NACLA REPORT ON THE update on Strike: A New Political Chapter in the French

Demonstrators in Pointe-à-Pitre, Guadeloupe, on March 7. Protests against high gasoline prices quickly turned into a mass general strike.

By Yarimar Bonilla

n j a n u a r y 20 t h e c a r i b b e a n a r c h i - 165 demands, including a 200- ($250) pelago of Guadeloupe witnessed the increase in the monthly minimum wage, mea- O launch of the largest political move- sures to aid farmers and fishermen, lower bank ment in its history. For 44 days a mass general fees, reduced airfares between the and strike brought the French overseas territory to , and reduced prices on food, housing, a standstill: Schools and universities closed, water, gasoline, and public transportation. major commerce was suspended, banks shut The strike was organized by a coalition of down, hotel rooms emptied, government ser- 48 organizations, including trade unions from vices were discontinued, restaurants were shut- a wide spectrum of industries (gasoline distri- Yarimar Bonilla teaches tered, public transportation halted, and motor- bution, commerce, , civil service, health anthropology at ists became pedestrians as gasoline distribution care, education, and agriculture, to name a few), the University of was interrupted. Huge demonstrations accom- as well as environmental groups, peasant organi- Virginia. She is panied the strike, with as many as 100,000 zations, political parties, pro-independence ac- currently writing people marching in the streets demanding so- tivists, consumer rights advocates, associations an ethnography of contemporary cial and economic change. After a month and for disability rights, fair housing proponents, labor movements a half of political deadlock, violent confronta- music and dance groups, and a wide range of and battles over tions with the French police, and the death of a other political, cultural, and civic leaders. These collective memory union militant, Guadeloupean activists reached diverse activists came together under the name in Guadeloupe.

an agreement with the French government on Lyannaj Kont Pwofitasyon (LKP), which can Chomereau-Lamotte Dominique 6 /JUNE 2009 update

be loosely translated as the Alliance lar history of economic exploitation to the political project of French in- Against Profiteering (the complete and racial inequality. As a French corporation. But that quickly proved list of member organizations, the co- overseas department, Guadeloupe disappointing: After Guadeloupe’s alition’s full political platform, and enjoys relatively high salaries and integration into the French Repub- copies of the agreements signed can standards of living compared with lic in 1946, the local economy col- be found on the LKP blog, lkp-gwa. other societies. It has one lapsed, unemployment skyrocketed, org). In Creole, lyannaj re- of the highest per capita islanders left in massive numbers, fers to a coming together, The LKP incomes in the region, and and dependence on the French state or a joining of forces, for became larger the minimum wage is the deepened—even as the economic a common goal. In this than the same as in France (almost dominance of the béké class re- case, Guadeloupean activ- $1,200 per month when mained as strong as ever. ists found themselves in activists the strike began). However, The LKP members I spoke to said lyannaj against the “expen- involved these high salaries are ac- the movement was united in its cri- sive life” (la vie chère) that companied by high prices tique of Guadeloupean society, but characterizes the French could have on most consumer goods its activists do not have a common Caribbean and the exces- imagined, and services—ranging any- political solution. Some of the orga- sive profiteering and eco- partly in where from 20% to 170% nizations in the collective are known nomic exploitation they higher than the prices in for their pro-independence ideology, call pwofitasyon. response to a mainland France. Moreover, but others do not share it; in fact Their political agenda local thirst for Guadeloupe is plagued by some of the organizations claim to first took shape in Decem- a wider economic malaise; have no political leanings at all, save ber around the high cost of political and with an unemployment rate for their opposition to high prices. gasoline, which in recent social change. of 22.7%, compared with This is a distinguishing feature of years had reached exorbi- France’s 8.1%, and twice the this new movement. Unlike previous tant levels—up to about $130 for a French poverty rate (12.5% versus generations of pro-independence or full tank of gas. Labor activists, par- 6.5%), the contemporary economic pro-autonomy political projects, the ticularly those in the UGTG (General seems bleak, particularly LKP does not imagine itself as a polit- Union of Guadeloupean Workers), for local youth (the unemployment ical organization advancing a specific decided to launch a movement to rate is 50% for those under 25). political project. lower­ gas prices, but as other orga- Merchants argue that high trans- The initial goal of the movement nizations joined the effort, it quickly portation costs, taxes, and tariffs was conjunctural: to bring together a became clear that gasoline was not oblige them to charge more for im- variety of organizational struggles in the only important commodity whose ported goods. Local political activ- the context of a shared campaign in price was inflated in Guadeloupe. ists answer that the high prices are order to strengthen the work of each Through a series of meetings, the col- also the product of a larger racial individual organization, and not nec- lective developed a political platform and economic history. A small white essarily to create a new institutional that not only centered on the high minority, commonly referred to as apparatus. But the LKP soon became cost of living but also tackled deeper the békés, monopolize Guadeloupe’s larger than the activists involved problems, calling for, among other economy through their control of could have imagined, partly in re- things, the development of the local the import-export industry and most sponse to a local thirst for political fishing industry, the promotion of lo- major retail operations. These elites and social change. cal cultural initiatives, an overhaul are seen as the direct descendants, in Despite the absence of an official of the educational system, environ- both biological and economic terms, political agenda for the movement, mental planning, and employment of the ’s colonial-era its platform was seen by many as a initiatives. The collective eventually owners and slaveholders. In fact, it demand for more local produced a list of 120 demands. was partly the fear that independence and autonomy, though not necessar- While the LKP movement can ar- from France would only consolidate ily outright independence. The LKP guably be seen as a response to the the békés’ economic dominance that itself does not advocate for greater global economic crisis, its demands led many in the region, including in- autonomy, yet during the course of are rooted in Guadeloupe’s particu- tellectuals like Aimé Cesaire, to turn the strike, a popular chant emerged 7 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS update

as the official slogan of the move- government bureaucrats, and local As the French state stalled, Gua- ment: “Guadeloupe belongs to us, politicians, who decided to broadcast deloupeans took to the streets in Guadeloupe does not belong to you, the meetings live on Guadeloupe’s record numbers: First 20,000, then you can’t do what you please in our TV and radio stations, presumably to 40,000, then 65,000 demonstrators country!” (La Gwadloup sé tan nou, la highlight their own role in the affair. marched in the streets in support Gwadloup sé pa ta yo, yo pé ké fè sa However, the broadcast unexpect- of the LKP. In addition to the mass yo vlé, adan péyi an nou!) Originally a edly resulted in even wider sympathy demonstrations, there were also protest chant created by Jacky Rich- for the LKP. “For three days we were incidents of violence, particularly ard, a local bank worker, “Guade- able to see with our own eyes the in- at night, when many young dem- loupe Belongs to Us” was set to music competence of the French state, the onstrators set fire to cars and trash by the group Akyo and quickly be- shamelessness of the employers, the bins and vandalized businesses and came a massive hit. During the time uselessness of the politicians, and the public offices. of the strike, the song seemed to echo fierceness of the LKP,” a Guadeloupe On February 4, after two weeks out of every corner in Guadeloupe: resident told me. of ongoing conflict, Overseas Min- It was shouted by thousands of dem- The main protagonist of the three- ister Yves Jego arrived in Guade- onstrators during protests, sung by day miniseries was Elie Domota, the loupe and sat down to negotiate children on the playground, blasted LKP’s main spokesperson. Over the with LKP representatives. This time out of car radios and open windows, course of the negotiation sessions the negotiations were not televised, and its lyrics were emblazoned upon he delivered a powerful J’accuse per- but the LKP’s support continued. thousands of T-shirts sold out of the formance, directly confronting the Demonstrators rallied outside the trunks of cars. French state for its lack of oversight prefecture in Basse Terre, where The slogan’s ambiguity might ex- and publicly airing the corrupt prac- the negotiations were held, setting plain its popularity, for it is unclear tices and outrageous profits of the lo- up drumming circles where they how the lines of belonging are drawn cal employers. Viewers described the danced and sang through the night here: Who exactly constitutes “us” event less as a negotiation than as a and into the wee hours of the morn- and “you”? And what are the impli- public trial, with Domota imagined ing. The music of the drums spilled cations of ownership or belonging in as the people’s prosecutor, unmasking into the negotiation room, where this context? This ambiguity speaks the relations of inequality that prevail LKP representatives carefully de- to a particular political agenda, one in Guadeloupe. He quickly emerged tailed the economic situation in the distinct from the political projects of as a star among the Guadeloupean overseas departments for the seem- incorporation and independence. As public—numerous fan sites sprung ingly naive Jego. Raymond Gamma, an LKP spokes- up online, T-shirts with his name Finally, on February 8, after a person, told me: “We are trying to were seemingly mass-produced, and 20-hour negotiating session that invent a new form of collective orga- everywhere he went people chanted ended­ at 8 a.m., the LKP nego- nization. Maybe we will find it within his name and asked for his auto- tiators believed an agreement had the French collectivity—not being graph. The French national media been reached. But that afternoon, French while at the same time being also fell in love with him, devoting as LKP representatives and local in the French ensemble [collective]. I numerous articles and TV reports to elected officials were on their way don’t know. What I do know is that his persona. to sign a finalized agreement, they we are creating something that no Despite the media attention and learned that Jego was on a plane one can imagine except us.” the massive local support, the nego- back to France, having signed noth- tiations ended after three days, when ing. Before making any deals, Jego n j a n u a r y 25, a f t e r n e a r l y Desforges left the negotiation table, later said, he had to consult the Pa- a week of social paralysis, presumably uncomfortable with the risian government. O the French state, locally “public hearing” style of the events. With both the and the represented by the prefect, Nico- But since the televised negotiations overseas minister having abandoned las Desforges, agreed to meet with had only strengthened support for negotiations, the tension in Gua- the LKP leadership. The ensuing the movement, the LKP was able to deloupe reached an all-time high. three-day negotiations included lo- respond to the prefect’s departure Meanwhile, the French national cal employers, LKP leaders, French with increased mass demonstrations. newspaper Le Monde published a re- 8 MAY/JUNE 2009 update

LKP spokesman Elie Domota talks to the press during negotiations with the French government in early March.

port detailing corruption and illegal After almost a month of peaceful would spend time with them on the practices at the Guadeloupean oil protest, Domota declared that the barricade, talking about the recent refinery, backing many of the LKP’s movement had “walked enough” events, the goals of the movement, claims during the negotiation ses- and was now going to change its and the actions to come. sions and its insistence on the absur- methods. The following morning, Although the barricades were a dity of local gasoline prices. In addi- barricades blocking major thorough- community space during the day, at tion, the popular French TV channel fares sprang up across the territory, night the violence would escalate, as Canal Plus aired a documentary and for the week of February16–21, bands of disaffected youth took over titled Les derniers maîtres de la Mar- Guadeloupe came to a complete from the demonstrators (particu- tinique (The Last Masters of Marti- halt. The barricades, assembled out larly in Pointe-à-Pitre and surround- nique) about the békés, featuring of palm branches, old tires, and ing urban areas). Often wearing ski candid, racist commentary by local emptied cars, served as both a po- masks, groups of mostly young men Antillean elites. Both the documen- litical symbol and a site of political fired shots into the air and set fire tary, which was widely viewed in the action. People stood guard at the to barricades, cars, garbage contain- French Caribbean, and the Le Monde barricades, often receiving visitors ers, and even local businesses. Some report strengthened support for the who would come to offer support joined the barricades as a form of movement, and once again Guade- and solidarity. One LKP supporter, protest, but others sought to profit loupeans took to the streets—this who was involved in the barricades by either charging people to pass time reaching 100,000 demonstra- in the town of Gosier, told me that through the barricades or by looting tors, nearly a quarter of the territo- the most important aspect of the local stores. This type of protest is ry’s population. At the same time the barricades was the relationships of not uncommon in the French Antil- strike spread to , where solidarity and partage (sharing) that les, where labor conflicts are often a coalition called the February 5th were developed. Neighbors would accompanied by “unofficial” violent Collective declared a strike of their come daily to bring food, , and actions at night. Nor is it uncom-

Dominique Chomereau-Lamotte Dominique own around similar issues. cigarettes to the protesters. They mon in French society more widely, 9 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS update

as evidenced by the Parisian riots of mourners crowded into the small agreement—which was called the 2005. But in this case the French town of Petit Canal to pay him trib- Jacques Bino Accord. state responded in a particularly ute. The death captured the atten- The prefect declared the general confrontational way, deploying hun- tion of the media once again, and strike over, but in fact it continued dreds of gendarmes to the region. this time even the French president until March 4, when a final 165-point The gendarmes arrested took notice. On February agreement was signed. At this point more than 50 demonstra- One thing is 19 met the LKP called for a suspension of tors, according to news clear, as the with Antillean elected of- the general strike; schools and banks reports, and roughed up ficials in and offered reopened, and many Guadeloupeans many of them, including new slogan a public address to the An- returned to work. However, smaller Alex Lollia, an LKP del- on T-shirts tillean population, which strikes and negotiations continued, as egate and the head of the and banners was broadcast on RFO, workers sought to implement the Bino multi-industry Confed- the French overseas TV accord in their workplaces. LKP del- eration of United Workers, in post-strike network. He promised to egates continue to negotiate several of who was hospitalized after Guadeloupe solve the crisis and recog- the other elements of the agreement, a confrontation at a barri- nized the need for France including a finalized list of reduced- cade. Both professional and asserts: to rethink its relationship price grocery items. Meanwhile, an amateur journalists closely “Nothing will with its overseas depart- agreement was reached in Martin- documented these clashes, ments. However, in Guade- ique on March 11, but a new move- ever be like it and the images of the stark loupe most remained skep- ment erupted on the French of opposition between heavily was before!” tical and dissatisfied with Réunion, in the Indian Ocean, and a armed French troops and Sarkozy’s statement. That it general strike was declared in France unarmed local protesters stoked the was transmitted on the overseas net- for —fueling fears that the fires even more. work, rather than a French national Antillean crisis might spread through On the night of February 17, after network, was taken as a sign that the the rest of the Republic. Lollia was hospitalized, the violence Antilles continue to be regarded as Although labor strikes are com- reached a new , resulting in the marginal to the French nation. mon in the French Antilles, the wide death of Jacques Bino, an LKP sup- Soon after Sarkozy’s address, LKP impact, mass support, and broad porter and union militant. Bino was leaders returned to the negotiating agenda of the LKP strike was unique on his way home from an LKP meet- table with a new set of mediators in Guadeloupe’s history. For many, ing when he found himself heading from mainland France. The powerful this episode marks the beginning of toward a flaming barricade. As he economic elite in Guadeloupe, rep- a new chapter of political and social began to turn his car around, he was resented by the local chapter of the activism in the French Antilles. Al- fatally shot in the chest. According to French business association MEDEF, though the LKP was originally con- the authorities, the shot came from refused to reach an agreement. How- ceived as an ephemeral alliance, the young protesters on the barricades ever, over the course of the strike massive support that the movement who mistook Bino for a police officer. a new employer organization had received during its month and a half But many in Guadeloupe question emerged: the UCEG, which repre- of uprising have obliged it to take this official story and suspect foul play. sents smaller, local Guadeloupean shape as a new political actor. The The investigation into his death is still business owners, many of whom movement’s leaders are now in the ongoing, but many feel that the truth have also long struggled against the process of institutionalizing the LKP, will never be known. During my visit economic monopoly of the white though it remains unclear what form in March, I was repeatedly told: “This elites. Along with local elected offi- this will take. It is uncertain what the is our Kennedy assassination.” cials, these business owners were able long-term impact of the movement Many believe that Bino was mur- to reach an “inter-professional agree- will be and how it will affect the so- dered to either weaken or discredit ment” that would grant a raise of 200 cioeconomic future of Guadeloupe, the movement. But his death actu- to the lowest-paid workers. On but one thing is clear, as the new slo- ally served to rally supporters even February 26 the LKP delegation, lo- gan on T-shirts and banners in post- more. His funeral turned into a mas- cal employers’ associations, and local strike Guadeloupe asserts: “Nothing sive demonstration as about 25,000 elected officials officially signed this will ever be like it was before!” 10