe. It will feed the oil palm plantations and provide water to surrotnding farmlands. Aberfoyle reduces import-dependency in the motor industry. The motor industry is an area where import substitution is vital. Here, Aberfoyle's involvement is through Stansfield Ratcliffe, manufacturers of Lucas and CAV motor electrics and essential spare parts for the motor industry. This company has plans to expand local. production and reduce the need to import electrical 1 motor spares. cup, Aberfoyle turns Zimbabwe's steel into manufactured products. 4_; _ Aberfoyle's agricultural interests include Zimbabwe's largest dairy farm The Aberfoyle Group is putting down strong roots in i's property and portfolio investments. Aberfoyle Investments owns and manages important properties such as Globe House and Electra House in Harare and its investment portfolio includes The Mwenezi Development Corporation is just one indication of Aberfoyle's interest in Zimbabwe. Within the group there are many other wideranging investments which will improve the quality of life for Zimbabweans, expand the economy and, in so doing, increase employment opportunities. Zimbabwe's cotton industry has earned itself international recognition for the quality of its product. It has even greater potential in the development of manufactured textile goods. Associated Textiles, a subsidiary of Aberfoyle Investments, is a major producer and exporter of clothing for men, boys and babies in the high-demand, cotton-knit sector. Turning Zimbabwe's cotton into export clothing. -Ae f l m e n manyosinesiasn'omat 1 many ot mre lea omng co mipalme: ______in the country. Steel plays a major role in Zimbabwe's development. In the area of manufactured steel products, Aberfoyle Industries, through AFA-Angus, supplies fire protection equipment for industrial and domestic use. Flexo Steel Industries, another Aberfoyle Industries company, makes and supplies steel window frames for houses, factories, shops and offices throughout the country. T he Abertoyle Group means business. We're here to invest and contribute to the developent of the country. Aberfoyle investing in Zimbabwe's property development. The Aberfoyle Group SZIMBABWE'S FUTURE -, IS OUR BUSINESS Aberfiyle Holdings (Pvt) Limited, Aberfoyle Industries (Pvt) Ltd. Mwenezi Development Corporation Ltd. Aberfoyle Investments (Zimbabwe) Ltd, Aberloyle Properties Limited. Alcor Limited. Associated Textiles, AFA-Angus, Flto Steel Industries. Stansfield Ratcliffe, Aberoyle Farms (Pet) Ltd. Kintyre Estate, Tenecrife Estate. ABERFOYLE IN MANICALAND, MASHONALAND, MASVINGO AND MATABELELAND S Farming tops the list of Zimbabwe's vital growth areas. Here the Aberfoyle Group is well represented by Kintyre Estates, the country's largest dairy farming enterprise and the only fully computerised dairy. Teneriffe Estate, another high input farming enterprise, concentrates on maize and tobacco.
COMRADE SAMORA! ALUTA CONTINUA Botha thought that by killing our gallant Son of Africa, he had killed the revolution in Southern Africa, instead, Samora's death gave us infinite courage to continue the struggle until final Victory . . . page 4 CO-OPERATIVE INSURENCE A situation where the people only control the produce and not the marketing, makes a mockery of the people's efforts to totally control the means of production ... Zimbabwe News analyses tlhe implications in the establishment of a cooperative insurance . . . page 20 THE BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS MOVEMENT "The Black Consciousness Philosophy states that in this fight for our liberation we stand alone as Black People, that is to say: the Blackman is the one who is suffering, he is the one that is oppressed, he is the dispossessed, so all Blackmen have to stand together to see to it that the dispossession, the oppression and exploitation is shaken off". A member of the Black Consciousness Movement talks to Zimbabwe News . . page 25 THE WEST'S ECONOMIC APARTHEID IN AFRICA "The huge external debt damages the National Sovereignty of African Countries. While giving loans to Africa, the IMF and the World Bank defends the interests of major Western creditors" a correspondent tackles the issue . . page 42 P. U-NG CONTENTS E d ito ria l ...... 2 L e tte rs to th e E d ito r ...... 3 Comrade Samora: A Luta Continua ...... 4 Repression and Injustice cannot Stand in a People's L ib e ra tio n S tru g g le ...... 7 Do not compromise our revolution the President and 1st Secretary of ZANU (PF) Comrade R.G. Mugabe tells New Brigade ...... 8 Excepts from the President's Address at the Historic Chimoio Central Committee 31st September 1977 ...... 12 S oc ialism Part III and IV ...... 13 J o n g w e P re ss P ro file ...... 16 Cooperative Insurance: Its Role in National Development ...... 20 A pplying Science to Agriculture ...... 22 The Ingutsheni of C hiw eshe ...... 23 The Black Consciousness Movement ...... 25 President Samora Machel: Pictorial ...... 28 Ethiopia - Daw n of a N ew Era ...... 34 "No!" to USA Intervention in Central America ...... 36 T a lk s in P a n a m a ...... 3 8 Fifth Anniversary of the Sabra and Shatila Massacre ...... 39 Vietnam - The Struggle for Socialism ...... 42 The West's Economic Apartheid in Africa ...... 42 The October Revolution ...... 44 The Case of Photomontage, and the People's Message ...... 46 S te e le J u s tic e ...... 4 7 Q u iz N o . 4 ...... 4 8 Zimbabwe News is the 6fficial News Organ of the Zimbabwe African National Union [ZANU (PF)] and is produced on the authority of the Central Committee by the Department of Information and Publicity, Jongwe Printing and Publishing Co., No, 14 Austin Road, Workington, Harare. World Copyright, Central Committee [ZANU (PF)I. Editorial Council: Cde. N.M. Shamuyaira; Cde. S.S. Mumbengegwi; Cde. C. Ndhlovu; Cde. J. Zvobgo; Cde. K. Batsirayi; Cde. M. Munyati; Cde. C. Nduku (Managing) Pictures by Jongwe Archives, Zimbabwe News papers and Ministry of rnformation ZIMBABWE NEWS OCTOBER, 1987
EDITORIAL Consolidating our Independence Major constitutional steps have been taken in recent months in the Zimbabwe Parliament to consolidate our hard won independence. The unwanted racial representatives have been shown the way out, to follow their leader, Ian Smith, into political oblivion. The President and First Secretary, Comrade R.G. Mugabe, will soon take his rightful seat as the executive President and head of State. Up to now he has only been head of the Government. The Senate will be winding up its business at the end of the Second Parliament in 1990. We have removed some of the clauses in the constitution which were forced upon us at the Lancaster House Constitution in December 1979. There are still some undesirable features in our constitution which can only be removed in 1990, at the end of tean years. Those clauses removed this year have been replaced by clauses which were advocated by our delegation at Lancaster. They bring the constitution, much nearer to an expression of the wishes and aspirations of the people of Zimbabwe. All patriotic Zimbabweans wish to see the end of the Lancaster House Constitution. It is littered with the extreme views of the most reactionary and opportunistic elements in our society, especially the Rev. Ndabaningi Sithole who abandoned the people's struggle and joined hands with the South African Boers; and Bishop Abel Muzorewa who was a trojan horse of the Smith settler regime. The tactics adopted by these reactionary elements at Lancaster House were to agree with the British Chairman, Lord Carrington, behind closed doors, and then leave the latter to present to the Patriotic Front delegation at an accomplished fact at the plenary sessions. Using these tactics day after day, Sithole and Muzorewa betrayed the true interests of the Zimbabwean people on one major issue after another. Although we are now removing some of the obnoxious clauses forced upon us, we have not yet eliminated altogether the influences of these reactionary elements of our society, especially in America. Sithole's representative still sits in our Parliament. Sithole himself is monting a campaign against Zimbabwe in America with the financial backing of the most racist and right-wing elements; and, furthermore, he is being used as a tool of the South African Boers in their plans and efforts to destabilise Mozambique and Zimbabwe. If the USA Government wants to improve its relations with the Government of Zimbabwe, it must curb the subversive activities of this Zimbabwean traitor on its soil. His activities go far beyond the usual criticism which can be ignored, into the area of subversion and terrorism. His insatiable desire for money, and more money, makes him an easy mercenary for any group or state that can pay the Dishonourable Reverend. However, the people and government of Zimbabwe still have many accounts to settle with this man for his traitorous behaviour while in prison, and the betrayal of ZANU and the nation at and before the Lancaster House Conference. The long arm of the nation shall ultimately and inevitably reach the traitor and his collaborators. Inspite of the betrayal of the two Reverends, Zimbabweans must maintain a proper perspective of the Church and the work of Church-related organisations. Our society has many illustrious churchmen like the Reverend Canaan 'Banana, the State President, and others, who are imbued with the spirit of patriotism and service to their nation. Their spiritual work is vital for the maintenance of the moral fibre of the nation as a whole. The new constitution should continue to guarantee the freedom to worship in any church and in any manner one chooses. However, Government must now keep a close eye on two tendencies within certain Churches that could lead to corruption and conflict. Firstly, there has appeared on the horizon some African-led indigenous Churches that reportedly engage in anti-social practices and social orgies. Their commitments to spiritual work as we know it is doubtful. Secondly, Zimbabwe has been "invaded" by some American-based religious and revivalist organisations that have political rather than spiritual objectives. They are funded by well known right and racist Church organisations in the USA. Their declared purpose is to oppose our Government's policies and not to preach the gospel. They distribute clothes on condition the recepients attend their church services. Some of them now work among Mozambican refugees as a cover for their political work in Zimbabwe and in Mozambique. These religious groups should be scrutinised carefully, and where necessary told that their work is not needed in Zimabwe. . ZIMBABWE NEWS OCTOBER, 1987
LETTERS TO THE EDITOR Dear Editor, One year today, Samora Moises Machel is still alive. Botha thought that by killing our gallant son of Africa, they have killed the revolution in Southern Africa, instead Samora's death gave us infinite courage, to continue the struggle until final victory. Though Southern Africa can not feel Samora's handshake, his revolutionary strength still prevails in the minds and hearts of all oppressed, progressive, and peace loving people the world over. Samora was the architect of the qualitative change that transformed the national liberation struggle in Mozambique into a revolution. He merged his individual destiny with the historic destiny of the people and the sovereign nation of Mozambique which he brought into being. The history of Samora as a guerilla fighter, a revolutionary leader with the aspirations of the people at heart became a collective destiny which will continue to inspire more courage and sacrifice until the bandits are eradicated. He formulated the ideology of the Frelimo Party, through a synthesis of the Mozambican peoples' experience of the struggle and the universal principles of Marxism-Leninism, which became rooted in the history and values steeled in the fight against oppression and exploitation. Under the impetus of Samora's encouragement, Mozambican hands learnt how to handle tractors, cranes, locomotives, combine harvestors, and also to operate factories and to use the surgeon's scapel. The struggle for independence was of the people. The state too became of the people - the workers and peasants. Under Samora's leadership the land was returned to the people, education ceased to be a privilegefor the few, the hospitals and the apartment blocks were opened to Mozambicans, the legal system became an instrument of people's power. During the struggle, Samara used to say "We are not fighting to change the colour of the exploiters, to replace oppression by foreigners with oppression by Mozambicans ". Africa recognises Samora as one of its most brilliant sons, dedicated to the cause of liberation and Africa Unity. The people's Republic of Mozambique whose people are uncowered by the burdens of drought and flood and relentless attacks from the apartheid regime in South Africa through hordes of terrorist armed bandits will carry the revolutionary torch up to the end. Children are being slaughtered and maimed by the bandits BUT the will of the Mozambican people, the determination to defend Samora's legacy under President Joaquim Chissano's leadership can be read on the face of every Mozambican patriot. The will of the people will triumph as they continue to shout "WE WANT WEAPONS TO FIGHT THE BANDITS!" The frontline States and all progresive mankind will continue to carry the banner of Freedom up to the end until Samora's will is fulfilled that of total freedom and justice devoid of all forms of exploitation. Victory is certain! A Luta Continua! Samora is Alive! The struggle continues! Yours in the struggle Jefferson Itswai. Dear Editor, Allow me space in the people's mouthpiece and let me air my satisfaction with the way we are going here in Zimbabwe. Most people do not seem to appreciate the fact that we have now come to the end of the road for the obnoxious Lancaster House Constitution and are now in a position to institute our own constitution that recognises the Zimbabwean as a Zimbabwean though other aspects of the constitution still need to be dealt with that continue to entrench white minority interests, e.g. the educational aspect that continues to divide the schools into priviledged and non-priviledged. While I do not quarrel with the way things in education are at the moment, I believe that the Party and Government should move with speed in arresting the development of a culture that is being created by the present educational system so to speak. Some of our children are facing the danger of becoming "culturally extinct" and the blame should also lie squarely on the parents who do not attempt to control this trend in their homes but actually are amused by their children's loss of identity. However, we the people look forward to having an executive presidency, we look forward to the removal of reserved seats in spite of the technical problems involved, we look forward to having only one house which will allow the speedier handling of Government business, and most of all we look forward to the establishment of a one Party state, as soon as the people decide. And may the revolution continue unabated till the people control the means of production. The Struggle Continues. Yours Comradely, James Mafara, UZ (Pal Adm) Dear Editor, In celebration of the anniversary of the great October Revolution of the USSR, also to us a whistle echoes across the homeland in our socialist transformation. It is with the greatest optimism that we celebrate the anniversary of the great October Revolution with other socialists the world over. This year, as a reference this celebration is a decisive counter-blow to the inhuman imperialist manouvers of our epoch. I strongly believe that this anniversary marks the turning point not only of the Soviet-Germany fascism but also of the victory of world anti-colonialist and imperialist struggle which have claimed so many lives in Southern Africa, South America, the Middle East and the Far East. Today, the Soviet Union has grown more powerful in trying to defend the existance of socialism which has grown 'from strength to strength as a concept revealing the survival of mankind against foreign domination. In marking the final defeat of imperialism, one recalls the great warriors of the Red Army at Stalingrad who performed heroically and died for the destiny of all mankind. As the victory of the Red Army is celebrated in Red Square, Zimbabweans will also be celebrating their victory over the white colonialist and settler regime. Ours was a war of resistance against British colonisers who for ninty years, exploited the people of this country hence as we became more and more underdeveloped they became more and more developed with the cheap labour and resources they plundered from our land. Our fight for economic independence will continue until final victory. The elimination of racial representation is a step further in the final dictatorship of the proletariate. The struggle for which our sons, brothers and sisters died will continue untilfinal victory. We hail the Great October Revolution as much as we hail our defeat over imperialism. A Luta Continua! Biggie E. Chibupwe Chitungwiza ZIMBABWE NEWS OCTOBER, 1987
Comrade Samora: A Luta Continua The tragic death of President Samora Moises Machel in a plane crush on South African soil on October 19 last year sparked off a wave of anger and emotion never before witnessed in Zimbabwe. Militant students took to the streets, waving placards and singing revolutionary songs in praise of the fallen hero of the Mozambican and Zimbabwean liberation struggles. Ml ugabe and Machel are IAlliberators", "ZANLA and FRELIMO stand together", "Someone will have to pay for Samora's death", read some of the placards carried by the students. The streets of Harare thronged with the vibrations of songs denouncing the racist regime of South Africa. Some white people in Harare fac- The late President - A man of the people ed the wrath of students when they were beaten up for making infuriating statements about the death of the great revolutionary. Rallies were held throughout Zimbabwe and days of national mourning observed. The late President Machel was a man of extraordinary qualities. He was a revolutionary fighter, a statesman, a man of the people, a man of peace and, above all, a true lover of humanity. Comrade Machel's links with our struggle for freedom went back to the 1960s. The potential for these links arose in 1968 when FRELIMO opened its Tete front against the Portuguese colonial forces. After receiving little response from ZAPU, to whom FRELIMO was allied, discussion took place with ZANU (PF) which was willing to fight. "Some of us, when we look at the situation in Mozambique, realize if we liberate Mozambique tomorrow that will not be the end. The liberation of Mozambique without the liberation of Zimbabwe is meaningless", Comrade Machel declared in May 1970 at a meeting in Lusaka with leaders of ZANU (PF) including the late comrades Herbert Chitepo and Josiah Tongogara. It was at this historic meeting that the Mozambican leader agreed that FRELIMO would assist ZANU (PF) to open the new north-eastern front through Tete. That front opened in December 1972 marking the beginning of the decisive phase in the struggle for the liberation of Zimbabwe. Machel's observation quoted above was made five years before Mozambique's independence and a decade before Zimbabwe's. Those ZIMBABWE NEWS OCTOBER, 1987 two brief sentences reveal the depth of his early understanding of the inseparable historical destinies of our two countries. It. was an understanding and a commitment he remained faithful to throughout his life and his support and the support of the Mozambican people, were vital ingredients in our liberation struggle. In March 1976, only nine months after Mozambique's independence, Comrade Machel closed his country's border with Rhodesia in compliance with United Nations sanctions against the rebel colony. To understand the Implications of that decision it is necessary to consider Mozambique's legacy from Portuguese settler colonialism. An important earnings from pc at Maputo and Be had been develo landlocked Africa by closing the-bo Machel chose to drivers were white and to obtain a licence to sell matches on a street corner the applicant had to be white. Mozambique's huge potential had been barely been tapped by Portugal - Europe's most under-developed colonial power. The economy, such as it was, was built on supplying labour to South Africa's mines and gold paid at preferential rates covering part of their salaries. Solidarity born out of hard and bitter struggle related factor was que National Resistance (MNR). In )rt and rail charges April 1980, on the eve of Zimbabwe's eira as Mozambique independence, this group was inped to service the herited by South Africa and unleashan hinterland. Thus, ed with even more devastating effect rder with Rhodesia, against Mozambique. forego one of the most vital elements of his frail economy. Over the next four years the United Nations estimated that this action cost Mozambique a minimum of US$550 million. Mozambique's decision to support the Zimbabwean liberation struggle had one further serious implication, one which continues today. Rhodesian intelligence created in 1976 a surrogate group called the Mozambi- Preliminary estimates of a study being undertaken for the Mozambican government reveal the appalling economic and social price that country has paid since 1980. Direct and indirect economic losses are calculated at US$5,5 to $6,5 billion and war-related deaths at between 300 000 to 400 000. In reference to South Africa, the late Machel once observed: "There are two things you can't choose, brothers and neighbours. We can't move our country". Zimbabwe's soldiers and people are today fighting shoulder to shoulder with Mozambicans against common enemies as in the days of the liberation struggles. Victory over our enemies is the most fitting tribute with which we can recognise the principles Machel fought and died for. In his message of condolence to the government and people of Mozambique our Prime Minister and leader of ZANU (PF), Comrade Robert G. Mugabe, said the following about the late Comrade Machel: "Zimbabweans in particular shall always have a vivid memory of and profound gratitude for Comrade Machel's selfless dedication to the independence of Zimbabwe, for even as his country was celebrating its own independence, he made it clear that freedom could not be complete ZIMBABWE NEWS OCTOBER, 1987
To love and to serve - till the complete freedom of the people is achieved - Samora lives without the freedom of Zimbabwe. Ultimately, the commitment to Zimbabwe's freedom translated itself to the commitment to the freedom and justice for the toiling masses of South Africa and Namibia. Indeed, as the true revolutionary that he was, he cherished the freedom of the Palestinians under the PLO, of Western Sahara under Polisario and East Timor under Fretlin". In July this year Heads of State and Government of the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference (SADCC), which includes the Frontline States, held a ceremony at Zambia's State House during~which the Chairman of SADCC, Botswana's President Quett Masire, presented Mozambican President Joaquim Chissano with the Sir Seretse Khama SADCC medal as a posthumous award to the late President Samora Machel. At that ceremony Comrade Mugabe said: "Let the colonialists take heed of this honour, for it signals that this illustrious and gallant star of African revolution has not been forgotten. The revolutionary struggle did not die with him. On the confrary, his vision, his ideals, his intrepid leadership and his singular determination will live long after him." Comrade Machel will always be remembered for his down-to-earth ideological clarity which demytified socialism and for his total opposition to racialism, tribalism and, regionalism. ZIMBABWE NEWS OCTOE
Lepression and Injustice Cannot Stand in a People's Liberation Struggle Thirteen years following the overthrow of the Sallasie "brutal and exploitative feudal state" and thirteen years of Ethiopia under stewdarship of Comrade Mengistu Haile-Mariam, Secretary General of the Workers' Party of Ethiopia the Democratic People's Republic of Ethiopia was found on the 10th of September 1987. Comrade R.G. Mugabe, the President and First Secretary of our Party paid tribute to "all the heroes of the popular Ethiopian revolution who gave up ter lives for the sacred national cause" We reproduce the full text of the speech presented on the occassion. Ivs me and my delegation great plsure and honour to be the guests othe Ethiopian Government and p le on this glorious occasion. On baif of my Party, ZANU (PF), my vernmeht, and the entire people of babwe, I wish to thank you most cerely for the kind invitation extended to us to join you and witness for ourselves this momentous and historic occasion in the history of this great country. We are equally grateful for the warm reception and the generous hospitality accorded to us by the friendly and fraternal people of Ethiopia. The citizens of Addis Ababa, in particular, have been wonderful hosts to me and my entire delegation. Today is indeed a great day, a very. proud occasion in the political transformation of Ethiopia. A brilliant and indelible chapter has opened, one of which the gallant people of this nation have every justification to be proud. My Party, ZANU (PF), the Government and fraternal people of Zimbabwe, join the entire progressive mankind in paying a richly deserved tribute to you personally, Comrade Mengistu, the Workers' Party of Ethiopia, the Government and people of Ethiopia. We are honoured and privileged to witness the birth of a new era which has been the result of a clear, deliberate and skilfully guided process of political transformation, set in motion by your historic and heroic revolutionary activities of the last thirteen years. Popular Revolution The achievement of the People's Democratic Republic status, through a democratic and peaceful process is clearly attributable to the highest and finest qualities of leadership which you, Comrade and Brother Mengistu, have ably demonstrated since assuming your elevated position. Your revolutionary dedication to the service of your people and country, and your intellectual vigour have inspired this great nation with a sense of mission and destiny. Your personal tenacity, commitment to and faith in the objectives, and principles of the thirteen- year old popular revolution earned you world-wide respect as a leader of high integrity. You, and your people, more than anyone else, know that the going has not been easy. Many a time reactionary forces, both internal and external, laboured in vain to dilute, undermine and even nullify the goals and ideas of the popular revolution. Indeed, distinguished fellow guests, we owe today's celebrations to the former Provisional Military Administrative Council of Ethiopia, to the workers and peasants of this land. Above all, we owe all the achievements which we celebrate today to the sacrifices of all the heroes of the popular revolution, who gave up their youth and indeed, their very lives for the sacred national cause. We salute them all. Even the most imaginative dreamer could not have known thirteen years ago, when the popular revolution erupted, that that was the beginning of an irreversible transformative process leading to the birth today of a People's Democratic Republic, on the ashes of one of the world's longest-surviving, most brutal and exploitative feudal states. We rejoice with the entire Ethiopian nation that the transition which we celebrate today ensures the perma- Democratic People's Republic of Ethiopia - ensures the permanent fall of feudalism and the triumph of democracy and the socialist revolution neni fall of feudalism and the triumph of democracy and the socialist revolution. Free, democratic and revolutionary Ethiopia will never go back to those dark and sordid days of repression and exploitation of the masses. Comrade President, I was highly honoured and privileged to be your guest at the Founding Congress of the Workers' Party of Etniopia several months ago. That too, was an equally successful event, which was a positive augury for even greater things in future, such as the adoption of the new constitution and the proclamation of a People's Democratic Republic today. Comrade President and Distinguished Guests, the glorious victories and achievements which we are here gathered to celebrate, should remind, rather than render us ablivous of the plight of all those the world over, who are ' denied democracy, equality and social justice. The celebrations marking the achievements of Ethiopia's independence, sovereignty and successful transformation to a People's Democratic Republic should, in par- ZIMBABWE NEWS OCTOBER, 1987 ticular, remind us all of the masses in South Africa and Namibia who are victims of a repressive and savage racist and colonial order. The victory of the Ethiopian revolution, indeed has a very clear message for the apartheid regime in Pretoria and Windhoek, as well as for the Zionists in Tel-Aviv. The message is that no amount of repression and injustice can stand in the way of people waging a just liberation struggle; and that for the peoples of South Africa, Namibia and Palestine, victory must one day come, and will certainly come. Finally, to our Comrades, brothers and sisters of this great land, I will conclude by reminding you that these achievements of your revolution must be guarded jealously against external and internal enemies. As you build upon these successes to accomplish even greater revolutionary heights, you have our best wishes for success. Long live the People's Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, Long live the Workers' Party of Ethiopia, Long live President Mengistu Haile-Mariam. A Luta Continua! Do not compromise our revolution - New Brigade Told First Secretary and President of the Party - Comrade R.G. Mugabe - It is our wish and will to manufacture material needed by Defence Forces The President and First Secretary of the Party Comrade Robert Mugabe urged the members of the newly formed 6 Brigade to safeguard our revolution in the wake of the enemy mechinations of the Pretoria regime which seeks to destroy the hard won independence of the people of Zimbabwe who took to arms to liberate the country from Smith's colonial racist regime. He stressed the importance of discipline and self-discipline. We reproduce the full text of the speech delivered at Llewellin Barracks on the 12th of September. ne ot our most cherished ideals as a nation is the attainment of national self reliance in as many sectors of our national life as possible. Quite obviously, defence is one of the key areas of our national life where we should strive for self-reliance with the greatest effort. and zeal. Notwithstanding our sincere ZIMBABWE NEWS OCTO5 gratitude to those of our friends and allies who have either helped us, or continue to help us, build and train some of our Brigades, there cannot be any doubt that our best course of action in national selfdefence lies in our preparedness and ability to train our own instructors who would build and train our Brigades. As a young and revolutionary nation, we cannot do less because our enemies are older and violently reactionary. Comrades and Friends, Officers and men, today we witness one of the many events which weave into the fabric of the unfolding process of our transformation and consolidation as a nation, namely the passing out of 5 000 officers and men, who form our latest creation,, the Sixth Brigade. The young men passing out today, were trained by Zimbabwean instructors under Zimbabwean conditions. The main difference between this Brigade and those preceeding it lies in that, unlike the others which were built up and trained by expatriate instructors, the Six Brigade is the first to be trained by our own local instructors. We are particularly proud of this because it is the contribution by our military towards the national ideal of self-reliance. Eventually, we want to be able, not only to train our own soldiers, but also to manufacture, within the national perspective, some of the equipment and accessories needed by our Defence Forces. It is our wish and we 'have the will to see to its fulfilment. Why Another Brigade We leave it to the young men of Six Brigade to demonstrate whether our pride in their Brigade can be sustained against the test of active service. Their success is the success of their instructors and of the \nation, but their failure cannot be our failure for we have given them of our best during the 53 weeks of their training. Let me turn briefly to the rationale behind the formation of Six Brigade. We had only five Brigades when the thought of forming a sixth one came to our minds. In reality, the formation of Six Brigade was not a reaction to an imagined threat, nor a subjective desire for a larger army. Rather, it was a choice thrust upon us byan objective reality, a harsh reality of an antagonistic neighbour to the South of us. The apartheid regime's acts of aggression and destabilization upon the Frontline States have forced us to engage our forces in both external and internal operations. Her subversion of Mozambique's socio-political sovereignty had the potential to completely deny us any routes to the sea through either Maputo or Bgira; while her destabilization of our national cohesiveness and unity had the intention to force us to take the retrogressive step of succumbing once The President Comrade Robert Mugabe reviews the pass-out parade again to a colonial or neo-colonial status, presses itself on the basis of principles this time a bantustan of South Africa. which, by their just nature, oppose those South Africa's threats and her acts of principles upon which racist South Africa naked frincae at and ss deract of is constructed. For this reason, the prinnaked violence and agression demand of cip~les of apartheid are violently opposed us that we take military steps to defend to les oth inpthei our sovereignty and secure our routes to theoretical postulations and in their practhe sea, particularly to secure what has tical expression. As long as this vicious now come to be known as the "Beira Cor- tag ex sts Zombaweaiscot ridor". It is against the background of a enjoy their freedom, democracy and inregion embroiled in South African- dependence. Our right to life in freedom, sponsored destabilization, aggression and democracy and independence. Our right turmoil that we decided to form the Six tocfe ind isdopromied as log Brigde.Afte ths deisin, 8000ap-to life in freedom is compromised as long Brigade. After this decision, 8 000 ap- as apartheid exists in South Africa and plications were interviewed at fourteen the Boers continue to want to destabilize centres across the country. After rigorous and invade us. This Brigade, like all the tests both of theoretical and practical others formed before it, has therefore an nature, taking five days per person, 5 000 urs task before it, as terefen young men were selected to undergo the urgent task before it, namely, to defend progamme fity treeweek oftrain- our revolution against both internal and programmed fifty three weeks oftriexternal enemies. It is commonly known ing. It is these 5 000 young men whose thtea re ion tt s omenism gradatin wemar andcelbrat toay.that a revolution that has no mechanism graduation we mark and celebrate today, and capacity for military self-defence canTheir passing out today effectively marks not last longer than the sight of its enemy. the official birthday of the Six Brigade. To the officers and men of Six Brigade, I want to congratulate all the officers, I wish to say that you are the children, men and the instructors who worked defenders and beneflciaries of our revolutirelessly to convert what was perhaps a tion We have trained you to our highest dream into a reality, to convert what In standard so that you can give your nation 1986 was a loose group of young men into a cohesive and proud Infantry Brigade. of your best. These young men, who have graduated Do Not Compromise today, will join other Brigides to defend Oar Revolution our boundaries, secure our socioeconomic and political gains as well as I am advised that the training you receivjoin hands with the rest of the nation in ed places you at par or even higher than ensuring that the process of our social your colleagues and comrades in other transformation carries on upon the prin- Brigades. Your training included 30 weeks ciples of democracy, national unity, of basic military training and 23 weeks of socio-economic equity and justice. specialist training in various disciplines of We became a sovereign State in April your choice. I am further informed that 1980, but our sovereignty is not a static forty of you are enrolled with the Zimphenomenon, for it too has to respond babwe Military Academy for further to the threats of our enemies and the specialisation, while seven are underaspirations of our people, thus giving it going pilot training with the Air Force. tasks and obligations of both a general Your'Brigade is also unique in that all and specific nature. Our sovereignty ex- the staff of your supporting services, ZIMBABWE NEWS OCTOBER, 1987 namely, the Medical Company, Pay Company, Signals Squadron, Maintenance Unit, Intelligence Company and Engineers Squadron, were trained together within the Brigade, giving it thus a unique potential for cohesiveness and team spirit. The various units of the Brigade therefore possess a common culture and orientation, making coordination of the units a lot easier. I have often reminded young graduates that while graduation is an event, learning is a process with no end in sight. I wish to repeat this same advice to you, your passing out parade today must not mark the end of your training. The passing out parade is a ceremony giving you authority to practice as soldiers and it opens a new chapter of more practical training. The distinctive feature of this new phase of your training is that your mistakes can cause not only your own passing away, or that of your campany or Brigade, but also the collapse of our revolution and the compromise of our sovereignty. Pass out, yes, we must, but passing away, no, we must prevent. Training and training and training is our one strong guarantee against defeat at the battlefield. You will soon be called upon to prove your worth in actual battle conditions. As you are aware, your colleagues in the other Brigades are already engaged in combat in Mozambique against the Renamo Bandits, and inside the country, they are on the hunt for the South African-backed bandits. Every aspect of your training and evqry drill that you have practised must now be recalled and refined as you ready yourselves up for combat. However, all this expert training and the other attributes that your instructors have tried so hard to inculcate into you during your training will come to nought if you, as a Brigade, are not disciplined. Discipline is one of the most essential attributes of a soldier. Without discipline no force can claim to be efficient. I have always seen discipline in two forms. One is the "externally imposed discipline" which derives from adherence to the rules and regulations as stipulated in your standing orders and other sources of the law governing the Defence Forces. This is the type of discipline whose breach leads to appearances of the offender before a Court Martial. Secondly, there is selfdiscipline which stems from your own ability to take your profession seriously and to learn all the things necessary for you to provide outstanding performance and live up to the country's expectations of you as a member of a first class Brigade, Self-discipline also entails the development of a one's own country. It is this form of discipline which distinguishes a leader from the rank and file. We need both forms of discipline in our soldiers. A combination of both types of discipline among the officers and men will create a Brigade which is like a welloiled machine, competing with only the Pass.out yes but not pass away ZIMBABWE NEWS OCTOBER, 1987. A mamoer o ne six ungaae at training - it was rigorous best in militaiy excellence. I am sure these attributes have been emphasized to you during your training, and what remains to be seen is the practical application of those ideals in real situations. Be Humble Another important aspect of your career is your relationship with the public. No Army can be successful without the cooperation of the people with whom they operate. Without that support, a soldier is like a fish out of water. You should always be humble and willing to serve at all times. There is no room for arrogance in our natibnal philosophy. You should never be found guilty of harrassing or intimidating those same people that you are employed to protect. You are joining the other existing Brigades, who have already established in practice their reputation as a People's Army. You should not only follow their excellent example but you should make deliberate efforts- to improve upon those achievements. I am advised that so far your relations with the public have been exemplary. You have excelled in sport in your competitions with both civilian and other uniformed members of our society and represented Zimbabwe in international shooting, boxing, and other competitions. In all this, your spirit of fair competition is said to have been coupled with politeness. Please keep this up. I must also remind you that what you have joined is a dignified and highly respected profession and the country you are going to serve is a proud one for whom only the best will do. You, therefore, have definite obligations both to your career and to your country. I would be amiss if I ended my address without making any comments at all about your accommodation. I am aware that you do not have a Brigade Headquarters or Battalion Barracks of your own. There were bottlenecks in thI con- struction programmes of the Ministry of Defence which have been identified and corrective measures have been put in place. The site of your Headquarters has been found and work will start this financial year on Phase I of the project. As regards equipment, we will equip you with the equipment at our disposal and as we up-date weapons and other equipment throughout the Defence Forces, we shall avail to you your share of that equipment. In this regard, I wish to say that, although it is desirable to do so, we cannot catch up with the industrialised world in terms of the military technology at our disposal. Our economy is characteristically a Third World economy and as such limits us to the procurement of modest military equipment. As during the liberation struggle, our power and strength derive not as much from the power and strength of our weapons, as upon the collective will of our people and upon our own commitment as soldiers to defend our beliefs and the just basis of such beliefs. Accordingly, I call on you to work towards the unity of our nation and to use your hightened consciousness of our nationhood to defend all our people. ZIMBABWE NEWS OCTOBER, 1987
Learning from the Teachings of the President and First Secretary Excepts from the Historic Chimoio Central Committee meeting - 31st September, 1977 Party Unity "A brief historical background of ZANU and the struggle it has been waging has been given above. Throughout the fourteen years of ZANU's existence the one unmistakeable feature that emerges is the unity that has bound together those of us with a greater commitment to the principles and objectives of the Party. "I define Party unity as a harmony that draws us together under the given leadership of the Party towards the achievement of its goals. Unity is in fact more than mere harmony. It is an active bond of aspirants who share in common given political beliefs. Unity is integrative of constructive or progressive or revolutionary forces in the direction of set goals. Unity is equally disintegrative of destructive or retrogressive or counterrevolutionary forces that operate against progress and so against unity itself. I take all those of us who genuinely believe in ZANU and accept its constitutional structure and objectives and are actively working for the fulfilment of its revolutionary goals, as ZANU's constructive or progressive forces. "On the other hand, destructive forces are those amongst us who ardously strive any direction that militates against the Party line or who, in any way, seek, like the rebels of 1974 and 1975/6, to bring about change in the leadership or structure of the party by maliciously planting contraditions within our ranks. These constitute negative or counterrevolutionary forces because their actions are a negation of the struggle. We must negate them in turn. This is what is referred to as the negation of thenegation. We cannot afford to lie low when cliquists, tribalists or regionalists are plotting daily to undermine the unity of the Party by fanning dissension and confusion. Party Discipline "ZANU is a Party full of experience. It is said experience is a great teacher, I wonder whether in respect of discipline we can claim to have learnt from experience. It cannot be denied that right from the Central Committee down to the smallest Party unit indiscipline pervades our entire structure. "On a number of occasions, I have described discipline as having two dimensions - the external and the internal emphasizing that the internal kind of discipline was the more important of the two. Internal discipline is a state of order within a person that propels him constantly to do fight things. It is a stage of individual development that resolves the contradictions within an individual. "The pull to be selfish is counterbalanced by a greater pull to be selfless, the pull to drunkeness is countered by one to moderation, the pull to disobedience is negatived by that to obedience, the pull to sexual givenness yields to sexual restraint, deviationism is corrected by compliance, and individualism by collectivism. The individual must comply with the order laid down by the group. "Our group is the Party called ZANU. ZANU has an order, rules and regulations which make its system - the ZANU system of behaviour. When an individual cannot subject himself to discipline, then external discipline must apply. The Party must compel him to conform. This is where punishment comes in. We, who are members of the Central Committee, have to demonstrate by our own actions that we are entitled to demand of others compliance to rules of discipline. Let greater consciousness of the tasks that confront us grow within us. Let us deserve to be ZANU. Party Ideology "The Party has accepted scientific socialism as its guiding philosophy. No one is born a scientific socialist. Marx was not, neither was Lenin nor Mao. Marx conceived the philosophy underlying scientific socialism. Lenin learnt, interpreted and applied it to Russia. Mao did the same in respect of China. "We, who have accepted socialist theory as the basis of practice in our own countries, have a duty to read and understand what the fathers of that theory actually say. "We also have to examine the theory in the light of our history and the environment of our country. Only in this way can we evolve from the pure ideology of socialism a workable practical ideology for Zimbabwe. "The leadership must be warned that unless it can keep ahead of its followers, in its ideological education, it cannot justifiably continue to lay any sustenable claim to leadership. Ideology guides the Party. The Leadership which leads the Party must, therefore, be ideologically oriented. Otherwise, such leadership becomes a misfit. Let us with haste transform ourselves so we can deserve to lead and instruct our followers. Literature abounds. Let us avail ourselves of it! 0 GET YOUR COPY OF THE FIRST ZANU (PF) WOMEN'S LEAGUE OFFICIAL ORGAN, ZIMBABWE WOMAN NOW! ZIMBABWE NEWS OCTOBER,
Socialism Part III and IV PART III Critical utopian socialism, this includes all those sections of progressive mankind who first emerge when the feudal society was being over thrown. The clarion call at this stage of social revolution is liberty from the feudal lord, from the monarchy, from feudal taxes etc equality of 'man in society as opposed to equality between the serf and the feudal lord. Brotherhood - of all mankind where man lives in a society of perpetual peace and harmony. These forces see the bourgeoisie who has led the age of enlightment; industrial revolution etc come into power and in a short time negate the principles the people had struggled for. The critical utopia socialists ruthlessly expose the exploitation and oppression of the capitalist system. This system is however still at its infancy. The proletariat Is still in an undeveloped state and the economic conditions for its emancipation have not fully come into being. Such conditions could only be created by the impending bourgeoisie epoch alone. These "good natured" and well intentioned people see social antagonisms. They see the proletariat which is still in its infancy only suffering, dispondency and demoralisation. They see this class as a class of sufferers and as a class without any historical initiative or a class that can possibly form an independent political movement. Having vehemently criticised and condemned capitalist exploitation noting no historical initiative In the proletariat, the utopian socialists proceed to formulate plans, models etc at whose centre they are conscious of caring chiefly for the interests of the working class which they have identified as the suffering class. They draw up these plans to the finest detail - even break them into years and engage in programmes that are to alleviate the suffering of the working class. These good intentioned people severely criticised the existing capitalist mode of production and its consequences but could not explain them In terms of their origin and development and therefore could not master them. In their solution to the social conflict they reject, to quote the Manifesto "all political and especially all revolutionary action; they wish to obtain their ends by peaceful means and endeavour, by small experiments, necessarily doomed to failure, and by force of example, to pave the way for the New Social Gospel" (P70) In a word, their method of work is one of reconciling class antagonisms and therefore deadening class struggle. These well intentioned people are progressive only to the extent that they identify and expose before the working people that the capitalist in an exploiter and oppressor. They however fail to see class struggle as the only means to liberation of the working class and the whole society. This short-coming however, arises from the fact that the proletariat is still in its infancy and the conditions for its emancipation have not yet fully taken root. They reject class struggle and in the final analysis appeal to reason and justice, appeal to the bourgeoisie to change heart and try to alleviate the suffering of the poor. They do not see economic interests but only see the poor man and his suffering on the one hand and the selfish nature of the capitalist on the other hand. Among this group, we have the whole range of African socialisms. Euro-Communism etc which is the final analysis come to serve the bourgeoisie. This whole group claim that they are implementing their own brand of socialism while they negate classes and class struggle. They claim to be taking into account the concrete realities while they do not expose the various classes, their interests and their roles in those concrete conditions. Together with these are all other brands of opportunists who claim to be Implementing scientific socialism when there is no party of the working class. This Is only to food the people but only for some time as the contradictions in the material conditions continue to sharpen when the misery of the working people continues to increase. All these brands of socialism are not scientific. They all leave out the crucial question of classes and class struggle. How does this scientific come to perform those tasks outlined in the definition? From our discussion so far, it is clear that Marx and Engels never invented socialism. Socialism as we have seen were the reflections of the best of mankind in an attempt to come up with a society free from oppression and exploitation, a society of equality and brotherhood, prosperity, peace and perpetual harmony. The major pre-occupation of this socialism was one of manufacturing a system of society as perfect as possible but not to examine the historic-economic succession of events from which classes and their antagonisms had sprung and to discover from these very economic conditions created, the means of ending the conflict. What we owe to Marx and Engels, rather than the "intention" of socialism, is the two great discoveries they made in the history of the development of human society. These two discoveries are responsible for finally-turning socialism from a dream into a science. Marx discovered (I) the materialist conception of history and in turn revealed (ii) the secret of capitalist exploitation and how to remove it. That is how capitalist production is based on the creation of surplus value and have class struggle of the pro: letariat is guided to overthrow the bourgeoisie and the whole capitalist system and in its place build Communism of which socialism is merely the first phase. The materialist conception of history is the theoretical framework of scientific socialism and class struggle its method and motive force for change in history and society. Within these two great discoveries, mankind's history opening_ up. the contemporary era with the 1917 Great October Socialist Revolution, has proved the necessity and possibilities of the overthrow of the bourgeoisie and through the dictatorship of the proletariat over the bourgeoisie, real possibilities of the transition from capitalism to socialism and communism are no longer a dream but a reality. ZIMBABWE NEWS OCTOBER, 1987
Materialist Conception of History Unlike the idealist conception that hold that the ideal, spiritual factors (God, Ancestors, will of outstanding individuals, religion or ethics', laws or conscience) are crucial to social development, the materialist conception of history holds that labour and production constitute the most decisive and determinant force of all social development. This is based on the fact that for man to live, he has to eat, he needs housing to live In and he needs clothes to put on. For man to have these material means that he sustains his life, he has to produce them. Whether he likes it or not want and need compel man to till land for food, to build homes, to make clothes and make implements of production and exchange the products of his own labour for other products. Production and exchange of the material means produced therefore constitute the material conditions for living. They constitute the material life of people and their social being. To produce the material means of life, man enters into special relation with nature and other men. Man acts on nature using certain implements either picked from nature, (stone, stick) or man-made (tools, machines etc). The three basic elements for production to take place are labour force that is the capacity of man, his experience and intellect to work, the objects of labour that is the raw materials from nature or semifinished products man acts on; andthe means of labour that Is the instruments which man uses in the process of labour, determining the efficiency with which he acts on nature. The objects of labour together with the means of labour constitute the means of production. This is the sum total of material conditions which make production possible. The means of production put together with man and his knowledge and experience to set them into motion constitute the forces of production. The level of development of the productive forces determines the degree to which man dominates over nature. To act this nature man enters into special relations with one another and carries out joint activity in the production of the material means that he requires. These are the production relations. What is produc. ed is determined by who, at any given moment in history, owns the means of production. Besides determining what is produced, the owners of the means of production, by the fact of their ownership, determine how these products are distributed, exchanged and finally consumed. Production relations are therefore the totality of the relations that exist to make production and exchange possible at any given point In time in history. The totality of these relations at a given point in history corresponding to the level and character of the productive forces constitute a given socio-economic formation. Through the materialist conception Marx discovered the real basis of a socioeconomic formation and how it operates at any given point In the history of mankind. Socio-economic Formation By closely examining the correspondence of the productive forces and the production relation at any given point in time, Marx discovered the real basis of a socio-economic formation where everything else stands on top and services. Marx discovered that the real basis of society is its economic system representing the totality of the existing production relations. The economic basis of a capitalist society is therefore the capitalist production relations. These are determined by the private ownership of the means of production. All the views, ideas, theories, various political, as well as institutions and organisations are a superstructure that services and sees to it the economic basis remains intact. The basis and superstructure are therefore organically connected. This organic or dialectical link is to be found in the correspondence of the production relations to the level and character of the productive forces. By discovering this organic link, Marx unveils the material basis for social revolution. Throughout history, man has strived to develop and perfect the productive forces especially the instruments of labour in order to ease mans life. Scientific and technological revolutions have therefore always rapidly developed the productive forces throughout history. The production relations on the other hand have tended to lag behind. Because ownership of the means of production determine all other relation in society namely, distribution, exchange and consumption, t 1e owners of the means of production have tended to resist any changes in production relations despite the great advantages brought about the advances In science and technology. The owners of the means of production have always held fast to the old Ideas which reflect their advantages in the production relations that are already lagging behind the develop. ment of the productive forces. The essence of particular social ideas and theories, the roots of political and ideological institutions should therefore in the final analysis be sought in the economic basis. This however, does not mean that the superstructure does not influence the basis. It is also within the superstructure that we find the development of political parties that articulate the need and struggle for change In the economic basis. Tracing the organic Iink between the basics and superstructure emanating from the level of correspondence of the production relations to the character of the productive forces, Marx proved that what man had considdred as primitivity barbarism and civilization actually concealed four socio-economlc formations. These were, primitive communalism where the level of the productive forces was very low and man was at the mercy of nature. The production relation of necessity had to be communal mutual aid and cooperation. Man shared equally the little that he gathered or produced from nature. This formation was succeeded by the slave mode of production. Man through such discoveries as fire bronze iron etc. had relatively conquered nature. He also conquered the weak tribes and made them slaves. This was succeeded by the feudal mode of production where the former slaves revolted or ran away from the slave owners. The feudal mode of production gave birth to capitalism. The free peasants, the serfs, the manufacturers in towns etc. saw that they were the producers of wealth but paid heavy taxes and rents to the feudal lords. The discoveries in science, the steam engine, electricity etc. the discoveries of the new world voyages of discoveries etc. opened up new possibilities. The production relations which were feudal could no longer correspond to the level and character of the productive forces under the impetus and drive of the industrial revolution. They had to give In but how? By discovering the basis of a socio-economic formation and bringing out Its organic link with the ZIMpAR NEWS OCTOBER, 1987 superstructure, Marx not only discovered the material but also the social basis for social revolutions. He discovered the real motive force for social change and social development namely classes and Class Struggle. PART IV Classes and class struggle The soclo-economic formation does not on its own change from one stage to another. The maturity of the material conditions for social revolution namely the non-correspondence of the production relations to the level of the forces of production, does not mean social revolution automatically occurs. It would be idealist to think so. There Is a motive force for social revolution. This Is class struggle. When the rulers can no longer rule in their old methods and the ruled can no longer accept to be ruled In the old ways, then and only then, Social revolution occurs. Such Is the Social basis for Social revolutions. How does this occur? Through class struggle. "Classes are" Lenin said, "large groups of people, differing from each other by the place they occupy in a historically determined system of social production; by their relation (in most cases fixed and formulated In law) to the means of pro. duction, by their role in the social organisation of labour, and, consequently by the dimension of the share of wealth of which they dispose and the mode of acquiring it". This means that the manner in which society is divided into classes and the manner in which material wealth is distributed depends on, how the means of production are owned, as this determines what Is produced, how it is produced and therefore how these products are exchanged. Have classes always existed? NO. The primitive - communal society due to the level of development of the productive forces as we have already said, had no classes. Its production relations were communal. It was communism based on a very primitive level of the productive forces. Classes do appear at the slave mode of production where there is the Slave and Slave owner. Classes appear with the appearance of private property and the accumulation of such property in the hands of a few. Private property only appears through a process of exploiting other people's labour and forcing a separation of other people from ownership of the means of production. Slavery starts off as domestic slavery and progresses to forming armies that conquer the weak tribes and make them work for nothing but bare' existence. The relationship of classes such as the slave and slave owner, serf and feudal lord, proletariat and the bourgeoisie is an antagonistic one. The slave, serf and proletariat who are oppressed and exploited always struggle to try and free themselves. This class struggle is the motive force for social development. The class in power uses all its might to keep the exploited classes in subordination. To do this, it needs a special instrument for class domination. Living in the Dark? Contact Oliver Pawandiwa for all your electrical installations Bright Lights (PVT) LTD 91 Kelvinl Rd. South Graniteside, P.O. Box 1547, Harare. Tel: 761190 ZIMBABWE NEWS OCTOBER, 1987
Jongwe Press Profile rue to the tradition of the service industry, many people are aware of the products that are produced by Jongwe Printing and Publishing Company (Pvt) Ltd, but few have any knowledge of the organization behind it. A number of readers have their own conceptions of what the company is but have probably not taken time to find out about what it really does. Here therefore is a welcome opportunity to find out more about this organization. The company was registered in September of 1980 as a private limited company but its inception goes back deep into the history of the liberation struggle. Before registration in 1980 the company was part of the Information and Publicity department of ZANU (PF) in Maputo. It was therefore one of the many service arms of the liberation struggle and its functions were guided by the aims to distribute information of and about the Party both within it and outside. Its objectives have slightly altered since then and so has its role within the broad aspects of ZANU (PF). Obviously the activities of a company cannot be the same as those of a wing of a liberation movement and thus adaptation cannot be expected to occur overnight. It certainly has not been an easy transformation. Upon attainment of independence, the Party had among its-many obligations to create employment for the people, many of whose lives had been disrupted by the war as well as for the gallant cadres who had fought to achieve that independence. Publicity and Information. The newly registered company found itself contributing to that process of absorbing ex-combatants into industry and is quite proud of that. Added to this address of the employment problem ZANU (PF) as a party and government had to face the critical shortage of educational books soon after independence. In view of these two considerations it is a natural progression that Jongwe came into operation as a commercial company. General policy of the company is controlled by the Board of Directors under the Chairmanship of Comrade Minister N.M. Shamuyarira, and his deputy Comrade Charles Ndhlovu, who is the Director of Information in the Department of Jongwe employs about 67 people at its premises in Workington industrial area of Harare. It produces a variety of work from magazines through educational books to the Hansard each time Parliament is in session. Although its name may imply it, the publishing activities of the company are confined to the requirements of one special customers, ZANU (PF). The bulk of operations are mainly the printing of educational books, magazines and other commercial printing for a variety of customers. This magazine you are now holding in your hands is the main job printed for the Party by Jongwe. It is a monthly paper produced by the Publicity and Informa- 71URARWE NEWS OCTOBER, 1987 tion Department at the Party Headquaters. Manuscripts, photographs, general layout and cover design are done by the Publicity Department and the company's duty is to turn all these into the final product that readers get. Other publications by the same team are Today's Youth (official organ of the Youth League) and the recently launched Zimbabwe Woman (Official organ of the Women's League) including the quarterly Ministry of Youth Magazine - Zimbabwe Youth - all printed by Jongwe. Indeed contrary to common belief all these magazines are the property of the Publicity Departments of the three party wings. They do not belong to Jongwe as many readers seem to think in their many requests for past copies or for consideration of their manuscripts. iongwe also handles printing for all the three major educational publishers in the Computer typesetting Proofreading country. Competing for all these orders against and just like any other commercial printing company. Many of those competitors were in operation before independence and thus have a head start especially in the training and development of skilled personnel. Competition is not the only problem that faces the company in its day to day operation. Even for the printing of Party jobs Jongwe does not have it easy. It faces the same difficulties as those resulting from shortage of materials especially paper, foreign currency and technical skills as any other company within the industry. Its major strength however is its young staff and their total commitment to the struggle of the nation to achieve economic independence after . success on the political front. A frequently expressed view is that Jongwe is a government department and thus it should have no difficulty in getting foreign exchange allocation. Two misconceptions are inherent in such a ZIMBABWE NEWS OCTOBER, 1987 view. Firstly as mentioned above the company is not a government department nor is it a parastatal but a private company owned outright by ZANU (PF). Secondly the company does not get preferential treatment in the allocation of currency and even in all its other dealings with government and the Party. It operates within the very same constraints of any private company. Despite all the difficulties, the company has a staff that is enthusiastic and proud of its work and sees a bright future ahead that comes only through hard work. The pictorial profile shows production at different stages. ZIMBABWE NEWS OCT
Learning to save when you're young sets you up for the rest of your life. And with a POSB savings book you get more chances... more places to save at all over the country, more tax free interest on your savings, more development for Zimbabwe. Because the POSB is the people's bank. It belongs to you. with the book you've got a chance in life Save with the POSB -The People's Bank ZIMBABWE NEWS OCTOBER, 1987
Co-operative Insurance: Its Role in National Development he need for non private sector insurance which at the moment does not serve cooperative needs has been recognised where the cooperative movement is one of the main vehicles for the creation of socialism. But at the moment where all the insurance companies serve the needs of capitalist interests, the cooperatives who have joined these schemes are paying highly and at the same time being supportive of the capitalist sector. Besides, these insurance companies' coverages are, largely limited to endowment, whole life and motor vehicle, are most important sold at premium rates beyond the reach of most workers and farming peasants. The insurance companies are at the moment dominated by foreign firms which cater for the needs of higher income groups which then repatriate profits instead of investing them in indigenous development. Other countries have however started cooperative Insurance, it being an essential aspect of the developmental thrust in all third world countries. According to the Minister of Cooperative Development, Comrade Maurice Nyagumbo who opened the workshop on Cooperative Insurance recently held in Harare, "The incentive for a cooperative insurance society to help fill the social security vacuum is provided by its basic philosophy of promoting the welfare and living standards of the common man." Advantages of Cooperative Insurance The reasons he pointed out, "Cooperative insurers operate without the profit or exploitative motives-of private insurers and also the cooperative structure is appropriate for offering insurance to large groups at low cost". At a time when Zimbabwe's development is geared towards socialist production, the need for the means towards the realisation of this production system to be self- reliant is even more urgent. In the same way as any commercial enterprise may be gutted by fire, or fall foul to theft, or Comrade Maurice Nyagumbo Secretary for Adminiatration and Acting Secretary for Commissariat Minister of Cooperatives goods may get lost during transportation the same can happen to a cooperative, and it is even more difficult for that cooperative to get back to its feet. These are some of the reasons that have been recognised in establishing an insurance system that catered for the cooperative movement. However individual members also need to be insured. The tendency has been to treat cooperative members and indeed communal farmers just as if they were non-consequencial members of society. This has been a tendency inherited from the colonial era where the farmers in these sectors were regarded in the same way as any other worker who was there to be exploited. Cooperative Insurance However, the revolutionary Government of the people established through a long and relentless struggle has put an end to this practice. The policy of cooperatives tales into cognisance the fact that there has been uneven distribution of wealth and also that the majority of the people have suffered exploitation. It is the redistribution of wealth in the continuation of the revolutionary policies of our Party that a just and equitable society can be created. The control of the means of production by the people should be complete. A situation where the people only control the stage of produce and not including the marketing makes a mockery of the people's efforts because the market forces will find other forms and ways of exploiting the people's efforts, as if their tradition. The rationale behind the formation of a Cooperative Insurance society should therefore be in the same context, to cut out capitalist exploitation of the worker whilelserving the peasant, communal cooperative and the unions, their needs and safeguarding their interests, in the persuance of the revolutionary goal. Using the Theory of the Surplus Value, to examine the production process in the building of socialism, it should be noted that the collectively owned means of production, will produce goods that are marketed, and after all the costs have been considered, the surplus as in a capitalist mode of production is not pocketed by an individual enterpreneur, but is retained for the benefit of the collective. This principle is therefore the one that should be functional in the envisaged cooperative insurance. At the moment the people's wealth is being remitted to foreign and capitalist metropolis where, capitalists by virtue of having invested in whatever sector of the industry, in our motherland, and having ZIMBABWE NEWS OCTOBER, 1987 exploited, though safeguards against the dire exploitation 'of the workers have been put, having exploited the workers instead of that money being replanted to develop the country, economically, and socially is used to develop the nuclear industry in the imperialist countries. The idea that circulated around the workshop on cooperatives is that the next step after the formation of this insurance society should be the establishment of a Cooperative Bank to control the money circulation from the cooperative movement, which they can be robbed of by the capitalists, who are in this habit. Private, Collective Interests Clash A cooperative bank would ensure that the money accumulating from the Cooperative Movement circulate between itself, the Cooperative Insurance Fund and the Movement. There is no branch of the national economy that the cooperative movement has not invaded. It has therefore made a lot of capitalist enemies. These capitalists are interested in curbing the operational zone and destabilise the organisational structure of the Cooperative movement so there is no ideological reason why the cooperative movement should assume help in its own survival can come from the capitalist sector even if it was given parternalistically. The private sector understands the cooperative movement's enchroachments into its spheres of operation as threatening its profitability. A case in point can be illustrated from the timber production cooperatives' experiences. In Chimanimani the cooperatives engaged in timber production have been cut out of the market by the large timber producers who have always been producing since colonial days. Now, these cooperatives who are producing the same quality timber because they used to work for these companies anyway, have been told by the timber buyer monopolies that their products are not up to standard. They have only told the cooperative producers this because the timber company producers do not wish for this competition. They feel that cooperatives are the new threat who will limit their operations. So according to this there is a war already as there has always been, between private interest and collective interests. Because of the different interests of capitalism and socialism the degree of compatibility is who survives cut throat competition. It does not do any harm therefore to presuppose that the establishment of a Cooperative Insurance Fund and subsequently a Bank takes business away from the capitalists, who resultantly will seek to sabotage the efforts for these operations. However as long as this capital to start the Fund has been generated from the Movement itself, as has been suggested, and not from an exterior forces then the aspect of the Insurance Fund falling into foreign influence is remote. With the establishment of a cooperative insurance institution the outflow of premium to foreign insurers will be minimised, and apart from this such an institution would enhance the principles of mutual self-help, collective ownership and control, and equitable distribution of wealth without exploitation of man by man. a Get your political facts straight Read these well- researched publications! Mozambique: the Revolution and its Origins by B. Munslow $27,19 ts r"a vigorous and comprehensive analysis of the Mozambican Revolution" African International Relations by Ojo, Orwa and Utete $22,60 Considers such vital issues as; the future of African unity, planning* for economic development, and the role of the super-powers in African affairs The Victory of Chief Rekayi Tangwena by H Moyana $2,95 "We will die rather than leave our land" Brave words from an exceptional man! Read all about him. i R MOrder your copies from any Bookseller.... now! Ln In Zimbabwe's Professional Publisher. ZIMBABWE NEWS OCTOBER, 1987 21
Applying Science to Agriculture AGRICULTURE is the basis for economic development in this country. In fact it is the major foreign currency earner with such crops as tobacco, maize, cotton and others. However without the proper analysis of the various needs of these and other crops, this backbone can collapse. Zimbabwe's farming regions can basically be divided into two. The dry and wet regions. Both these regions have got their particular needs and problems. Short wet season and long dry spells. Leaching and pests. Therefore the suitability of crops has to depend on the length of the season. Hence the need for technical and scientific approaches to farming. An Agritex official in the Ministry of Lands, Agriculture and Resettlement told what steps are being taken to help farmers transcend the bounds of haphazard technics, in consideration with the region of the farmers activities. The biggest areas into which farmers must concentrate to improve their yields per acre, are the nature of the soil and the subsequent problem of pests and diseases. Improving the Soil For example the commercial farmer would check the acidity in the soil by the use of limewhich is bulk material and therefore creates the problem of distribution for the communal farmer. Though with the advent of independence it is sweeping to divide the farmers into these two categories, there has been another farmer who is part of the revolutionary process to -establish socialism. The cooperative farmer who has come into being to enhance socialist transformation. So practical solutiong have to be made. Solutions that bear results instead of recognising the problem and leaving the problem to unidentified implementers. According to the Agritex official, it having been noted that there was a problem in transporting the substance lime into the communal areas due to the expense involved, it was seen that the next best thing available to the communal farmer is manure. But at the same time there was also the need to recognise that other communal farmers do not own cattle and as such a solution has to be brought about that should not see the soil weakening over the years thereby reducing yields per acre. This is therefore the reason why the manure program has to go hand in hand with the Agro-forestry program that has been instituted by the Ministry. This program is only three months old and is composed of a course given to technical staff to equip them with the knowhow to farmers in the semi arid and the arid regions. For example an area like Chibi in the Masvingo Province, which has only 110 days of growing season has a 75 percent crop risk, meaning that crops will only have a 27 per cent chance of survival. So the planning of the crops that can do well in such an area has to take cognisance of this fact. Apart from this, agro-forestry program is meant to provide browe and manure. However the manure from the leaves of the trees would take a while to accumulate but still the effect, while negligible is still considerable. Other farmers have continually planted the same crop over the same piece of land for three to five seasoris and this makes the soil "tired". One can say that because of the Land Tenure Act, a colonial instrument to deprive the majority of the people their land, this was inevitable in the communal areas who became subsistance farmers until 1980 when Zimbabwe became independent. The rotational system is therefore the other way to help the soil. The Alvod Rotation which has been scientifically proven to be effective over the last forty years works like this. First year, maize with 15 tonnes of manure. Second year maize or sorghum, third year legumes that is groundnuts or soya beans, forth year rapoko or other millet. This system helps in the control of pests, disease and nenitatods. Nematods are the next big problem Nematods being faced by communal farmers. These are microscopic pests that maybe similar to the locust problem but the difference being that while you can easily spray locusts the same is not true for nematods. Rotation Can Check Nematods It is mainly the communal areas that have become affected by the problem of nematods because the communal farmers have a small piece of land and therefore cannot rotate crops, this fact coupled with lack of resources and the need to produce food crops to feed the family are some of the handicaps that are gradually seeing the communal farmer producing less and less because the soil becomes ridden with pests and disease. The problem of nematods may be confused with lack of nitrates in the soil but there are times when even with the use of fertilisers crops do not respond. The sure sign is when plants get stunted and there's yellowing. However the communal lands cannot use nomaticides because nomaticides are classified in the purple bracket and these chemicals cannot be used in the communal lands by law. There are four million people who live in the communal areas and 74 per cent of them live in farming regions 4 and 5. These regions are extensive grazing areas and ranching respectively. Because of the problem of fertility and the continual growing of maize as a food crop, these areas are therefore the most affected by nematods. As to whether anything can be done about the problem in the communal areas the answer seems to lie in the Land Reform Policies which should see more land to the communal farmer to allow him to practise crop rotation. Even the cooperative farmer who is in fact a commercial farmer has not always been treated favourably by the Agritex officers who have not given this farmer the necessary service. It is only of late when this farmer is being given expert advice. Essentially the cooperative farmer is a commercial farmer, by virtue of the size of his land and his concept to agriculture which is geared towards large scale production. ZIMBABWE NEWS OCTOBER, 1987
The Ingutsheni of Chiweshe Its a mad house. Its not only a mad house, its a burial ground. It is the X land of the hopeless. In a society where the rest of the population is becoming masters of their own destiny, a man has created a "camp" literally, where people and relatives of the ailing are subjected to "treatment" from ash, water and air. It is some kind of Engutsheni placed deep in the valley of mountains in Chiweshe in the Mashonaland Central Province. t is doubtful whether the Ministry of Health knows about it, nor Zinatha even. There are about thirty huts where the inmates are housed. They come from all parts of Zimbabwe to this "doctor" who has no properly trained people to take care of the patients. It is like an institution where different uniforms are worn by the women who serve the doctor and his whims. It is a hierarchical set up where patients are treated according to their seniority, meaning the extent of the time they have spent there. A Zimbabwe News team that visited Chimbikuza's camp, for that is the name of the "doctor". was not allowed to interview the doctor as he had closed "consultations" in June and would only open them again on the 1st of January. The team was told this after entering the outer camp where the "doctor's" patients who are "better" are housed. In order to enter the camp one must remove shoes and must not carry any gadgets especially cameras and taperecorders. However the team cautiously entered the camp with these "tools" without being detected and hid them in a bush before removing the shoes and entering the outer camp, where the go-between messenger told the team to sit "paruware" as he went to consult the "guru" whether he could entertain visitors. There are various kitchens at the outer camp. There are others inside the main camp. All of those we saw there were broken clay pots from which the inmates or those being taken care of by relatives prepare their meals. The standard of cleanliness can only be described as "appalling". When the team was refused entry into the main grounds it humbly left promising to come back on the 1st of January. However the team prowled around, heard voices in the bushes. Loud voices. As the voice were approached two figures One of Chimbikiza's patients sat apart on stones. One tied in ropes, hands and feet. He was talking on top of his voice non-stop. We later discovered that the other one was the brother of the mad man. What happens at this camp is like a tale from afar. This man who said his name was John Mundande, we discovered suffers from paranoia. This was the reporters' diagnosis. The tied man John, did not seem violence prone at all. We asked the brother why he was tied up like this and why he was not inside the camp. "He doesn't like too many people around him such that he starts talking too much." As far as the brother was concerned that is what seemed to be wrong with his brother and his condition, he said was improving. He has been there since 1985, June. We asked him," Why are you tied up like this?" "They want to kill me" John replied. "Why do they want to kill you?" "For business purposes." "Who wants to kill you?" "My father." "Is that so?." "Yes, and these are helping him," he said pointing to the brother who was looking after him. "I'm beaten all the time." "Who beats you." "Him," he said pointing to the brother, "and other dissidents." This man John Mundande spoke very good English and seemed to know a great deal of Zimbabwe's History and current affairs. "How come he can tell so much political history?" He replied that it was only general knowledge. There are various structures in this camp built in the ZIMBABWE NEWS OCTOBER, 1987
The huts show where the patients are housed style of the Great Zimbabwe, and nearly all of these structures are for ceremonial purposes. Flags of all colours hang from these structures placed in the different levels of the mountains that surround the camp. Red, white, blue and so on. A woman whose child was ill took that child there and the child died. Now ac- cording to tradition the child should have been buried at the parents' home. But the "doctor" uses intimidatory tactics. He does not allow the body of any deceased to be removed from the grounds of the camp. That body must be buried there. It was not possible for the Zimbabwe News team to visit or prowl to the burial ground which is situated near the river where all the drinking water comes from. The woman whose child was buried there was told to step carefully, (this is as they were going to bury her own child) because "Another child was buried there yesterday." Because we could not see Chimbikuza in person we however heard that there are countless infants who have been buried there and in fact their rational reason is that Chimbikuza does not wish the police to be involved in the investigations of the deaths. It is clear that because the grases dug are very shallow in the rainy season they are washed away by the rains, and other people drink this water down where the river flows. Zimbabwe News talked to Professor Gordon Chavunduka, the President of Zinatha about the stand of Zinatha on this matter, "We don't approve this type of thing. Disciplinar) action is going to be taken against this man depending on our findings." Officials of the Zinatha Chimbikiza's ceremonial structures Council were going to investigate this matter and make their recommendations as to the action to be taken against this "guru" from Chiweshe. ER 1987
The Black Consciousness Movement The Black Consciousness Movement is a political force, one of the many fighting to unseat the Apartheid regime of.South Africa. AZAPO, Azanian Students Association, Azanian Youth Organisation, Trade Union Federations are some of the black consciousness formations that subscribe to this tendency. Some of these formations like the Trade Unions do not accept whites within their scope of operation as they dilute their antiapartheid stand. They define a worker as the Black worker right now and the leadership of the workers have to be a member of the Black Consciousness Movement in Azania, Zimbabwe News interviewed a member of the B.C.M. whose Identity we shall withhold for obvious reasons. He is .a journalist who was in Zimbabwe for a seminar on Trade Unionism, though a member of Mwasa Media Workers' Association of South Africa, an association for black journalists. We publish below the interview. ZN: Comrade, can you tell us briefly about how you joined the B.C.M. ANSWER: "I am a journalist, a Black journalist. I don't see myself as just another journalist because in the given circumstances in occupied Azania one is oppressed because he is black. The existential experiences that one goes through everyday surpasses the intellectual positions. How I came into the Black Consciousness Movement, I was born into it because of the material conditions under which I'm forced to live as a Blackman in South Africa. Our understanding of Black Consciousness is, its a state of mind, the way of life, it is a position in which one realises the conditions he is living in and he decides to do something about the conditions. ZN: Existential experiences are more important than class positions, please explain... ANSWER: The Class distinction in occupied Azarta today is a very confusing one because irrespective of whatever class position, whether you are a peasant, a worker, or an executive at a multi- national company at the end of the day, you revert to being just another "darkie" another Blackman, subjected, you are grouped in the same ghetto, the police raids are conducted whether you are an executive or a peasant the police raid. In terms of the class position, once one attains a certain position you become a part of the ruling elite, in this case you are immune to some of these experiences, but the conditions prevailing in South Africa is once you are Black, then you are Black and that is why I say that your existential experience determines your reactions. ZN: What is the Black Consciousness Movement? ANSWER: The Black Consciousness Movement, there is tendency to say that it started in 1968, well that could be the case in that Black Consciousness as defined today, started in 1968, but we understand Black Consciousness as the reaction of an oppressed people to oppression and determination of their actions to try to see to It that oppression is done away with, so in that context we trace Black Consciousness to the advent of the white man in the Southern tip of South Africa in 1652, the struggles of the Makanas, Dingaans, Moshoeshoes, Sikukunes those were the stages of Black Consciousness when the Black people of South Africa realised the whiteman was there to take their land. And they were fighting to get it back. Now Black Consciousness as it is defined today started in 1968 when Steve Biko recognised as a leading figure, put this whole ideology coherently as we understand it today. In that context Black Consciousness is a philosophy that says the Blackman is the one who is suffering, he is the one that is oppressed he is the one that is dispossessed, so all blackmen have to stand together to see to it that the dispossession, the oppression and the exploitation is off. In other words when we talk of blacks in the Black Consciousness sense we are not only talking of the indienous Africans we are talking here of not only what the regime in South Africa call the Indians, the Coloureds, no, the definition is that Black is anybody who by law and order is culturally economically, politically and otherwise discriminated against and who is trying to unite with other oppressed so that as a group they can achieve their common goals. It is not only oppression, the mere fact that you are an oppressed does not make you Black, you have to be taking a particular line of uniting yourself with the rest of the oppressed, the exploited in achieving the common aspiration then that makes you black, this is where people like the collaborators are not Black because they are not trying to unite. Marcus Garvey's position is not contradictory to the position of the Black Consciousness Movement. He is seen by many Black Consciousness adherents as one of the pillars of the Black struggle. In Occupied Azania, the Black Consciousness Movement is the only one that has specifically said it is committed to socialism. In terms of the Azanian People's Manifesto of the National Forum, there is going to be nationalisation of all major industries, and the land has got to go back to the control of the people. The Black Consciousness Movement is the only Movement that has categorically states its position on Socialism. We have had a situation in the country when children went into the street to demonstrate against various discriminatory things that they didn't like as students. As a result of these demonstrations the system went out shooting and we. have lost a lot of people - this tendency has gone on and on for sometime and we reached a stage when we were talking about the rule of children. Where the children were actually dictating the pace and direction of the struggle but in the process - behind the scenes - something bigger was developing trade unions were emerging and these have now taken over the struggle as a result there are fewer statistics of shooting in the street. There is a tendency to see the lack of confrontationalist-protest politics in the street as subjugation of the oppressed - in other words the people ZIMBABWE NEWS OCTOBER, 1987 have given up - as the struggle pro- of the matter is that Steve Biko's gresses - tactics change - the philosophy as he evolved It with other politics of the children the confron- comrades who were with him at that tationalist are off now. The parents time, is being followed by the Black have now taken over. The workers in Consciousness formations and the the factories have formed big trade things that Donald Woods wrote in unions that are challenging the might that book are not necessarily a ref lecof capital ownership right at the shop - tion of Black Consciousness,wefloor, knowthatWoodsIsnotthesuper Our perspective as the Black Con- Black lovie that he is supposed to be, sciousness Movement is that these he was an editor of a newspaper, The trade unions are a major element in Daily Dispatch, in East London, where journalist were still being the fight against colonial domination discriminated against, by him. Now that prevails in South Africa today hescan tel hat n his N and it is in that direction that major he cannot just tell that now he is in input is being made. London he has become something else. ZN: Why are there no reports carried about the Black Consciousness Movement in international press? ANSWER: The liberal press has taken a definite stand against the activities of the Black Consciousness Movement so that the impression created outside is like there isn't going in terms of that tendency of ideology, which is not true. ZN: Do you think such films as Cry Freedom correctly portray the stand of the Black Consciousness Movement or they are produced portray the kind of person who Steve Biko was? ANSWER: I haven't seen the film myself, I know that there are certain officials in AZAPO, one who was with Steve Biko - who saw the film in London - he was called by Sir Attenborough to see the preview - and he ,denounced it as liberal trash about Steve and an ego trip by Donald Woods on whose book the film is based. So that according to those who have seen the film it does not represent the true Steve Biko and Black Consciousness as understood by us Blacks - it is a liberal view of what Black Consciounsness ought to be. ZN: What you are suggesting is that they are adopting a partenalistic attitude to the Movement - a typical stance of the liberals.., is that what you are saying? ANSWER: Yes they are trying to water it down, channeling it to a particular direction - that this is what Steve Biko believed in and if you are not going in that direction then you are going off the track that Steve Biko would have followed. Even if Steve Biko believed from 1968 to 1977 that the analysis should be in this direction the dynamics of things is never static, struggle determines certain responses and the living have a right to alter if it is necessary, but the point ZN: How do you see the current wave of protest as contributing to the philosophy of Black Consciousness? ANSWER: The protests are genuine reactions of people that have been subjugated for so long and its their way of saying enough Is enough, now the Black Consciousness philosophy states that in this fight for our liberation we stand alone as Black people and if there's any support it will come from outside the country but inside the country we as black people stand alone we cannot expect the whiteman to help us - the protests are manifestation that none but our selves will liberate ourselves. ZN: Are you saying the people's reaction is their support? ANSWER: Thats why I stress the point Blackman you are on your own. There has always been a tendency that has been brought about by liberal elements in the liberation movements in the early 40s and 50s. When whites had a lot of Influence influencing policy and direction as a result people tended to loo up to whitey for support. So that now struggled in a way that would not make them unacceptable to whitey because he would cut off supportmaterially and otherwise - the Black Consciousness philosophy was Blackman you are own your own Stand up - I still have to see a genuine protest by white p9ople not just white liberal students who are on a tea break and go off on a fifteen minute demonstration frenzying around the campus then rushing back to class - I'm talking about a genuine demonstration that has a political goal and meaning - it still have to be there. We have lived under a stem of capitalism, for the whole of our lives, in a system based on the exploitation of man by man - exploitation of the many by the few and where the few live off the sweat of the many - now we have been able to analyse the situation in South Africa and found out that we are faced with the racist problem and we are faced with a - capitalist problem - we are fighting racist capitalism with capitalism usIng racism entrenchits interest within the country - it therefore becomes clear that If we are to be truly independent we have to do away not only with apartheid as a system of discrimination but even capitalism the greater of the two evils, because its just being used to entrench capitalism. This is why the Black Consciousness Movement has come out quiet clearly that the road ahead is socialism. ZN: In the same breath what do you think of the Freedom Charter? ANSWER: Personally I think that the Freedom Charter has certain aspects acceptable to any democratic minded person for example universal suffrage etc but I don't agree with the Freedom Charter when it says the Azanian land belongs to everybody Black and White, I believe that white people stay in Azanla not because they own it but have taken it away from their owners - I don't believe black and white own our country because today 87 per cent of the land belongs to the whites. They say they bought it from each other yet non of us sold it to them - they just say I'm cutting up to here, this is Van der Merwes, this is Van Niekerk's farm this is Jameson's farm and they have done that to 87 per cent of our country and the 13 per cent that is there Is the arid land, the Bantustants, where you can't even grow anything. Now if the land belongs to all it means after liberation we are not going to take back the 87 per cent In white hands today. Now what kind of freedom will it be when we the 87 per cent of the people do not have land - our own land. Now these are just some of the things I say, personally I don't like within the Freedom Charter. The next thing is when It comes to the issue of socialism and capitalism the Freedom Charter is silent and I think this is a crucial point on the future economy of the country which any liberation movement must be vocal about, where are we going, you are taking us from an apartheid capitalist society, where are you taking us. This is important. The issue is the destruction of the apartheid capitalist structures and not some reformist program. The Black Consciousness Movement has a clear approach in this direction. ZIMBABWE NEWS OCTOBER, 1987
If you're starting to look like this, we suggest you look in on... _.. ZIMBABWE NEWS OCTOBER, 1987
PRESIDENT SA Here we make the solemn pledge that we shall continue your work, that we shall remain faithful to your example as a man and as a fighter. We swear to defend, with our very lives, every inch of land in our sacred country. We swear to consolidate still further our national unity, the weapon and tool of victory. We swear that we shall build the nation of your dreams, a developed and prosperous country, the socialist motherland. Your dreams are our dreams. Your struggle is our struggle. Comrade President ... we will never say farewell to you. A people cannot bid farewell to its own history. SAMORA LIVES! * *t ** . * . **t * *t * *- * *t ***t 71MRARWE NEWS OCTOBER, 1987
RA MACHEL ZIMBABWE NEWS OCTOBER, 1987
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You were the fighter o struck no deals, the man free from preconceptions. You were a genius strategist, a firm commander - but you were also a tireless fighter for peace. The leader whose only enemies were the enemies of the people, the great mobiliser of the fighters and of the people for the permanent development of the struggle. ZIMBABWE NEWS OCTOBER, 1987
Ethiopia - Dawn of a New Era The founding of the Workers' Party of Ethiopia (WPE) on September 12, 1984 was a historic moment of high significance for the Ethiopian People. Party formation which required a struggle exacting heavy sacrifices was finally concluded with glorious victory of the broad masses of Ethiopia over their class enemies - feudalism, beaurocratic capitalism and inperialism. The founding of the Workers' Party of Ethiopia opened a new venue for the establishment of a new state that will bring about self-administration for the people. he vanguard leadership of the Workers' Party of Ethiopia and the commitment of the Revolutionary Government cleared all obstacles towards the establishment of a people's Democratic State that will lead to the dictatorship of the proletariat. Today, Ethiopia finds herself at the threshold of a truely historic event of paramount political and soclo-economic significance in the life of its people. The new constitution leading to the founding of the people's Democratic Republic of Ethiopia and approved by the overwhelming majority of Voters in a nation- wide Referendum held on 1st February 1987 guarantees genuine people's power. The broad masses of Ethiopia in their long and checkered history had never seen before a form of state where they have exercised their full democratic rights like the one to be established now. Ever since the assumption of power, the Revolutionary Government attached supreme importance to the task of building a new, just, and democratic order in Ethiopia on the reunion of the archaic feudal system which it had demolished. The various democratic measures which it subsequently took have paved the way for the founding of the PDRE a state in which supreme political power will be vested upon the masses. The state of the people's Democratic Republic of Ethiopia will ascertain genuine people's power through the active participation of the working people themselves. Drafting Commissioif The actual process of laying down the foundation for the formation of the PDRE was set in motion with the establishment of the Institute for the study of Ethiopian Nationalities in 1983. The Institute was entrusted with vital task of compiling comprehensive studies on the history, culture and general mode of life of the various nationalities of the country and on this basis formulate a draft document that would reflect the interests and aspiration of the people including their legitimate assumption of state power. When the .constitution Drafting Commission was established on the 13th of February 1986, all preliminary tasks of the compilation of a working document for the preparation of the Draft Constitution had been carried out by the Institute for the Study of Ethiopian Nationalities. This simplified the task of constitution Drafting Commission and was able to prepare a Draft Constitution in a very short time. Before the final draft was brought forward to be approved by Referendum, more than twelve million Ethiopians above the age of 18 actively participated to discuss and debate the draft, raised questions and made comments on nearly all of the 120 articles that constitute the Draft Constitution. The final Draft Constitution was enriched and shaped by the questions raised, and constructive comments and proposals forwarded in all the discussion forums. In the first instance of the full realization of the articles of the constitution as approved by Referendum, a National Electoral Commission was established with the specific objective of conducting the election of the People's Deputies to the National Shengo (People's Congress). The Electoral process, the first democratic process of its kind in the history of Ethiopia met tremendous success and historic record of high turnout. Of the 15,7 million people registered to vote, 13,4 million or 85 per cent cast their ballots. Thus, the final most important series of democratic steps leading to the establishment of the People's Democratic Republic of Ethiopia has been successfully accomplished. "We must forge ahead with the villsgiza. tion scheme because it creates suitable conditions for the proper utilization of natural resources 'and for balanced development, it narrows down the gap bet. ween urban and rural life and it is a bridge of progress that strengthens the bond bet. ween agriculture and industry, between the peasant and the workers." Comrade Mengistu Haile-Marlam The National Shengo, as clearly stipulated in the Constitution, is the highest elected state organ and has the power to decide on all national issues. It has also among others, the power to elect the President and vice Presidents of the People's Democratic Republic of Ethiopia and promulgate all laws that govern the people and the country. For the people of Ethiopia to elect their deputies to the National Shengo, therefore, denotes the attainment of the highest forum of democracy through which all their wishes and aspirations can find meaningful and concrete expression. Due to the-determined and steady progress made by the Revolution at every cross-road, and due to the indefatigable struggle and dynamic leadership of the Workers' Party of Ethiopia and above all due to the wise and farsighted leadership provided by Comrade Mengistu Haile Mariam, State power is about to be full turned over to the people of Ethiopia through the election of their representatives to the National Shengo. Hence, the people of Ethiopia are entering a new era in which they begin to cherish the fruits of democracy, justice and equality. El 34 ZIMBABWE NEWS OCTOBER, 1987 KUMUKA BUS SERVICE (PVT) LTD We have a stainless reputation in passenger transport to many destinations throughout the country P.O. Box ST 47, Southerton, Tel: 62429164376, Harare. BUSES ALSO AVAILABLE FOR PRIVATE HIRE KANOYANGWA BROTHERS (PVT) LTD WHOLESALERS & RETAILERS Customer satisfaction is guaranteed Do not hesitate to call on us! We are dedicated to serve the interests of the Nation P.O. Box 3884, Tel: 760407, Harare. ZIMBABWE NEWS OCTOBER, 1987 P.O. Box 32, Tel: 32, Mutoko. P.O. Box 32, Tel: 14, Mutoko.
"No!" to USA Intervention in Central AmeriCa By Comrade MHR Farinya ive Central American Presidents signed a peace accord in Guatemala recently, clearly indicating their reluctance to submit to prefabricated "made in USA" solutions. The accord is intended to create the necessary conditions for peace and economic development in the region. It has received massive international support and it appears to have become a major breakthrough in the difficult series of negotiations by the Contadora group in 1983. "Another piece of rhetoric and another victim of Reagan's destabilisation" say the pessimists. "A real chance of success, the last chance that the people of Central America cannot afford to let slip away," retort the optimist. In between these two extreme opinions there is a host of different assessments of the situation all try'ing to explain what will happen in Central America in the next few months. What will happen there will mainly depend on the historical reality formed by the people, their society and their material economic base. Opinions and assessments that forget the concrete situation will tend to be superficial and inaccurate. In this paper the merits of the accord itself will be considered by examining the extent of the agreement reached and the support afforded to it. Relevant to this issue will also be the reaction of the United States to the Central American problem and the repercussions that the victory of the people in the region will have on other revolutionary efforts all over the world. The Accord A summary of the main proposals will help to understand the importance and for reaching consequences of this historical document; a) At a national level general amnesty will be granted and a reconciliation commission will be established in each country to ensure that popular participation and unity are being tpromoted. Hostilities among quarrelling should cease and free elections should be guaranteed to secure the process of self determination, allowing the people themselves to choose whichever social, political or economic model they wish to have in their countries, without any external interference. b) At a regional level Contadora was strengthened and a Central American Parliament envisaged to start operating in 1988. The need for economic co-operation was strongly indicated as a means to achieve self sufficiency and liberation from external dependence. c) International meddling in the region was condemned and a call made to end assistance to irregular and insurrection forces. The UN's and OAU's Secretary Generals, together with the Foreign Ministers of Central America, Contadora and supporting countries were invited to form a supervisory commission. d) The accord will pass through a stage of gradual implementation before it acquires binding force on the 7th of November 1987. "It sounds good, said a friend of mine," as good as Lusaka 1974, Victoria Falls 1975, Geneva 1976, Malta 1978 and the rest. Where is the power to reinforce the resolutions? Or where is the will to resist pressures from outside? Foreign powers with much at stake in the region will do all they can to sink the agreement as they did here. They are desperately struggling for their on survival". A point that my friend missed is that the suffering masses are also struggling for survival and the foreign powers will sooner or later succumb to the legitimacy of their struggle and to the strength of their united efforts. This was what happened in Zimbabwe in 1979, will happen one day in South Africa and Namibia and is now happerfing in Central America. A Point of Non Return The people of Central America have reached a point where the only alternative would be to continue struggling. Otherwise they would certainly succumb to social, political and economic forces gravitating against them. Nearly 25 million Central Americans are facing major economic disasters after more than a century of foreign neocolonialist domination. Their independence in 1821 only served to institutionalise the complete spoliation of the natural resources of the five countries. Today, per capita incomes are unevenly distributed, trade deficits have increased and the balance of payments are unfavourable. Economic growth has thus been arrested while the population continues to grow expecting to reach over 50 million by the year 2000. Poverty, preventable diseases and undernourishment have seriously affected an infant population of nearly 12 million children causing about 700 000 deaths every year. This situation of permanent underdevelopment, a by product of capitalist influence in the rich countries of the west is maintained by heavily consolidated structures of dependence. The combined foreign debt of the five countries stood at USA $15 962 million in 1985, and continued soaring at a rate of 5 per cent to reach a global USA $16 790 million in 1986. Borrowing ofUSA $828 million last year has only served to increase the debt since USA $787 million were required to pay interests. As only USA $3 700 million were generated from exports, all that income would have gone into payments of a meagre 22 per cent of the debt were it to be decided to comply with the draconian regulations of an unjust world economic system. Due to the rigidity of the international market and the depleted prices of main experts, the capacity to generate new resources has decreased while the debt has inversedly increased. The people have reacted to such an economic disaster in their own way. The Sadinist revolution in Nicaragua defeated imperialist Somoza in 1979, while the URNC in Guatemala and the FMNL/FDR in El-Salvador, are waging bitter liberation wars against the exploiters of their countries. One wonders which interest would it serve to call these heroic people "bandits", precisely here ZIMBABWE NEWS OCTOBER, 1987 in Zimbabwe where our own liberation struggle is still so recent and nobody would have liked to have our ZANLA forces called "bandits" The Herald, 27 Augilst 1987). One would expect a positive attitude of support. Theirs is also our own struggle. The Central American Presidents have now realised that to allow the capitalist multinationals to continue feeding on the sweat, toil and sacrifices of their own people, would be to betray the workers and peasants, and eventually to attain the economic collapse of their countries. Their vigorous action is another expression of a new rebellious attitude spreading among Third World countries. This attitude is based on the unity of the oppressed, working people who have developed an independent class interest as proletarians and peasants. This new consciousness has eventually been translated into practical conclusions, the peace accord and it is, and it is in that consciousness that the accord finds its best reasons for success. The USA's intervention in Central America has already been explained in Zimbabwe News (Vol. 18, June 1987) Only recently events will be noted here. a) Reagan provided a plan to be discussed at the Guatemala meeting suggesting that this was not good enough. This shameless interference was met with justifiable anger on the side of the presidents a reaction that left the American camp in complete disarray. Reagan's special envoy to CA, Phillip Habib suddenly resigned and critics of the administration started to describe Reagan's plan as undiplomatic, untimely and very insensitive. Reagan's proposals had nothing new to say. It still contained the basic principles of the Santa Fe notorious document of 1981, which guide USA's policy to South America. The Sandinista government must be replaced so as to enable the military contigent of the USA in the region to crush the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front of El Salvador. Thus the interests of USA in Panama would be protected. b) The most infamous intervention of Reagan in Central America has been the gradual and complete occupation of Honduras as shown on the Map below. Honduras has been invaded for effectively and quietly than Granada was in 1983. A total of thirteen American bases have been set up along the perimeter of the country, seven of them, fairly close to the Nicaraguan boarder, to refurbish with ammunition and equipment to the eleven "contra" bases. This has been the 19th invansion perpetrated in USA in Central America since 1856 only that this time it has been a quiet and almost unnoticed occupation. It appears that Reagan's support of the Nicaragua "contra" services two important purposes. i) To distract international attention from the military operations carried in Honduras. ii) To justify the presence of military personnel in that country, waiting for the favourable conditions of an invasion of Nicaragua. c) Another characteristic of Reagan's Central American policy has been his efforts to sink anypeaceful negotiations, giving precedence to military solutions. " Contadora has been dismissed as irrelevant, " Mexico, Panama, Argentina, Costa Rica and Honduras Government has been continually bullied by Washington to fall into line. * Phillip Habib has been seen around the region obstructing any efforts to attain peace, and imposing the dictates of the National Security advisors of Reagan. d) Meanwhile the "Contra-gate" scandal has changed the situation in Washington. Other factors like the Reijjavik set back, the disastrous performance of the Republicans in the Congressional elections, and the dirty secret negotiations with Iran have given the initiative to the Democrats forcing Reagan to be on the defensive. The Democrats are more willing to accept negotiable solutions and their vote at the end of September for another $150 million of contra-aid is decisive. The Defeat of the Contras The defeat of the "contras" by the Sandinista forces of Nicaragua has clearly indicated to the Central American Presidents that the USA are backing the wrong horse and that it serves no purpose to support a solution that will never succeed. That also helped them in changing their attitudes. The diplomatic offensive of Nicaragua has thus been reinforced by the military operations, and these have been supported by the political and social activity carried out within war Zone of Nicaragua. During 1986 the Sandinista Army had the initiative in 90 per cent of the combats. The "Contra" army thus reduced from 15 000 to some 6 500.An assessment of the Central American Peace Accord would certainly have to count with the might of the United States and their strategical position in the region. But it would also have to consider the will, of the people and their governments in changing an unbearable situation. What will Reagan do if the agreement succeed? Certainly the administration has not much time left to solve the conflict since its mandates ends in 1988. Will it then be possible to involve the Americans in an agreement that will bind them and will secure permanent peace? Meanwhile it is evident that the Central American people will continue fighting. The international community should give them support and the struggling masses of, the Third World should see their victory as an inspiration to continue battling against imperialism. A LUTA CONTINUA! 61 JULIUS NYERERE WAY, P.O. BOX 4048, HARARE PHONE 707570, 793470. 71MITRA AERNNA IMPORT AND EXPORT INTERNATIONAL We are major suppliers of: School Stationery School Furniture Office Equipment Hardware Do not hesitate to call on us! ZIMBABWE NEWS OCTOBER, 1987
Talks in Panama A meeting of Central American Heads of State, scheduled for last month has been cancelled. A specific feature of this meeting was the inclusion of a proposal by President Arias of Costa Rica within the framework of Contadora. Although President Arias was against certain aspects of Contadora and has been trying to isolate Nicaragua by weakening Contadora and by strengthening the Costa Rican Plan, he had now agreed to discuss the new proposals taking into account United State's intervention in the region. The possibility of reconciling the opposing views of Contadora and Arias regarding the role of the United States in the region as the main destabilizing force, has been an achievement of Nicaragua's diplomatic efforts. Now, succumbing to USA's pressure (Habib-Duarte Plan) the Presidents have agreed to postpone their meeting, while consultations will be carried out at Foreign Ministers' level. Once more the Central American countries have been denied the opportunity of devising local strategies to solve their own problems without interference, and the opportunity of obtaining peace for the agonizing population of the region. Apparently the "contra-gate" scandal has made the Reagan Administration to retreat, giving the initiative to the Democrats. These had been searching for negotiable solutions. Once it has become evident that the military solution is a failure, the Democrats have found in the Arias Plan a good platform for their own purposes. Obviously Reagan has not abandoned his notions of crushing the Sandinist revolution in the political, economic and military ground with "contras" or without "contras". The cancellation of the Presidents' meeting of Esquipulas and its deferment to August is only a device to buy time escalhting military opera- tions combined with mounting economic pressure to attain political changes in Nicaragua that would please USA: the holding of Democratic elections after having crushed a dictatorship, and the promulgation of a new constitution where all democratic rights are recognized and defended, does not please them. The Reagan administration may be increasingly awaking to the fact that the "contra" solution is not working, no matter how many millions of dollars approved or llegally injected into the military operation are taken away from the USA's coffers, The contras have been practically demolished by the Sandinist Army. During recent months they have become increasingly demoralized, their numbers being heavily depleted and the host countries more and more reluctant to give assistance. A current visit of Daniel Ortega to Panama brings new perspectives into the Central American scene. Panama is one of the founding members of Contadora. TODAY'S YOUTH A YOUTHFUL MAGAZINE FOR TODAY'S ZIMBABWE YOUTH. IT FEATURES NEWS, VIEWS & SPORT AVAILABLE AT ALL YOUR LEADING BOOKSHOPS OR YOUR ZANU (PF) DISTRICT OFFICE ZIMBABWE NEWS OCTOBER, 1987
Fifth Anniversary of the Sabra &Shatila Massacre istory has never recorded bar- barism and terrorism as it did during the Israeli invasion of Lebanon. The 16 to the 18th September 1982 are days in the history of the Palestinian people's agenda. These days mark a new era in the history of the Palestinian people's revolution. These days mark the shifting of the Arab military and political directions which are supposed to be directed against the Palestinian civilians, who are seeking shelter in the refugee camps in Lebanon. On the 16th September 1982, after the departure of the Palestinian forces from Lebanon, Zionist agents penetrated the camps of Sabra and Shatila in Beirut city, and attacked the camps. Around five thousand Palestinian and Lebanese were e" killed, injured or lost as a result of this barbaric attack. The victims were men, women and children of all ages, from the very old to the very young, even babies V r in arms. They were killed in every possible way. This massacre, which was a well preplanned military operation, fully supported and backed by the Zionist military authorities, reflect the true nature of the Zionist entity and its political objectives, one which was evident from the outset in 0 the Israeli invasion Lebanon. " Five years have passed since this inhuman act against the Palestinians in their refugee camps, and after five years, their camps are still under siege, but from dif- Young girls among the dead of Sabra and Shatlila ferent agents. The Sabra and Shatila massacres are just a part of the sufferings of the Palestinian people which they have gone through for decades. There is no doubt that few people in our contemporary era have had to endure the sufferings, degradation and humiliation that the Palestinians have been subjected to, for the Palestinian people have not only been deprived of their inalienable right to self- determination, but have been uprooted from their homeland, disposed and rendered refugees to live in refugee tents in conditions of poverty and disgusting filth. The Palestine Liberation Organisation, while commemorating the Fifth Anniversary of the massacre of Sabra and Shatila, once again reminds the International Community of the dangerous situation in the refugee camps. Shatila - "Like Hiroshima after the bomb," says UNRWA head Glacomeil It is self evident that the people of the ZIMBABWE NEWS OCTOBER, 1987 world must support the struggle of the Palestinian people. It is a support which is called for in the interests of peace, justice and security. Consequently, the United nations has a special responsibility to assist in rectifying the injustice that has been meted out to the Palestinians. The struggle of the Palestinian people is not just an Arab struggle but a universal struggle which has international dimensions. Supporting the Palestinian struggle should not just be motivated by Solidarity consideration, important as the element of solidarity may be. The support for the Palestinian cause should stem from the conviction of the principles of justice, it should come from the recognition that freedom denied anywhere is freedom denied everywhere. The world public opinion is urged, now more than any other time, to assist the process of peace-making in the Middle East, to support fully the right of our peopie for self-determination and building their own independent state. For decades our people have been fighting for their independence. We have sacrificed a lot. But we will continue the struggle to achieve our aim no matter how much more sacrifice will take. At the moment, fire flares up in Palestine and it is in Palestine where peace shall be achieved. E ZIMBABWE-PALESTINE SOLIDARITY COMMITTEE'S MESSAGE qThe Zimbabwe-Palestine Solidarity Committee, joins the peace-loving International Community in rememberfing with horror, the massacre of thousands of Palestinian refugees, including men, women, children and the elderly in the camps,of Sabra and Shatila, on the 16th, 17th and 18th of September, 1982. his crime against humanity which was committed by Zionist Israel and its agents in Lebanon, occurred despite written assurances by the United States that Palestinians who took refuge in Lebanon following the brutal occupation of their land by the Zionists, would be protected. It was part of Ariel Sharon, the then Defence Minister's strategy to try and eleminate Palestinians, even in countries they had taken refuge in outside occupied Palestine. Five years later today, Zionist Israel, with the backing of the United States and the use of its agents, continues to besiege ZIMBABWE NEWS OCTOBER
Palestinian refugee camps in an attempt to starve to death the homeless men, women and children in those camps. Assassinations of innocent Palestinians ae only part of the imperialist conspiracy hatched out with the establishment of the 4ionist State of Israel on Palestinian soil 1948. This and other sub-human crimes gainst Palestinians continue as the world atches. The Zimbabwe-Palestine Solidarity ommi~tee, as well as the International Community reiterate that there will not peace in the Middle East without the etablishment of a Palestinian Homeland o their soil under the sole legitimate rpresentative of the people of Palestine. S We urge the whole international community to give all round concrete and moral support to the Palestinians languishing under the Zionist and Imperialist yolk in the occupied land as well as in the refugee camps outside Palestine, particularly in Lebanon. It is our duty to contribute to realising the objectives of the Non-Aligned Movement and supporting the Chairman of the Non-Aligned Movement, the Prime Minister of Zimbabwe, Comrade Mugabe, in his call for an International Peace Conference on the Middle East, to be attended by the Palestine Liberation Organisation. This International Peace Conference, we note that it will not succeed without the participation of the sole legitimate representative of the people of Palestine, the Palestine Liberation Organisation. The Zimbabwe-Palestine Solidarity Committee hails the Palestine Liberation Organisation freedom fighters who are waging the heroic operations and battles against the Zionist enemy in the occupied land of Palestine. We call upon the Palestinians to continue to intensify the armed struggle against this threat to world peace, the Zionist oppressive and occupation military regime. In turn, the International Community must also intensify its support for the struggling people of Palestine in order for them to keep steadfast. The Zimbabwe-Palestine Solidarity Committee reiterates its support for the Palestine Liberation Organisation, under the Chairmanship of Comrade Yasser Arafat and that the Palestine Liberation Organisation must defend the Palestinians in the camps. LONG LIVE THE REVOLUTION OF PALESTINE! LONG LIVE COMRADE YASSER ARAFAT! LONG LIVE THE PALESTINE LIBERATION ORGANISATION! LONG LIVE ZIMBABWEPALESTINE SOLIDARITY! REVOLUTION UNTIL VICTORY! Don't be late You'll have only yourself to blame for missing the coming economic upturn. Advertise in Zimbabwe News IT MAKES $ENSE ZIMBABWE NEWS OCTOBER, 1987 41 r_
Vietnam - The Struggle for Socialism O n the 2nd of September 1945, the Vietnamese people under the leadership of Ho Chi Minh in the General Insurrection of August 1945 overthrew the colonialist regime and established the Democratic Republic of Vietnam now the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, thus ending 80 years of French domination. Following this defeat the French colonialists and American imperialists continued to send their expeditionary forces attempting to reconquer Vietnam. Waging a protracted war in 1954, with the Dien Bien Phu victory of 1954 over the French colonialists one half of the country was liberated. The Ho Chi Minh campaign of Spring 1975 regained Vietnam's independence and the imperialists fled the country. 1969 was the peak of American involvement in Vietnam, and at that time half a million of American troops were sent into Vietnam. Since the last 12 years the Vietna mese people are building socialism and defeating the problems caused by 30 years of imperialist wars of aggression, which saw over 8 million tons of bombs of various types (four times more than the amount of bombs used during the 2nd world war) dropped over Vietnam. Vietnam has also had to survive the anti-Vietnam policy of blockade, and economic sanctions. In the recent years the Vietnamese economic situation has greatly progressed and significant achievements in the socialist construction have been made. There has been an annual average increase in agricultural production of 4,9 per cent compared with 1,9 per cent in the period 1976-1980. An annual average increase of 9,5 per cent in industrial output compared with 0,6 per cent in the previous five years. Over 4 000 000 jobs have been created in various branches of the economy. At the moment Vietnam is involved in an attempt to help solve the situation in Kam- puchea where Pol Pot, a reactionary regime backed by the imperialists, France and the United States is resulting in the killing of Kampuchea patriots. The Pol Pot regime has been run aground and the remnants have sought sanctuary in Thailand, where they cause havoc in an attempt to destabilise Vietnam. However Vietnam has expressed its wish for the total withdrawal of Vietnamese tro ps earlier along with the removal of the Pol Pot genocidal clique. Today two major preoccupations of the Vietnamese people are the building of socialism and the defence of its territory against imperialist and reactionary machinations. In the same way as the Vietnamese people stand together with other revolu- tionary and progressive forces of the world, is the same way that Vietnam supports the anti-imperialists and anticolonialist struggles, and the progressive and revolutionary world stand by the Vietnamese people in their quest for nationhood through socialism. 0 The West's Economic Apartheid in Africa By a Soviet Prof. Mai Volkov, Ph.D (Economics) In South Africa apart4ieid is expressed in the open oppression and persecution of Black people. Meanwhile, the West is pursuing a hidden but quite real policy of economic apartheid on the rest of the continent. Western creditors are gradually enslaving the African debtor countries. frica's foreign debt now stands at $200 billion, or $400 for every African. This figure exceeds the annual per capita GNP in many African countries. The interest alone eats up much of the African countries' export currency receipts. Between 1970 and 1984 they went up fron 2,90 to 26,3o in Togo, from 2,1076 to 28,9076 in Somalia, and from 70o to 27,90o in Nigeria. "The repayment of debts means a giant transfer of-resources from the South to the North," concludes French economist Alain Lipietz. He attributes the food crisis and other difficulties facing Africa to the burden of its foreign debt. Every year the African countries south of the Sahara have to pay their creditors $12 billion each, no matter what are their export currency receipts and priority socio-economic needs. Ironically, the poor have to pay to the rich. The leaders of some African countries, who squandered Western loans, have long been dead. But present generations have to repay the old debts. Possibilities for African countries' socio-economic progress are steadily diminishing because they have to spend more and more resources on repaying the debts.. Besides, the current situation makes it impossible for them to fully use normal channels of international crediting. The US administration has changed bank rates while Western powers are reducing the purchases of African commodities. Prices of these commodities are declining. These factors are telling on every resident of Africa. African nations try to boost production and increase exports to the West. But, despite all these efforts, their external debt continues to grow. "Development has stopped in many of the countries and degeneration has set in," notes Robert Wessel, an economist from the University of Cincinnati. "For the region as a whole GNP per capita has been in a long downtrend... Resources are disappearing . . . Africa is more dependent now on foreign aid than ever before." The huge external debt damages the national sovereignty of African countries. While giving loans to Africa, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank defend the interests of other Western creditors. These organizations force African countries to reduce their expenses on medical care, education, housing, and other social needs and also intervene in their home affairs. Neocolonialism and apartheid use credits to cash in on Africa's insolvency and to exert on it political pressure.
Commenting on Zambia's recent decision to unilaterally freeze the repayment of the external debt, OAU Secretary General Ide Oumarou says the African countries are tired of the measures imposed on them by the IMF. This organization calls on Africa to make endless crifices and does not consider their cial consequences. But, even following the IMF instructions, Africa does not receive the means enough for enlivening its economy, notes Oumarou. The solution of the debt problem largely determines whether the Africans will become masters of their destiny or will continue to suffer from Western oppression and to increase their creditors' profits. African nations are starting to take resolute steps. Some of them set a ceiling on the repayment of the foreign debt to limit their harmful economic effect. Others demand revising the terms of repayrfient and turn down new credits. In this and many other spheres of international economic relations Africa should demonstrate its unity and coordinate its policy with other developing countries combating the burden of foreign debts. Resolute joint actions are needed to oppose economic apartheid. But debts have to be distinguished. Some of them are obligations in normal crediting relations and a form of deterred payment for certain commodities supplied to African countries, including the equipment installed at their enterprises that bring profits. The West uses crediting to pursue its neocolonial policy and derive superprofits. But the credits granted to Africa by socialist countries are not linked with any fettering terms and do not infringe the debtors' national sovereignty. An end to the arms race could help free Africa from the burden of its debts. The sum annually spent on armaments in the world is commensurable with the developing countries' aggregate external debt. In order to resolve this problem, African countries should also develop regional economic and financial cooperation and rule out political or military confrontation with each ither. l ZBABWE NEWS OCTOBER, 1987 MASHONALAND PARTS DISTRIBUTORS A Division of MASHONALAND PARTS SUPPLIERS (PVT.) LTD OUR PRIORITIES ARE: LOCAL MANUFACTURE AND IMPORT SUBSTITUTION., For your nearest supplier and trade enquiries phone 736639/40/41 or write to: Mashonaland Parts Distributors, P.O. Box 1023, Harare. The October Revolution Russia's proletariat started building socialism in an exceptionally difficult, drar situation. The revolution had won in only one country, which was now blazing th to socialism. The world war was going on. The deposed exploiters supported by capitalism were putting up frantic resistance to popular rule. V.I. Lenin and the I munist party roused the people to defend the gains of the Great October Soc Revolution. The policy of the Soviet government met the vital Interests of the wol people and therefore enjoyed their support Once again this year, the progressive community will join hands in celebrating the 70th Anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution of 1917. Among the outstanding events of the turbulent twentieth century the 1917 Great October Socialist Revolution occupies a prominent place in the history of mankind. It differs from all earlier social revolutions in that it gave political power to the people the working class and the toiling peasantry. This signified a basic change in the political function of the masses who came to assume the role of creators of a new society. The revolution laid a foundation for translating into reality the ideals for freedom, peace and social progress throughout the world by ending exploitation of man by man. Today, some bourgeoisie historians and sociologists still claim that the Great October Socialist Revolution was a "historical accident" instead of a manifestation of the objective laws of historical development. The Socialists Revolution had to take place since it was necessary and inevitable because of the inherent contradictions which came -out through the logical outcome of a number of specific historical factors both objective and subjective. The success of the Revolution marked the victories of the socialist system, the defeat of colonialism, victories of national liberation movements and the appearance of newly independent states through the attainment of freedom independence and total justice. The historical significance of the October Revolution is a motive force which fosters to unite all mankind under the banner of socialism. The Revolution which was guided by Lenin through his scientific works and practical deeds, provided the foundation which mapped out the emerging process of a new society. The Socialist Revolution took place in conditions of an extreme aggravation of the contraditions of world imperialism which led to the out break of World War One - 1914 - 18. The Russia of 1917 was the link in the system of capitalism in which all contradictions of the system were focussed - economic, social, political, ethnic and ideological. Social and class conflict were aggravated in Russia to the extreme, peasants demanded land, the workers demanded change in their economic positions, which meant changes in their positions and role in the system of industrial production. The workers and the peasants demanded an end to the senseless bloody war. The bourgeoisie and the landlords who were at the helm of political power, were unable to solve any of these problems which concerned the entire nation. This is what brought about a revolutionary situation in the country. The Great October Revolution was popular because it involved the whole strata of the toiling masses in the country. In their struggle to overthrow the old order, they were led by the Bolshevik Party which comprised the best of the working class, the toiling peasantry and the revolutionary intelligentsia. rvy* N The Great October Socialist Revolution. The Red Guard, armed units of workers, began to be set up in March 1917 under the leadership of the Bolsheviks. The photo shows a street in Petrograd in 1917 ZI nAIWN
Vladmir Ilyich Lenin was the brainchild of the Great October Socialist Revolution. The Leader of the Bolshevik Party combined the qualities of a brave revolutionary, a sober-minded politician, an excellent organiser, a profound scholar and analyst and a realistic stateman. The world socialist system which emerged since that time has gained from strength to strength, Colonial empires have collapsed and over the ruins new sovereign states have risen. The working class and other labouring strata of capitalist countries are stepping up their struggle against imperialism to introduce democracy. The Revolution introduced revolutionary changes in world politics through the proclamation of peaceful co-existence among states with different socio-political systems and non-interference in each other's internal affairs and foreign policy principles. The newly independent states the world over liberated from the colonial yoke, are concentrating their efforts on solving diverse and complex problems of achieving not only political but also economic independence. It is in this regard that the New World Economic Order and the New World Information Order have been widely discussed in recognition of the impending imperialist manifestations to exploit the less developed and newly independence states. The emancipation of the working class must be won by the working class themselves. This requires the abolition of private ownership of the means of production, conversion into public property and the replacement of capitalist production of commodities by the socialist organisation of the production process by the society. The uneven economic and political development is absolute law of capitalism. Due to the high level of development which world capitalism has attained, the replacement of free competition by monopolies whose banks and associations have prepared the machinery for the regulation of production and distribution of products, the rise in the cost of living, increased oppression of the working class, destabilisation of independent states, the horrors, misery, ruin and brutalisation caused by the imperialist war, all these factors will transform the present stage of capitalist development into an era of proletarian socialist revolution. A Luta Continua!! V.I. Lenin, as no one else, had an extraordinarily keen feeling of the new, a remarkable ability to notice, appreciate and encourage all progressive Initiatives of the masses. On the basis of his analysis of new phenomena he formulated fundamental conclusions on socialism and communism and the regularities In the establishment and development of the communist formation The Great October Socialist Revolution. The October armed uprising in Moscow. October 25 (November 7) to November 2 (15), 1917. Workers on an armoured car In Moscow's Red Square ZIMBABWE NEWS OCTOBER, 1987 In.April-May 1920 V I Lenin wrote his book "Left-Wing" Infantile Disorder in Communism, which he described as an experiment in popular presentation of Marxist strategy and tactics. In this book V. Ir Lenin exposed the class roots and ideological sources of Lelt opportunism in the communist movement. He showed that the petty bourgeoisie and backward working class strata served as its nutrient medium. while ideologically it stemmed from theoretical incompetence, underestimation of Marxism. political inexperience, dogmatism and lack of a scientific approach to social phenomena In reviewing the experience of the three Russian revolutions V. I. Lenin demonstrated the international signiticance of the tactics ot the Russian revolutionary movement. In this book he further elucidated the key questions of the socialist revolution and the dictatorship of the proletariat. showing that with the advent of the socialist revolution the class struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie had assumed the nature of struggle between two mutually opposed socio-economic systems. In highlighting the main stages of the party s history V I Lenin traced the consolidation of party discipline, showing how the unity of pary ranks. the essential factor of the party s strength and authority had been achieved in the struggle between its Marxist core and **left" opportunists in its ranks. Of great value are Lenin's formulations of the tasks, methods and forms of the struggle waged by the working class and its party under the dictatorship of the proletariat, The keynote idea is that the strength of the people stems from its unity with the party and party leadership. Hence Lenin demanded that the Communists Should be active in tlhe trade unions and other workirng class organizations and inspire working people to political struggle Touching upon the international significance of the CPSU s experience and the socialist revolution in Russia. Lenin pointed out that the presence of common features and regularities in the proletarian revolution and socialist construction did not rule out distinctions in the forms and methods of their implementation in each particular country as determined by tire economic historical and national specifications in the country s developmenl The book has been published in Russian and in foreign languages
The case of Photomontage, and the People's Message hen does photography assume a propagandist nature? Well, before photography becomes propagandist it should be artistic, not only from the angle aspect or that of composition and less even the subject but from the point of view of the message. The capitalists and imperialists are trying to manipulate the politics of Southern African so that it focuses on racism as the main enemy of the people and the barbaric nature of the racist Pretoria state as what should preoccupie revolutionary thrust. Obviously this is to manouver the progressive world from the analysis that it is first and foremost a capitalist and imperialist contradiction. Historical materialism does not teach us that racism is a material state, it is merely an offspring of an endangered species of agents of imperialism. Socialist struggle means eliminating capitalism, and when capitalism is still in a strong position, it tries by all means to compromise the revolutionary thrust in a bid to continue the exploitation of the masses. Therefore the photographer has a role to play in exposing the contradictions in the society. It is not only the nakedness of the racism that must be brought to the forefront but also the root of this racism. Pretoria merely runs a capitalist system in the same way as a manager runs a company for a capitalist, hence the need to be creative with photography. Raise Consciousness, Levels Photomontage developed in the early 20s in Russia and in Western Europe. It should also be clear that, then the October Revolution had already taken place and a socialist society was slowly coming into being in the Soviet Union. According to Sigmund Frued, "A photographer who wishes to grasp the social significance of a phenomenon, will seek methods to underline the essential feature, thus correcting the objectivity of the camera which regards with indifference the just and the unjust." One still cannot tell the message of the socialist struggle nor the obnoxious system of capitalism-racism of the Pretoria regime. In the dialectically opposed situation existing in Southern Africa where the masses in the region's sovereign states are working to control their own destiny through socialism, and imperialists are busy protecting a capitalist-racist state while putting obstacles to the efforts of the people, then other means must be used to raise the awareness of the people. Brecht thought, through photomontage, "we make the present day become history" this way the people can live with the history of their own reality, lest we become lax. The essential element here is, according to the Russian, Rodchenko, to formulate, "a new aesthetic that can express with photographs the passion and etnos of our new socialist reality" (20s) Towards a Revolution The German Franz Roh in 1929 said that photograghs would be used in combination and that of these combinations new meanings and insights would arise. In 1934, the American Walter Benjamin said of "recent" photography, which I will refer to as borgeous photography, for it was not concerned with an achieving "socialist realist ends" nor creating a "proletarian eye" which would become aware of the "workers world invisible to the bourgeosie and unfortunately to most proletarian also", Benjamin said of this recent bourgeosie photography, "It is incapable of photographing a tenement or a rubbish heap without transfiguring it ... It has succeeded in turning object poverty itself by handling it in a modish technically perfect way into an object of enjoyment." Benjamin's thesis on photomontage was that it sees social life as an experiemental a construction which might be taken apart and modified, its audience were to be surprised, stimulated and see just how provisional and man-made society was." At this point it is however important to note that Benjamin was writing from his observations of the capitalist society he lived in, and saw the need for photomontage to revolutionise the thinking of the people about the nature of their own society. So, since the 1920s the picture used in combination became a means of disclosing rather than of merely reproducing the conditions of social life. Enhance the Revolution Today capitalism has taken over nearly every aspect of social life, and influences it variously, through advertisement mainly, photomontage the radical and highly creative form seems to have lost its thrust, though many posters for causes like the anti-nuclear demonstrations still use photomontage to vividly illustrate the evils of nuclear war, thereby rallying more people to this cause. In fact even in its infancy photomontage was regarded as reactionary to the capitalist state for it opened way to debate and the relative truths. In terms of dialectical materialism and historical materialism the capitalist system seems to have created static conditions towards a revolution of the masses for the ruling class and the bourgeois have become so strong that the masses in the capitalist state are not at the moment in a position to overthrow the capitalists state. However while it is appreciable that these societies are undergoing qualitative industrial change, albeit through the exploitation of the Third World resources, the same is not true for the social condions of the masses that continue to worsen just like in the Pretoria racists regime. The social message in photomontage should be viewed from the angle therefore of enhancing the revolution and in the cases of the apartheid regime of bringiog about consciousness of the state of capitalism-racism there, in fact of politicising the masses to greater heights of the struggle for freedom and justice. The caption on the photography while it may explain the picture it still does not generate the debate necessary for consciousness raising. What the imperialists seek to, protect in the apartheid state is what the revolutionary movement seeks to destory and establish a system based on equality. How does this system function-capitalism, imperialism how does it function in the way it exploits the people? Yes it is possible to educate the masses and bring about their awareness through photomontage. If fascism and nazism have been exposed before through photomontage, socialism can be promoted and capitalism racism destroyed, with this system of photography being a component of the overall struggle. 01 ZIMBABWE NEWS OCTOBER, 1987
Steele Justice T he US imperialists are now obsessed with Vietnam, one would like to think it is owing to their defeat at the hands of the Vietnamese. Now they seek to defeat the Vietnamese pyschologically. Imperialism's strategy on Vietnam is a carefully thought out one where the Vietnamese are supposed to end up "laughable" it is in this direction that this film Steele Justice has been made. It is a gangester situation being portrayed. Are the Americans sane? Or are they suffering from their protruding sense of Justice? One Nicaraguan writer said of liberty in the United States, "It is only a statue." In this film Steele Justice filmed from the end of the war in 1975, at the end of the sound defeat of the Americans, the scenes start in the bush where there is a struggle for the spoils of the war, "gold coins" It is a double crossing where collaborators who together with the American mercenaries fail to agree on who should get the coins. They shoot at each other, but only to frighten the other, typically gangersteristic. The bankruptcy of the American concept of their involvement is typified by their concept of the end of the war, one in which money had to be involved, it is a limited illustration of the gross plundering of Vietnam that went or rather that goes with their involvement wherever they go for their imperialist adventurisms. Yes it is only a film story but based on the realities of Vietnam. It is a dirty film which is bent on saying such Vietnamese, as the corrupt ones that the film depicts, those that later go on to the US and form a Vietnamese Mafia, are the ones that constitute Vietnam today. The Americans wish to portray Vietnam as a corrupt and filthy state. This is what kind of Vietnam they would have established themselves, but now because there is a revolutionary state in the Vietnam they lament the loss of this corrupt state to the socialist movement and create this corruption, saying it is a pity corruption and exploitation are not the order of the day in the Vietnam today. The film's story is about the Vietnamese on the periphery of the revolution those marginalised by virtue of their stooge status, and collaborator role, who feared the reaction of the Vietnamese patriots at the end of the war. It is a film of the Muzorewas, and Sitholes, who later followed the Americans to their imperialist country where they start a new life of benevelent citizens using the Vietnamese resources they plundered. They start assisting troubled "American Vietnamese" by day while by night they are the same corrupt lackeys dealins in cocaine and narcotics, which they use to get money by destroyin the souls of the Youth. They build institutes, blocks of flats for their fellow "underprivileged" men. The subtle American cultural and psychological propaganda that permeates through the film's story is very deliberate and is made to indoctrinate the unsuspecting public. These subtleties of a propaganda nature should be exposed. The man bearing the American stamp to "win" - Steele - is nothing less than a thug. The film is called Steele Justice, it could be called American Justice. This man Steele is nothing less than a thug. It is no secret that today's American establishment is built on national thuggery, which has risen to great sophistication heights in true Reaganite fashion. However any revolutionary society cannot help but sympathise with the ideologically poor American film makers, who cherish war in accordance with the Reagan era of war-mongering. To illustrate the sickness of the whole elite film industry - the Oscar awards, the highest recognition or distinction marks in the American film industry these partial derogatory and obscene statements of American intellect, are awarded these awards. These films are political statements which are being used to indoctrinate the movie goers, who are forced to end up with lumps of imperialist ideology stuck in their throats. This Vietnam, they are showing on the screen is an American-Vietnam. It is a Vietnam corrupted by the Americans. And make no mistake, it isn't without intention. The contradiction that exists between a capitalist system and people's strive to establish socialism is what the Reaganite movie makers are trying to make insignificant. The whole progressive world must cry "shame on you" to the mighty United States for this poor show, and display of low intellect. In the same way as the main actor's state of mind dwells 12 years ago today, so too is the American establishment's concept of their defeat by the Vietnamese. Maybe it was just too much for two imperialist giants to be defeated by one small country, "big of heart". Many successful revolutions are being subjected to this type of cultural and pyschological onslaught, by American Businessmen who back President Ronald Reagan's elections with millions of dollars made this way, - exploitatively. If the American military forces ran away from Vietnam and their lackeys are running away from everywhere where there is people's revolution taking place, only they themselves can stop themselves from running away from and accept that the direction the wing blows has radically changed. People are fed up with exploitation, the world over. How nice it will be to wake up one day to find the America of imperialism buried under the giant stride of socialism. Victory to the fighting masses of the world. . The proletariate, President Reagan, have nothing to gain from American imperialism dollars but chains, and when they fight they have nothing to loose but these chains. Nothing can defeat the indomitable spirit of a people bent on casting away the chains of imperialism. Your cultural onslaught and psychological war only serves the design of an imperialist mentality but it has no effect on a pure socialist community striving for an equitable distribution of wealth through a socialist mode of production. Aluta Continua ZIMBABWE NEWS OCTOBER, 1987 I FILM REVIEW1
ANSWERS TO QUIZ No. 2 Quiz No. 4 VOLUME 18. No. 8 1. 1986-7 2. Any four of the following: a) Simon Chingoza Nyandoro (Commander) b) Godwin Manyerenyere (Deputy) c) Christopher Chatambudza (Medical Officer) d) Arthur Maramba e) Chubby Sawana f) Godfrey Dube g) David Guzuzu 3. 500 People 4. Koreans 5. Zimbabwe News 6. The Commissariat Department 7. 21st February 1924 8. The 21st February Movement 9. 21st March 1960 10. Jailed President/Leader of the ANC. Winners 1st Prize $20,00 - Comrade Julian Mujaji. Ministry of Youth,j' Sport and Culture, P.O. Box 85, Nyanga. 2nd Prize $10,00 -- Comrade Peter Makombe, HUOC, Box 3298, Harare. 3rd Prize $5,00 - Comrade Francis Malunga, A3 Chitezi Rd, P.O. Rimuka, Kadoma. Congratulations!!! Makorokoto!!! Amhlope!!! 1) How many Provincial Offices does the Party have? 2) "The Umbrella is there", said the First Secretary and President of ZANU (PF). Where did he say these words? (Name the exact place.) 3) When did Comrade Samora Machel die? (Date, Month and year. 4) How many branches comprise a Party District? 5) Who is the Party Secretary for Transport and Social Welfare? 6) What does the word "Comrade" mean? Explain in your own words. 7) The Women's League has now launched its own magazine. What is its title? 8) Besides the above magazine and "Zimbabwe News" which other publication belongs to the Party? 9) What is the Party symbol? 10) Who said the following words and in what year? ". Unity is in fact more than mere harmony. It is an active bond of aspirants who share in common given political beliefs. Unity is integrative of constructive or progressive or revolutionary forces in the direction of set goals . . Deadline for answers-November 15 All Quiz will carry the same prizes for first, second and third positions. Manufacturers of a wide range of mining and industrial conveyors, idlers and accessories. Suppliers of mining and industrial engineering equipment. Agricultural fumigation specialists.Suppliers of pesticide chemicals and equipment. Manufacturers and suppliers of industrial and medical gases and all types of gas pipeline installations. Gases and 'arc welding equipment and consumables. Welding skills centres in Harare and Bulawavo. Suppliers of basic chemicals and raw materials in bulk for mining and industry. Switchboard manufacturers and component suppliers ZIMBABWE NEWS OCTOBER, 1987 IU TSA 'ir
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