ISSN: 0128-7702 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. 18 (1): 55 - 68 (2010) © Universiti Putra Press

Different yet Similar: A Study on Mongindong Performed by Diris, Gustimin, Pariama and Tulai from Murok Village and Baba Village on the Labuk River,

Susan Ang Ngar Jiu* and Chan Cheong Jan Department of Music, Faculty of Human Ecology, Universiti Putra Malaysia, 43400 UPM, Serdang, Selangor, Malaysia *E-mail: [email protected]

Abstract The oral traditions of the Dusun Labuk include tangon, runsai, mongindong, mansuak, and kurilang. Mongindong [cradle song] is typologically informal yet functionally important in the traditional daily life of the Dusun Labuk. Seven mongindong were collected from four Dusun Labuk community members in Beluran, located in the east part of Sabah, Malaysia. It is important to note that the informants were reluctant to perform more than one mongindong for documentation purpose because they perceive that each of them owns only one mongindong, and therefore, two mongindong, although different in musical structure, are perceived as “sama” [the same] when they are performed by one informant. Furthermore, under certain circumstances, the informants perceive the mongindong performed by one person is “sama” [the same] as the mongindong which is performed by the other person. However, by viewing the tune and text of each collected mongindong, the researcher perceives each mongindong to be different from one another. Taking this into consideration, this paper describes the mongindong of the Dusun Labuk and suggests a possible way to analyse them. Findings from the analysis lead to an understanding of the similarity between the mongindong held by the informants. Nevertheless, further study on the culture of Dusun Labuk and the community members’ knowledge of oral traditions is necessary for a deeper understanding of mongindong.

Keywords: Cradle song, culture, Dusun Labuk, mongindong, oral traditions

Introduction paddy cultivation is practiced traditionally by the Dusun Labuk, according to article 6(1) in community, according to the senior community the constitution of Kadazandusun Cultural members (Personal interaction, 2008). At Association [KDCA], is one of the sub-groups present, the population of Kadazandusun in of Kadazandusun in Sabah, Malaysia. Joshua Sabah is approximately 479,944 (Yearbook Project, a research initiative since 1995, has of Statistic Sabah, 2005). Meanwhile, the listed three sub-groups of Kadazan and 15 sub- population of Dusun Labuk in the district of groups of Dusun. Dusun Labuk is categorized Beluran is approximately 6,449 (Yearbook of in the sub-group of Kadazan Timur, due to Statistic Sabah, 1998). Dusun Labuk is named the reason that Kadazan Labuk- after Labuk River which is located in the language is spoken in the community. In this district of Beluran, in the division of , paper, Dusun Labuk is considered as a sub-group Sabah of Borneo Island, where the location is of Dusun due to the reason that shifting dry extended from Beluran (88 km from Sandakan

Received: 20 August 2009 Accepted: 29 January 2010 *Corresponding Author Susan Ang Ngar Jiu and Chan Cheong Jan town) to (132 km from Sandakan town). Sandakan, Sabah, from June to September 2008, Traditionally, Dusun Labuk practiced shifting dry a total of 30 examples of various oral traditions paddy cultivation and believed in Kinorhingan, were collected, including seven mongindong i.e. the Dusun creator (the belief was then termed [cradle song] from Diris Sa’at (59, male), as ‘momolianism’), the Kadazandusun primal Gustimin Benjamin (50, male), Pariama Linggis belief system (Benedict Topin, 2004). (53, female) and Tulai Tuki (64, female) in Murok Village and Baba Village. Information about these mongindong is as follows: Oral Traditions of Dusun Labuk Traditionally, a majority of the Dusun Labuk’s rites were performed by bobolian, the priestess, Informant Length Identity term as in other Dusun areas. Music of the gong Diris Sa’at 2:50 Diris ensemble, comprising of three hanging gongs Gustimin Benjamin 0:17 Gustimin I and a set of kulintangan, is a part of the ritual Gustimin Benjamin 0:26 Gustimin II of Ka’amatan [Harvest], that is, the cerebration Pariama Linggis 1:03 Pariama I after mangatam [paddy reaping]. Apart from the Pariama Linggis 1:19 Pariama II instrumental tradition, the oral tradition of story Tulai Tuki 0:57 Tulai I Tulai Tuki 0:30 Tulai II telling, folksongs, and cradle song singing were carried out at home in an informal manner. The oral traditions include tangon [folktale], runsai Same versus Different: the case [poem with more serious topic], mongindong of mongindong [cradle song], mansuak and kurilang [poems In the process of collecting mongindong, the with less serious topic]. In contrast to the number of mongindong that the researcher ritual related tradition which ceased from being collected from an informant was one, and at practiced after the conversion to Christianity the most two. According to Diris (Personal and other religions, the informal oral tradition interaction, 4th December 2007), he owns only remains in practice among the Dusun Labuk one mongindong. Gustimin (3rd December 2007) community, although it has declined due to the said that he knows only one mongindong (Fig. existence and influence of mass media such as 1). He said that he owned no other mongindong, radio and television. but was willing to repeat his mongindong upon During the researcher’s fieldtrip to search the researcher’s request (Fig. 2). It is evident for the oral traditions of the Dusun Labuk in that there are structural differences observed several villages in the District of Beluran, in between the two transcriptions above.

Fig. 1: Gustimin I

Note: The notation does not indicate the actual pitch frequency of the informants. Indeed, each informant sings in different pitch frequencies each time he or she sings

56 Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. Vol. 18 (1) 2010 Different yet Similar: A Study on Mongindong

Fig. 2: Gustimin II

Upon the researcher’s request, Pariama August 2009). Tulai’s singing turned out to be and Tulai sang their mongindong for the second yet different in musical structure as compared time. Pariama indicated that what she sang for to Pariama’s second singing [compare Figs. 4 the second time was “sama” [the same] to the and 5]. Interestingly, Pariama supported Tulai’s first one which she had sung about one month statement by saying that both of their second before (Personal interaction, 13th August 2009), singing of mongindong are “sama” [the same]. despite the structural differences which were Despite their second singing of mogindong observed between the two singing (compare that displayed different musical structure from Figs. 3 and 4). their first singing, Pariama and Tulai both said At a later time of the day, Tulai attempted that they have no mongindong other than the to sing the same mogindong that Pariama ones that they had sang for the first time (i.e. had just sung, claiming that she had no other about one month earlier). In fact, they seemed mongindong to sing (Personal interaction, 13th reluctant to sing for the second time for my

Fig. 3: Pariama I [from the beginning until phrase 3]

Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. Vol. 18 (1) 2010 57 Susan Ang Ngar Jiu and Chan Cheong Jan

Fig. 4: Pariama II [from the beginning until phrase 3]

Fig. 5: Tulai II documentation. According to them, if they were Some questions are raised as this paper requested to perform the mongindong again, intends to describe the mongindong of Dusun they would perform the “same mongindong”. Labuk and examines a possible way to analyse In my documentation project, Pariama and Tulai them in order to understand the oral tradition perceived that they had performed the same better. What is mongindong? What is essential mongindong for their second time of singing. in understanding mongindong? What does When they said “sama” [the same], they mongindong signify? On contrary to ritual might be referring to the genre as well as the performance which takes social form for individual songs. Generally, each oral tradition musical expression, mongindong is an informal has its distinctive characteristic that makes it and intimate expression which serves a means recognisable. However, I perceive mongindong of communication between individuals. As as a highly individualised oral tradition and each such, the matter of social maintenance of the mongindong has its own individuality which text in this context refers to the musical text of is different from one another. Therefore, the mongindong, which is different as compared individual songs are regarded as not entirely the to the ritual tradition in terms of control, same, in other words, they are different. The maintenance, and modification of the text. In statements by the informants and the researcher this regard, the mongindong of Pariama, for are to be clarified when a study on texts and tunes example, is solely hers. of these mongindong is conducted.

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To study these mongindong also means mongindong and telling of tangon at home have to study a highly individualised oral tradition declined and even ceased in many cases. In most which has the least formal restriction. There of the families, these have been replaced by pop is no accompanying musical instrument, no songs and movies on television. ritual, and no particular group of participants. Secondly, changes could also be seen in the However, there is a room for freedom and an belief system and language use. In former times, appropriate space for the singers to express the bobolian [priestess] played an important their feelings or to formalise their emotions. It role in transmitting the ritual related traditions cannot be denied that mongindong, although was while other senior people in the community traditionally sung to the children, also has an held the informal oral traditions. The Dusun element of self-serving in its function. Although Labuk language was and for some still is the it is not different from the above description or only medium of communication. Most of the discussion, the context of mongindong of Dusun community members think, communicate, Labuk can be seen in the following aspects. and sing in this language. Since the coming of Christianity, the role of transmitting the ritual related tradition has been transferred to The culture of the Dusun Labuk the church and the ritual related tradition has Firstly, part of the culture of the Dusun Labuk been replaced by church music. Singing is was observed, particularly their occupation and carried out in church during Sunday worship lifestyle. Traditionally, the community of Dusun service, Sunday school, various activities, and Labuk were farmers who started working in fellowships where western hymns like Amazing the fields from break of day until the work was Grace and praise songs like You Lift Me Up done, either at noontime or in the evening. Men are sung in either Malay or English language. were responsible for the work in the fields while Since the 1970s, the Dusun Labuk language has women were responsible for the housework at gradually been replaced by the use of Malay and home. However, the men were also trained English at home, because these two languages to help at home, and the women in the fields, are the medium of communication in school and too. Night time was meant for rest, leisure, other places in the country and some parents or sometimes hunting for nocturnal animals. even mistakenly think that their children will Playing musical instruments, singing folksongs, not be able to shift into these other languages and telling folktales were the activities during if they hear their own language at home. The free time. During bedtime, mongindong [cradle decline in the use of the Dusun Labuk language song] was sung to cradle babies and toddlers, has also indirectly contributed to the decline in while tangon [folktale] was told to the children. the singing of mongindong and the telling of The task of cradling children is not specifically tangon. for men or women; instead, each family member is responsible for this task as long as he or she is free to do so. This is probably one of the Messages in Mongindong reasons for the fact that both the men and women Mongindong, as one of the Dusun Labuk oral can sing mongindong. Along with urbanisation traditions, serves as a means for the poetic and advancement in technology in the region, communication of thought and feeling. Just as the traditional life style of the community messages are delivered through words in normal has somewhat changed, at least since 1970s. spoken communication, messages are also Shifting dry paddy cultivation is gradually conveyed through the words sung in the context replaced by long-term oil palm plantation. of mongindong. In the examples given below, it Besides farmers, there are also businesspersons, can be seen that when the mongindong are sung government servants, professionals, and others as cradle songs, their lines are usually structured in the community at present. The singing of around variations of the word modop [“to sleep”]

Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. Vol. 18 (1) 2010 59 Susan Ang Ngar Jiu and Chan Cheong Jan and they convey the message of encouraging a tidur / make to sleep] is a word to describe the beloved child [oyong = “dear” or “darling”] to act of adult persuading a child to sleep. This sleep soundly [molong]. identical principle on the adoption of word is also applied to the word “olong” [nyenyak / “mogot no oyong do modop, mogot no soundly]. usau do molong” This is similar to the messages of “odop [lebih baik bah sayang _ tidur, lebih no” and “olong no”, i.e. other messages are also baik bah sayang _ nyenyak / better dear delivered in the different ways of conveying _ sleep, better dear _ soundly] the message in different words among the informants. The messages include “ada no Phrases 6-7, Diris mogiad” [jangan bah menangis/don’t cry], “onuon no pominsurut” [ambil bah tumbuh “odop no oyong indongon” besar/take growth], “onuon pomutotogui” [ambil sihat yang kekal/take persistent health], [tidur bah sayang mengayun / sleep “ada koborui” [jangan selalu sakit/don’t fall dear swinging] sick often]. Just like the former example, the Phrase 2, Gustimin II message “olong no” [nyenyak bah/soundly] does not appear in the mongindong by Gustimin, and “poodop poolong oku dikou oyong” there is also an exception for the message “ada no mogiad” [jangan bah menangis/don’t cry] in [kasih tidur kasih nyenyak aku kau the mongindong by Pariama. sayang / make to sleep make to be From the researcher’s observation, she found soundly I you dear] that the message, “odop no” [tidur bah/sleep], Phrase 4b, Pariama II and then “olong no” [nyenyak bah/soundly] is delivered in two continuous phrases as in the previous example, compared to the message, “odop no pogi usau, olong no pogi “ada no mogiad” [jangan bah menangis/don’t odu odopno” cry] which is repeated in two continuous phrases, [tidur bah [dengan maksud arahan] as follows: sayang, nyenyak bah [dengan maksud arahan] sayang tidurbah / sleep [with “ada no oyong mogiad, ada no usau meaning of command] dear, soundly tumangi” [with meaning of command] dear [jangan bah sayang menangis, jangan sleep] bah sayang menangis/don’t dear cry, Phrases 2-3, Tulia I don’t dear cry] Phrases 4-5, Diris The example shows that the different ways of conveying the message lead to the different “ada i miadiad, ada kou mangitangi adoption of words, e.g. “modop” is adopted by usau” Diris, “odop no” by Gustimin and Tulai, while “poodop” by Pariama. “odop” [tidur / sleep] is [jangan itu menangis-nangis, jangan the root word for “modop” and “poodop”, which kau menangis-nangis sayang/don’t is also a word used to persuade the child to sleep cry continuously, don’t you cry especially when the suffix “-no” is attached to continuously dear] the word. “modop” [tidur / sleep] is a word to Phrases 3-4, Tulai II describe the act of sleeping. “poodop” [kasih

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Different words appear in two continuous family’s property [mewarisi harta keluarga] and phrases that deliver identical messages – “ada no to hold the authority in the family [berkuasa mogiad” and “ada no tumangi” in Diris, whereas dalam keluarga]. By inheriting the pillar of the “ada miadiad” and “ada mangitangi” in Tulai II. house, Pariama actually asks her child to inherit “mogiad” [menangis/cry] is a word to describe the family’s property and hold the authority in the act of crying. Meanwhile, “tumangi” family or to be the leader in family. [menangis dengan suara yang rendah, tidak Besides Pariama, Diris also uses symbolic sampai teriak-teriak/cry softly, i.e. not to the words in his mongindong. For example, extend of shouting] is a word to further describe the state of crying. “miadiad” [menangis- “kumuut oyong do gamut tavan, kumuut nangis/cry continuously] is a word that doubles usau do gamut tavavo” the word “mogiad”. “mangitangi” [menangis- [pegang sayang _ akar langit, pegang nangis dengan suara yang rendah, tidak sampai sayang _ akar tavavo/hold dear _ root teriak-teriak/cry softly continuously, i.e. not to of the sky, hold dear _ root of tavavo] the extend of shouting] is a word that doubles Phrases 17-18, Diris the word “tumangi”.

“gamut tavan”, the root of Heaven [literally Uncommon Phrases and “root of the sky” or “root of the highest realm”], Symbolic Expressions is a symbol of God, hope, safety and success. Besides the above mentioned phrases that appear “gamut tavavo”, the root of tavavo [a species in the mongindong by all the informants, there of plant], was traditionally for external use to are some expressions which only appear in the “buang angina” [release the gas in stomach]. It mongindong by certain informants, such as was also believed to be able to chase away the follows: evil spirits. Therefore, it is a symbol of health, healing, protection, and longevity. These two “okui oyong no kojuan, okui oyong “roots” symbolise God’s blessing, and it was olumkodis” hoped that the child would grow healthily and [aku sayang bah mengasihi, aku sayang quickly, without sickness and be kept away from tidak membiar/I dear love, I dear not danger, and that it might also be a person full of forsake] courage and it might have a long life. Phrases 21-22, Diris Melodic Material

“miontong okui agayokgayok po oyong, The melodies of the mongindong are based on ikou no oyong monunggamit torigi i do the tonal series of four or five pitches. The tonal rumundunou usau” series of the four pitches can be described in sol fa as “do, re, mi, so” which can have its range [harap aku besar-besar sudah _ sayang, expanded to an octave as “so, do, re, mi, so”. kau bah sayang mewarisi tiang itu _ The series based on five pitches resembles “do, rumah sayang/hope I have grown up re, mi, so, la” in sol fa which can also have its already _ dear, you dear inherit the range expanded to an octave as “la, do re, mi, pillar [of] _ the house dear] so, la”. These can be combined and expanded Phrase 13-15, Pariama II over the range of a ninth as “so, la, do, re, mi, so, la” (note that the underlined tones are pitches The phrase “to inherit the pillar of the at the octave below). This can be illustrated in house” in Pariama II symbolises inheriting the the western staff notation as shown in Figs. 6, 7, 8 and 9.

Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. Vol. 18 (1) 2010 61 Susan Ang Ngar Jiu and Chan Cheong Jan

Fig. 6: Tonal series of four tones

Fig. 7: Tonal series of five tones

Fig. 8: Range of octave

Fig. 9: Range of a ninth

The mongindong by Diris and Gustimin a tune – in the beginning, middle or at the end, from Murok Village are based on four tones, with depending on the singer. the range of an octave, whereas the mongindong Each informant has his or her own pattern[s] by Pariama and Tulai from Baba Village are of vocable phrases. The vocable phrases by based on five tones, with the range of a ninth. Gustimin in his two times of singing are taken The data are too limited to be able to generalise as the examples for observation, as shown in whether each village has different tonal series Figs. 10, 11, 12, 13 and 14. A reoccurring and tonal ranges. However, it appears that there melodic pattern is observed among these may be slight changes in the tonal series and vocable phrases. The researcher suggests that ranges from one village to another. Gustimin’s reoccurring melodic pattern for his vocable phrases is “mi-so-so-re-mi-re-do” as illustrated in Fig. 15. This is an ascending Reoccurring Melodic Patterns pattern and it then becomes static followed in Vocable Phrases by descending and then slightly ascending Besides the melodic phrases of the song text, before gradual descending pattern. This basic part of the mongindong performance consists pattern is found the most in the mongindong by of vocable phrases. The use of vocable phrases Gustimin among all the collected mongindong. is a distinctive characteristic of mongindong. A In addition, these phrases are consistent in terms vocable phrase is a phrase that is sung with solely of their reoccurring melodic patterns and their the vocable “eh” or “oh”, which is not found as occurrence in the tune, that is, in alternation frequently in the mongindong as in the other between the phrases of vocable utterances and Dusun Labuk oral traditions. In the mongindong, phrases of song text. a vocable phrase may be long with 13 tones to a phrase or short with two tones to a phrase. It Vocable phrase – songtext - vocable may also progress in ascending, descending or phrase [Gustimin I ] static pattern. It may occur at various points of

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Fig. 10: Phrase 1 [first phrase of tune], Gustimin I

Fig. 11: Phrase 3 [last phrase of tune], Gustimin I

Fig. 12: Phrase 1 [first phrase of tune], Gustimin II

Fig. 13: Phrase 3, Gustumin II

Fig. 14: Phrase 5 [last phrase of tune], Gustimin II

Fig. 15: Gustimin’s reoccurring tone pattern – “mi-so-so-re-mi-re-do”

Vocable phrase – songtext – vocable The researcher suggests that Tulai’s phrase – songtext – vocable phrase reoccurring melodic patterns for her vocable [Gustimin II] phrases are [1] “so-la” for beginning of both tunes [Fig. 22]; [2] “la-mi-re” with flexibility Other examples of vocable phrases occur that the tone “la” may be substituted by the tone in the mongindong by Tulai. The vocable “so” to become “so-mi-re” in phrase 9 of Tulai I phrases extracted from her two times of singing [Fig. 23]; [3] “re-do-la” [Fig. 24]. Pattern [1] is are shown in Figs. 16, 17, 18, 19, 20 and 21, an ascending pattern while patterns [2] and [3] respectively. are gradual descending pattern. Tulai’s patterns

Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. Vol. 18 (1) 2010 63 Susan Ang Ngar Jiu and Chan Cheong Jan

Fig. 16: Phrase 1 [first phrase of tune], Tulai I

Fig. 17: Phrase 5, Tulai I

Fig. 18: Phrase 7, Tulai I

Fig. 19: Phrase 9, Tulai I

Fig. 20: Phrase 12, Tulai I

Fig. 21: Phrase 1 [the first phrase of tune], Tulai II

Fig. 22: Tulai’s reoccurring tone pattern – “so-la”

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Fig. 23: Tulai’s reoccurring tone pattern – “la-mi-re” or “so-mi-re”

Fig. 24: Tulai’s reoccurring tone pattern – “re-do-la” seem to vary, however, there is consistency in that What is mongindong? What is essential an ascending pattern appears at the beginning of in understanding mongindong? What does both melodies, while gradual descending patterns mongindong signify? The researcher suggests occur in the middle of melodies. that the mongindong is a weave of differences The patterns by Gustimin have a contour and similarities. Based on the findings of this of ascending followed by descending, whereas study, the researcher views the mongindong as the patterns by Tulai are either ascending or a tool for self expression, besides as a tool to descending. Similarly, the patterns by Gustimin soothe a child to sleep. As typologically the least are rather long, while the patterns by Tulai are formal and functionally the most fundamental short. Vocable phrases occur at the beginning oral tradition, the singing voice of mongindong and the end of melodies by Gustimin but they displays individuality, flexibility, and casualness. rarely occur at the end of the melodies by Although there are certain common messages Tulai. observed in the singing of the mongindong, each individual singer determines the exact message, the ways of conveying the messages, and the Different Yet Similar choice of words in their singing. It is notable The song text of the mongindong contains some that the abundance of Dusun Labuk’s vocabulary messages that are shared among the informants, contributes to the manifold appearance of the such as “odop no” [tidur bah / sleep], “olong no” song texts. Mongindong are further characterised [nyenyak bah / soundly] and “ada no mogiad” by the use of uncommon phrases and symbolic [jangan bah menangis / don’t cry]. However, expressions. In addition, each individual each informant adopts different words and singer has his or her own melodic pattern[s] means to convey the messages. Besides, some that reoccur[s] throughout the performance messages and symbolic expressions are found although the basic melodic material is based on in the mongindong by certain informants, four or five tone series. The mongindong sung making the mongindong distinctive in terms of by different individuals are similar due to their the song text. The melody of mongindong is identifiable structural commonalties; and are based on the tonal series of four or five tones yet different due to the idiosyncratic styles of within a relatively narrow range of octave or individual performers. a ninth. Slight differences of tonal series and An understanding of the Dusun Labuk range of tones between Murok Village and culture, their thinking, language and behaviour, Baba Village were observed. The reoccurring as well as the ethnosemantics of the Dusun melodic pattern[s] in the vocable phrases by each Labuk music are essential in understanding informant reveals the informant’s basic melodic the mongindong. The researcher has tried to pattern for vocable phrase and the Dusun Labuk’s understand the culture, thinking, language, and concept of sound in the mongindong. behaviour of the community, and thus hopefully

Pertanika J. Soc. Sci. & Hum. Vol. 18 (1) 2010 65 Susan Ang Ngar Jiu and Chan Cheong Jan will discover the knowledge of the Dusun reveals the structural reality of the mongindong Labuk music. It is undeniable that the above that song text and sound of mongindong findings may be influenced by my own language performed by different persons or even the same background and my prior training in the western persons are not always the same. These realities based music education, and therefore, may help us to have a deeper understanding of the not reflect the Dusun Labuk’s concepts of mongindong, beyond the superficial notion of oral traditions. An example in the aspect of similarity and difference. language may help to make this clear. Due to Besides understanding the community the reason that the Malay language is the only members’ culture and knowledge of oral traditions, shared language among the informants and the different methods of analysis, especially the ones researcher, we communicated in this language. proposed by ethnomusicologists in South-East However, the Malay language is not our mother Asia, are to be studied and adopted or adapted tongue since Dusun Labuk language is theirs for the study on the mongindong, in order to and Mandarin is mine. Due to the reasons have a better understanding of the mongindong. such as some words are found in our respective Collecting mongindong from more community mother tongue but not in the Malay language members may also enhance the understanding or limited Malay vocabulary within ourselves, of the mongindong. The initiative to interact we attempted to adopt Malay word that has the with more community members and encourage closest meaning to the meaning we intended them to sing the mongindong will hopefully to make. This, sometimes, may lead to the increase the collection of mongindong. Through differences in terms of understanding among the interaction with more community members and informants and the researcher. Besides, along study on more mongindong, it is possible to the process of communication, our respective have a clearer picture of the culture of the Dusun mother tongue and perception may also influence Labuk and the perception of the community our speech in various aspects including the members towards their oral traditions, especially adoption of words, meaning of certain word [a the mongindong. word may means differently to the informants As discussed in the previous section, and the researcher], the extent of emotion, there are other oral traditions in the Dusun means of communication, etc. When the Labuk community including tangon, runsai, informants mentioned that all their mongindong mansuak and kurilang, besides the mongindong. are “sama”, the researcher perceived that all Collecting these oral traditions may be done for their mongindong are “the same”. However, documentation and revitalisation purposes. A my perception toward the word “sama” may study on each oral tradition is to be followed by not be the same to theirs, as they may have the for a deeper understanding of each of them and word “sama” with different meaning and extent their interrelationship. of similarity. Therefore, further clarification of the word and understanding of the culture and Acknowledgements knowledge of the Dusun Labuk oral traditions is necessary. Special thank is dedicated to Assoc. Prof. Dr. Perceptions of similar and different are Jacqueline Pugh-Kitingan, the Kadazandusun both true concerning what is the reality of Chair, School of Social Studies, Universiti mongindong. The informants’ perception reveals Malaysia Sabah, for her advice on the paper and the perceptive reality of the mongindong that work of editing. a few mongindong performed by one person are considered as “sama” [the same] and a few References mongindong performed by a few persons under Albert Taining Alut. (1990). Penggunaan certain circumstance are considered as “sama” muzik tradisi Kadazan/Dusun Labuk dalam [the same], too. The researcher’s perception penyembahan kepada TUHAN [Use of Labuk

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Kadazan/Dusun Traditional Music in Worshiping Gustimin Benjamin. (singer). Ang, N.J.S. (record GOD]. Bachelor Dissertation. Sabah Theology person). (December 3, 2007). Gustimin I. 0:17. Seminary. Retrieved on September 5, 2007 from Beluran: Kampung Murok. Sabah Theology Seminary Library. Gustimin Benjamin. (singer). Ang, N.J.S. (record Ang Ngar Jiu Susan (Record Person) and Diris Sa’at person). (December 3, 2007). Gustimin II. 0:26. (Singer). (2007, December 4). Diris (Audio Beluran: Kampung Murok. recording). Murok Village, Telupid, Sabah. Jähnichen, G. (2001). Collecting principles and their Ang Ngar Jiu Susan (Record Person) and Gustimin obstacles – or: How to collect nothing. IASA Benjamin (Singer). (2007, December 3). Journal, 18, 15-22. Gustimin I (Audio recording). Murok Village, Jähnichen, G. (2003). Researching musical systems: Telupid, Sabah. New approaches in preserving musical identities Ang Ngar Jiu Susan (Record Person) and Gustimin in South East Asia. Preservation of Traditional Benjamin (Singer). (2007, December 3). Music, Report of the Asia-Europe Training Gustimin II (Audio recording). Murok Village, Programme (pp. 85-94). Beijing: Chinese Telupid, Sabah. Academy of Arts/ Asia-Europe Foundation/ Centre of Ethnic and Folk Literature and Arts Ang Ngar Jiu Susan (Record Person) and Pariama Development. Linggis (Singer). (2008, July 17). Pariama I (Audio recording). Baba Village, Telupid, Joshua Project. (1995). Retrieved on February Sabah. 11, 2009 from http://www.joshuaproject.net/ peopctry.php. Ang Ngar Jiu Susan (Record Person) and Pariama Linggis (Singer). (2008, August 13). Pariama Kadazandusun Cultural Society [KDCA] II (Audio recording). Baba Village, Telupid, Constitution. (2005). Retrieved on February Sabah. 11, 2009 from http://www.kdca.org.my/kdca_ CONSTITUTION_2005.pdf. Ang Ngar Jiu Susan (Record Person) and Tulai Tuki (Singer). (2008, July 17). Tulai I (Audio Merriam, A.P. (1964). The Anthropology of Music. recording). Baba Village, Telupid, Sabah. Evanston: Northwestern University Press. Ang Ngar Jiu Susan (Record Person) and Tulai Tuki Nettl, B. (1983). The Study of Ethnomusicology: (Singer). (2008, August 13). Tulai II (Audio Twenty-nine Issues and Concepts. Urbana and recording). Baba Village, Telupid, Sabah. Chicago: University of Illinois Press. Audio References of the Mongindung. Pariama Linggis. (singer). Ang, N.J.S. (record person). (July 17, 2008). Pariama I. 1:03. Benedict Topin. (2004). Rice is Live. In Pesta Beluran: Kampung Baba. Kaamatan Peringkat Negeri, KDCA – Hongkod Koisaan, 30hb-31hb Mei 2004: Padi Teras Pariama Linggis. (singer). A, N.J.S. (record person). Kehidupan dan Keharmonian “Parai Timpou (August 13, 2008). Pariama II. 1:19. Beluran: Koposion om Piiunungan” [State Harvest Kampung Baba. Festival, KDCA – Hongkod Koisaan, 30th-31st Pugh-Kitingan, J. (2004). Selected Papers on Music May 2004: Paddy Basic of Life and Harmony] in Sabah. : Kadazan Dusun Chair, (pp. 41-66). Kota Kinabalu: Kadazandusun Universiti Malaysia Sabah. Cultural Association. Rayner F. Udong. (2004). Apakah KDCA/Koisaan? Diris Sa’at. (singer). Ang, N.J.S. (record person). [What is KDCA/Koisaan?]. In Pesta Kaamatan (December 4, 2007). Diris. 2:50. Beluran: Peringkat Negeri, KDCA – Hongkod Koisaan, Kampung Murok. 30hb–31hb Mei 2004: Padi Teras Kehidupan Evans, I.H.N. (2007). The Religion of the Tempasuk dan Keharmonian “Parai Timpou Koposion om Dusuns of North Borneo. Kota Kinabalu: Opus Piiunungan” [State Harvest Festival, KDCA – Publications. Hongkod Koisaan, 30th-31st May 2004: Paddy

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Basic of Life and Harmony] (pp. 75-78). Kota Yearbook of Statistic Sabah. (1998). Retrieved on Kinabalu: Kadazandusun Cultural Association. February 11, 2009 from http://www.sabah.com. my/borneotrade/a10.htm. Tulai Tuki. (singer). A, N.J.S. (record person). (July 17, 2008). Tulai I. 0:57. Beluran: Kampung Yearbook of Statistic Sabah. (2005). Retrieved on Baba. February 11, 2009 from http://www.sabah.org. my/archive/penduduk_2.htm. Tulai Tuki. (singer). A, N.J.S. (record person). (August 13, 2008). Tulai II. 0:30. Beluran: Kampung Baba.

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