Race and Gender Bias in Editorial and Advertising Photographs and in Sources

in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000-2009

A thesis presented to

the faculty of

the Scripps College of Communication of Ohio University

In partial fulfillment

of the requirements for the degree

Master of Science

Ashley D. Furrow

November 2010

Race and Gender Bias in Editorial and Advertising Photographs and in Sources

in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000-2009

ASHLEY D. FURROW

has been approved for

the E. W. Scripps School of Journalism

and the Scripps College of Communication by

Joseph Bernt

Professor of Journalsim

Gregory J. Shepherd

Dean, Scripps College of Communication

ii ABSTRACT

FURROW, ASHLEY D., M.S., November 2010, Journalism

Race and Gender Bias in Editorial and Advertising Photographs and in Sources

in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000-2009 (96 pp.)

Director of Thesis: Joseph Bernt

Despite gains made by Title IX in the past 38 years, including increased female

participation in high school and collegiate sport, there is evidence that gender equity in

sport is not fully achieved. Gender and racial discrimination in sport remains rampant,

and sports media continue as a leading arena for the reproduction of dominant, traditional

images of gender and race and of inequality between the sexes and races (Sage, 1990;

Smith, 2007). This study conducted a content analysis of photographs in the editorial

(N=2,403) and advertising (N=1,490) content and of sources in feature articles (N=315)

in Sports Illustrated Kids to determine whether these visual images and feature articles

reflect actual participation rates in athletic competition based on gender and race and

whether the number of images of women in the magazine have increased during the

magazine’s second decade of publication, 2000 to 2009. This study found that women

continue to be vastly underrepresented within the magazine’s pages. Photographs

featuring men were found to vastly outnumber those featuring women in SIK editorial and advertising photographs by a ratio of more than 7 to 1 (87.6% to 12.4%) and by a ratio of nearly 4 to 1 (79.7% to 20.3%), respectively. As far as a racial difference, African and European athletes have equivalent coverage in editorial photographs, but racial minority athletes (African, Asian, and Hispanic) are still fighting for representation in

iii advertising photographs and as sources in feature articles. Of editorial and advertising photographs, 52.1% and 27.8% depicted racial minority athletes, respectively. Similarly, only 21.1% of articles were stories for which the dominant subject(s) were female athletes or female-specific sports teams, whereas 30.9% of articles featured racial minority athletes as the dominant subject.

Approved: ______

Joseph Bernt

Professor of Journalism

iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Dr. Joseph Bernt, the chair of my thesis committee, who brought me to this prestigious program at Ohio University and led me through the art of content analysis from my first day of graduate school. I appreciate his extensive commitment of time to this project, quick responses to my countless e- mails, and his insightful suggestions and comments.

I would like to thank the other members of my committee, Dr. Aimee Edmondson and Dr. Michael Sweeney, for the valuable comments, critiques, and assistance they provided during all phases in the development of this study.

I would also like to thank my parents, Susan Robinson and Rick Furrow, and all the rest of my extended clan for being my rock. Without their unconditional love, encouragement, and dedication, I would never be where I am today, and I definitely would not have finished this thesis.

v TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

Abstract ...... iii Acknowledgments...... v List of Tables ...... vii Chapter 1: Introduction ...... 1 Chapter 2: Review of Literature ...... 4 The Power of Photography ...... 4 An Overview of Race in Sport Media ...... 6 An Overview of Gender in Sport Media ...... 8 An Overview of Race in Advertising ...... 11 An Overview of Gender in Advertising ...... 13 Source Bias in the Media ...... 17 Research Questions ...... 19 Chapter 3: Methodology ...... 22 Data Collection ...... 22 Coding Instrument ...... 23 Inter-coder Reliability ...... 27 Chapter 4: Results ...... 28 Chapter 5: Discussion and Conclusions ...... 43 Suggestions for Future Research ...... 52 References ...... 54 Appendix A: Coding Sheet ...... 65 Appendix B: Coding Protocol ...... 69 Appendix C: Tables ...... 75

vi LIST OF TABLES

Page

Table 1: Gender and Race of Athletes Portrayed in Editorial Photographs in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009………………………………………………………….75

Table 2: Gender and Race of Advertising Models Portrayed in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009………………………………………………………………………...….75

Table 3: Gender and Race of Advertising Models by Model Domination Portrayed in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009…………………...………..…………………….76

Table 4: Gender and Race of Athletes by Type of Sport Portrayed in Editorial Photographs in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009………………………………….76

Table 5: Gender and Race of Advertising Models by Type of Sport Portrayed in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009………………………………………………………….77

Table 6: Gender and Race of Athletes by Category of Sport Portrayed in Editorial Photographs in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009………………………………….77

Table 7: Gender and Race of Advertising Models by Category of Sport Portrayed in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009……….………………………………………….78

Table 8: Gender and Race of Athletes by Prominence Portrayed in Editorial Photographs in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009………………………………………………..78

Table 9: Gender and Race of Athletes by Motion Portrayed in Editorial Photographs in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009………………………….……………………….79

Table 10: Gender and Race of Advertising Model by Motion in Photograph Portrayed in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009…………………………….………………….79

Table 11: Gender and Race of Athletes by Leadership Role Portrayed in Editorial Photographs in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009………………………………….80

Table 12: Gender and Race of Advertising Models by Leadership Role Portrayed in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009……………………………………………….….80

Table 13: Gender and Race of Athletes by State of Dress Portrayed in Editorial Photographs in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009………………………………….81

Table 14: Gender and Race of Advertising Models by State of Dress Portrayed in Editorial Photographs in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009………………………..81

vii

Table 15: Gender and Race of Advertising Models by Character Portrayed in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009………………………………………………………….82

Table 16: Gender and Race of Advertising Models by Type of Product Portrayed in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009………………………………………………….82

Table 17: Gender and Race of Dominant Subjects in Feature Stories in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009………………………………………………..…………………….83

Table 18: Gender and Race of All Sources in Feature Stories in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009…………………………………………………...……………………….84

Table 19: Gender and Race of Sources by Type in Feature Stories in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009………………………………………..…………………………….85

Table 20: Gender and Race of Dominant Subjects by Type of Source in Feature Stories in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009………………………….……………………87

viii

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION

It has been a long and tumultuous journey for equal rights for women and minorities in this country — a journey still traveled to this day. One step toward equal opportunities for women occurred with the Education Amendments of 1972, which were passed on June 23, 1972. Commonly referred to as Title IX, this amendment prohibits gender-based discrimination in education programs and activities that receive federal financial assistance. It ushered in an era of coed physical education and greater opportunities for girls and women to participate in high school and college athletics.

Title IX was modeled after the civil rights legislation of the 1960s and responded to congressional findings of rampant discrimination against women in educational institutions (Suggs, 2005). According to Cannon v. University of Chicago (1979), the law’s main objectives were “to avoid use of federal resources to support discriminatory practices and to provide individual citizens effective protection against those practices.”

Consequently, all educational programs receiving federal funding were to comply with

Title IX’s antidiscrimination mandates. Because Title IX only addresses public and private schools that receive federal funding, many states have also enacted similar laws to prohibit gender-based discrimination regardless of whether the school receives federal funding (Suggs, 2005).

Since the inception of Title IX, there is little question that women's participation in sport has dramatically increased. Girls’ participation in school athletic programs continues to mushroom, with girls now comprising about 41% of all high-school varsity athletes, representing an increase from 1 in 27 girls who participated in 1971 to 1 in 3

girls doing so in 2008 (The National Federation, 2009). During roughly the same period,

female participation in college sports soared from 16,000 in 1970 to more than 180,000 in

2010 (Carpenter & Acosta, 2010). The number of women’s intercollegiate athletic teams

has also increased from an average of 2.5 to 8.45 per college or university (Carpenter &

Acosta, 2010). The effects of increased opportunity for women are also reflected in the

U.S. Olympic team and the number of world championship medals won by women in

both individual and team sports, including softball, basketball, ice hockey, soccer,

gymnastics, volleyball, water polo, skiing, golf, swimming, tennis, track and field,

wrestling, and speed skating. From 1972 to 2010, nearly 900 U.S. female athletes have

received a medal in an Olympic event (International Olympic Committee, 2010).

Obviously, not all of this progress is directly traceable to Title IX, but few scholars doubt

the legislation’s powerful role in revolutionizing the playing field for women’s athletics

(Rhode & Walker, 2008).

Even though this increase in participation rates is noteworthy, it does not

necessarily reflect major attitude shifts toward the social acceptance of female athletes in

the media (Duncan, 2006; Kane, 1988). After more than 35 years of Title IX and surging

female athleticism, the sporting world today has gone through some tremendous changes.

But it’s not quite a whole new ball game.

Gender and racial discrimination in sport remains rampant, and sports media continue as a leading arena for the reproduction of dominant, traditional images of gender and race and of inequality between the sexes and races (Sage, 1990; Smith, 2007). This

study analyzed the use of photographs in the editorial and advertising content and of

sources in editorial content in Sports Illustrated Kids to determine whether these visual

images and feature articles reflect actual participation rates in athletic competition based

on gender and race and whether the number of images of women in the magazine has

increased during the magazine’s second decade of publication, 2000 to 2009. First

published in January 1989, Sports Illustrated Kids is the only children’s sports magazine.

It attracts a readership of approximately 8.1 million at a median age of 11 years old, of which 69% are boys and 31% are girls (“Readership and Circulation,” 2009).

This study is relevant as a gauge of progress for women and racial diversity in sports. It could be argued that it is the photographs portrayed in children’s magazines that deserve particularly critical attention. Close examination of how media present race and gender roles is most important when the consumers of the media product have limited understanding of a certain topic — some of the least sophisticated media consumers are children.

CHAPTER 2: REVIEW OF LITERATURE

Children have been found to develop stereotypical attitudes about gender and race at an early age, as traditional images in print photographs and advertising reinforce conventional race and gender roles (Sage, 1990; Schwartz & Markham, 1985). According to social learning theory, children learn by observing what others do and then modeling those social behaviors. Therefore, children’s attitudes and behaviors regarding racial bias, gender roles, societal customs, and prejudices are acquired from models around them, including models present in the media (Astron, 1983; Bandura & Walters, 1963;

Essa, 1999; Flerx, Fidler, & Rogers, 1976; Michel, 1986).

The Power of Photography

Photographic images are more significant than text in shaping messages that children receive in part because children develop visual literacy before written literacy

(Duncan & Sayaovong, 1990; Narahara, 1998; Singh, 1998). Photographs can be strong influences on social learning; and, therefore, the most indelible influence on children

(Dorr, 1986; Howard & Hollander, 1997). In the elementary school curriculum, young children are flooded with images that depict men as leading more important and exciting lives than women. In his book on media messages, Holtzmann (2000) described a 1990 study that found two thirds of the visual representations in reading primers were of men.

Photographs not only have the power to influence children, but they also have the power to convey meaning, particularly regarding sports. Rowe (1999, p. 120) described photographs as “the most potent of all media sports texts...They are not innocent records

4 of events…sports photographs offer up an account of how the world is (or how the photographer thinks it should be).” Unlike paintings, sketches, and cartoons, photographs project authenticity, naturalness, and realism. They appear to be absolutely accurate and objective representations (Barthes, 1977; Berger, 1985; Cathcart &

Gumpert, 1986; Kuhn, 1985; Sekula, 1984; Sontag, 1977). This belief stems from people’s knowledge that a photograph is an actual record of the light waves reflected by objects into a camera (Sontag, 1977). Many researchers, however, have argued that photographs reflect bias just as any other medium does (Barthes, 1977; Berger, 1980;

Berger & Mohr, 1982; Morgan & Welton, 1986).

With the introduction of digital photography and such software programs as

Adobe Photoshop, photographs have become quite easy to alter. Photographs can be airbrushed, cropped, cloned, enlarged, reduced, and retouched on a computer. The photographer poses and arranges the subject and decides the angle, lens, background, props, filters, and film — all to create a desired effect. Photographs, therefore, may seem to capture a complete reality when, in fact, they may only reflect partial or peripheral reality (Snyder & Allen, 1982). In addition, photographs also may imply that what is represented in a picture is reality (Barthes, 1977) — a reality that may distort the presence of women or racial minorities in sports. The number of photographs, the types of activity or inactivity of subjects in photographs, and camera angles are all ways that photographs can be used to present gender and/or racial differences. In all of the ways listed above, photographs become powerful influences on children and are powerful in conveying meaning in sports.

An Overview of Race in Sport Media

Research studies use different descriptors to refer to the heritage or ancestry of the race being studied. In this study, the races will be rendered as Asian, African, European, and Hispanic in shorthand to refer to athletes from these ancestral backgrounds. Most research on racial meaning in sports media texts has focused on African male athletes.

Although there has been some recent attention to the portrayal of African women in the media, only a few studies have examined coverage of other minorities including Asian,

Hispanic, or Native-American athletes. This research devoted to media representation of

African athletes ranges from analyses of television (Hilliard, 1995; Sabo, Jansen, Tate,

Duncan, & Leggett, 1996; Wonsek, 1992) to magazines (Condor & Anderson, 1984;

Corbett, 1988; Davis, 1993; Francis, 1990; Leath & Lumpkin, 1992; Lumpkin &

Williams, 1991; Primm, DuBois, & Regoli, 2007; Rintila & Kane, 1991).

Many studies of magazines have compared the amount of coverage received by

African and European male athletes. Condor and Anderson (1984) found limited coverage of African male athletes in Sports Illustrated until 1974, when media coverage began to increase. In another study that examined men’s Division 1 college basketball stories in Sports Illustrated between 1954 and 1986, Francis (1990) concluded that

African male coverage sharply increased as the number of African basketball players grew, but that “[i]n proportion to their population and their performances on the court,

African basketball athletes received far fewer articles than their contribution to the sport seems to warrant” (p. 60). Lumpkin and Williams (1991) similarly found that the coverage of African male athletes in Sports Illustrated was not proportional with their participation in many sports. Primm et al. (2007) performed a content analysis of the

racial representations on the cover of Sports Illustrated during a period of fifty-one years.

These researchers found that minority photographic representation increased on the cover

over time. In 1987, the number of African athletes on Sports Illustrated covers surpassed

the number of European athletes for the first time (13), which closely parallels the trend

of minority participation in professional sports.

African female athletes have been depicted less frequently in the media than have

their European counterparts. A study of Sports Illustrated and Women’s Sports & Fitness

found that African women appeared rarely. When depicted, they were more likely than

European women to be portrayed in team sports, which are considered more masculine

than individual sports (Davis & Harris, 1998). In a 1999 study, Schell found that images

of minority female athletes were rare in Women’s Sports & Fitness during the late 1990s

when depictions of European women were favored. A content analysis of feature stories

in every issue of SI for Women, a bi-monthly magazine published from March 2000 and

November 2002, revealed that African female athletes were more frequently portrayed as aggressive and assertive than were European female athletes (Gordy, 2004).

In short, researchers have found that African athletes are receiving increased media attention although not at a level comparable to that given European athletes.

Media coverage of African athletes tends to concentrate on a few sports, but other minority athletes are nearly invisible in sports media.

An Overview of Gender in Sport Media

A significant amount of work has been devoted to analyzing visual representations of gender in the media. Many scholars have examined how men and

women are portrayed in sports magazines (Cuneen & Sidwell, 1998; Duncan, 1990;

Duncan & Sayaovong, 1990; Hardin, M., Lynn, Walsdorf & Hardin, B., 2002; Hardin,

Lynn & Walsdorf, 2005; Hardin, Lynn & Walsdorf, 2006; Kane, 1988; Lumpkin &

Williams, 1991; Rintila & Birrell, 1984; Salwen & Wood, 1994). Most of these studies

demonstrated a tendency toward sexual stereotyping in photographic representations of

men and women. Even though mediated images may distort reality, many people

eventually accept them as truthful representations because the media relentlessly present

them as such (Sage, 1990).

Although media representations of sports have expanded greatly in the last several

decades, the media continue to define and reinforce the hegemonic image that sport is a

rite of passage for men (Davis, 1997; Sage 1990) and the participation of women in

sports as “…a woman in man’s territory” (Birrel, 1983, p. 49). Sports media generally

devote only 5% to 8% of coverage to women's sports even though 40% of sports

participation is by women (Adams & Tuggle, 2004). Historically, women in sports have

been underrepresented and misrepresented in overall coverage despite increases in their

active participation and opportunities. This dismal coverage is communicated through

both text and photographs in magazines, with photographs considered to offer more

potent influences (Rowe, 1999). For example, a number of studies have examined Sports

Illustrated and found that men dominate the magazine in both photographic images and

in feature articles (Bishop, 2003; Boutilier & SanGiovanni, 1983; Lumpkin & Williams,

1991; Salwen & Wood, 1994). These findings are significant because Sports Illustrated

is America’s most prominent and largest-circulation sports magazine. If photographs reflect editors’ ideology and perceived reader interests, then the symbolic message from

8 the cover of the nation’s leading sports magazine is clear: women do not belong in sports

(Boutilier & SanGiovanni, 1983). The lack of media coverage of sportswomen sends another message to the nation: female athletes do not exist or, if they do, do not exhibit any noteworthy achievements (Kinnick, 1998).

The gendered nature of sports also has been studied heavily. More specifically, many sports have been traditionally classified as appropriate for men but inappropriate for women and vice versa. Therefore, based on gender appropriateness, sports become stereotyped into three classifications: masculine, feminine, or neutral (Kane, 1988;

Koivula, 1995; Nelson, 1994). For example, several studies have shown that women are highly represented in sports in which the feminine ideals of grace, beauty, and glamour

— such as gymnastics and figure skating — are emphasized (Boutilier & SanGiovanni,

1983; Duncan, 1990; Duncan & Sayaovong, 1990; Hardin et al., 2002; Kane, 1998;

Rintala & Birrell, 1984). In addition, women tend to be portrayed in individual sports, such as in tennis and swimming, more often than in team sports (Duncan & Sayaovong,

1990; Hardin et al., 2002; Rintala & Birrell 1984). Corbin and Nix (1970) found that gender stereotypes for certain sports are learned by grade school, where girls and boys both considered a competitive task that requires strength, speed, and power to be a

“masculine” activity. A comparable study concluded that teenagers make similar distinctions (Alley & Hicks, 2005). These classifications of sports according to gender have been shown in studies to influence both men and women in their choice of sport and their continued participation in that sport (Colley, Roberts, & Chipps, 1985; Engel,

1994).

Two studies, Duncan and Sayaovong (1990) and Hardin et al. (2002), have focused

9 on gender differences in photographic images in Sports Illustrated Kids, a popular children’s sports magazine. Both studies used content analysis to address their research questions. Duncan and Sayaovong (1990) established the descriptor “sexual difference” to explain how media images can represent more than stereotyping and is used to describe the presentation of women as biologically less suited for sport than men. The phrase dictates that there are culturally and socially constructed differences between men and women and that, whatever masculinity is, femininity must be the exact opposite (e.g. men as dominant, women as submissive). The descriptor “gender difference,” also present in literature about women and sports, is interchangeable with sexual difference and will be used in this study (Davis, 1997).

Duncan and Sayaovong (1990) examined 459 editorial photographs in the first six issues of Sports Illustrated Kids and found an emphasis on gender differences in the overall number of photographs, the types of sport, the level of activity associated with the athlete, sporting roles, and camera angles. Men outnumbered women 2 to 1, and sporting roles depicted traditional gender stereotypes (men in strength and team sports and women in aesthetic and individual sports). In a more recent study of Sports Illustrated Kids,

Hardin et al. (2002) examined 5,798 editorial photographs from July 1996 through June

1999. Replicating Duncan and Sayaovong’s (1990) earlier study, this study found that the gender inequality gap widened rather than narrowed since the magazine’s inaugural issues, with men outnumbering women 3 to 1. When comparing the two samples, this study found that photographs of women decreased by 4% and photographs of men increased by 14%.

An Overview of Race in Advertising

Most research on racial characteristics of advertising models has examined advertisements on network television and in top-selling magazines. Traditionally researchers have focused on the portrayal of African advertising models with the first study published in 1953. Between 1969 and 1990, no fewer than fifteen studies examined the representation of Africans in magazine or television advertising. Zinkhan,

Qualls, and Biswas (1990) reported that in both magazine and television advertising, the frequency of African models increased between 1946 and 1986. Recent investigations have found that Africans are overrepresented in commercials compared with their presence in the population (Bramlett-Solomon & Roeder, 2008; Peterson, 2007).

Research on Hispanic advertising models was rarely reported in the 1980s because advertisements depicting such models were nearly nonexistent. In the late

1970s, fewer than 2% of commercials featured Hispanics (Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, &

Signorielli, 1981). In a sample of 206 magazine advertisements, a study found only three advertisements with Hispanics (Czepiec & Kelly, 1983). Wilkens and Valencia (1989) noted that only 6% of their sample of television commercials featured Hispanics.

Beginning in the late 1990s, researchers looked specifically at Hispanics (Taylor

& Band, 1997) and Asians (Taylor, Lee, & Stern, 1995; Paek & Shah, 2003) in magazine advertising. Most of the studies tracking minority groups, typically Africans, Asians, and

Hispanics, have focused on television commercials (Bowen & Schmid,1997; Bramlett-

Solomon & Roeder, 2008; Coltrane & Messineo, 2000; Dalisay & Tan, 2009; Henderson

& Baldasty, 2003; Li-Vollmer, 2002; Maher, Herbst, Childs, & Finn, 2008; Mastro &

Stern, 2003; Taylor & Stern, 1997), but a few studies have focused on racial

11 representation in magazine advertisements (Knobloch-Westerwick & Coates, 2006; Paek

& Shah, 2003; Peterson, 2007; Rauwerda, 2007; Stevenson, 2007; Taylor & Bang, 1997;

Taylor, Lee, & Stern,1995). Overall, studies conducted in the 1990s showed advertising representing Europeans ranging between 63% and 99% (83% on average), Africans ranging between 11% and 51% (22% on average), Asians ranging between 1% and 10%

(4.2% on average), and Hispanics ranging between 1% and 9% (4.2% on average)

(Knobloch-Westerwick & Coates, 2006). Although European models clearly dominate advertising images, African Americans form the largest minority in the racial composition of advertisements and have an even greater representation than in the U.S. population (12.8%) (U.S. Census Bureau, 2008). Although Hispanics comprise more of the U.S. population than do Africans (15.4%), their portrayal in advertising is much lower. Asians form 4.5% of the U.S. population, which is much lower than that of

Hispanics, but they receive about the same representation in mainstream advertising channels. A recent study of mainstream magazine advertisements also found representation levels in these ranges, with 75% of the advertisements containing

European models, 18% African models, 8% Asian models, and 3% Hispanic models (Lee

& Joo, 2005).

Children have been shown to pay more attention to commercials and to report a greater enjoyment of them than do adults (Atkin & Heald, 1977; Greenberg, 1972;

Robertson & Rossiter, 1974; Wartella, 1980). During recent decades, research focusing on racial diversity in television advertising revealed a significantly increased presence of minorities compared with findings from prior decades; but this research indicated that minorities still tend to be marginalized (Atkin & Heald, 1977; Bang & Reece, 2003;

Barcus, 1977; Bristor, Lee, & Hunt, 1995; Henderson & Baldasty, 2003; Licata &

Biswas, 1993; Li-Vollmer, 2002; Riffe, Goldson, Saxton, & Yu, 1989; Seiter, 1986;

Taylor & Bang, 1997; Taylor & Stern, 1997). However, while studies have examined

television commercials and magazine advertisements aimed at adults from a racial

perspective and at children’s television commercials (Barcus, 1977; Goldberg, 1983;

Larson, 2002; Li-Vollmer, 2002; Seiter, 1990), very little attention has been paid to

diversity in advertising images directed at children in magazines.

An Overview of Gender in Advertising

Pioneering advertising researcher Erving Goffman (1979) was among the first to

propose that advertising images express cultural standards of each gender by framing

gender in ways that reinforce traditional gender stereotypes. Goffman’s “frame analysis”

is a method used to analyze how images transmit messages about gender roles. It

involves the examination of how photographs are contrived, and more specifically, how

the subjects and products in an advertisement are placed. In his study, Goffman

completed a provocative analysis of depictions in nearly 400 print advertisements and

found that carefully posed models and selected settings create “a pseudo-reality that is

better than real” (p. 23).

Other frame analysis studies have remained consistent since Goffman’s initial study. Klassen, Jasper & Schwartz (1993) studied gender portrayals in Playboy,

Newsweek, and Ms.; they found mostly traditional images with some reasonable depictions of women. Kang (1997) found that most advertising images do not portray men and women in the same setting because most print advertisements only depict either

men or women. In a study of the three top-circulation women’s magazines published

between 1979 and 1992, Kang also discovered that advertising images remained

predictably sexist during these years. Advertisements “have consistently confined

women to traditional mother-, home- or beauty/sex-oriented roles that are not

representative of women’s diversity” (Kang, 1997). In various studies between 1985 and

1994, researchers found an increase in body display of images in women’s magazines

(Plous & Neptune, 1997). Another study of the images of women in news magazine

advertisements between 1962 and 1992 found that men dominated the advertisements

(Stephenson, Stover, & Villamor, 1997). Replicating Goffman’s original study, Lindner

(2004) showed that advertising images of women in Vogue, a fashion magazine targeted

at women, were more stereotypical than the images found in Time, a general-interest

magazine, from 1955 to 2002. In addition, only a minor decrease in the stereotypical

depictions of women was found during that time period.

Modern advertising, especially in children’s magazines, mainly relies on images to

pitch a product to consumers. According to Bovee and Arens (1986), advertising readers

first look at the illustration, then the headline, and finally the text. Advertising

companies believe that stereotypes are helpful in conveying messages quickly and concisely (Heslop, Newman, & Gaunthier, 1989). By emphasizing gender differences, advertisers and media influence people’s perceptions of what is “female” and what is

“male” (Betterton, 1987; Cuneen & Sidwell, 1998; Duncan, 1990; Ducan & Sayaovong,

1990; Hardin et al., 2002; Klassen et al., 1993; Levin, 1990; Schwartz & Markham,

1985). If advertising depicts men and women in traditional gender roles, children are

more likely to accept gender differences relative to activities and products (Dorr, 1986).

However, more modern and equal gender portrayals have slowly trickled into

advertising by replacing traditional depictions of women in domestic settings with

advertising images that highlight portrayals of women in the workplace (Heslop et al.,

1989). Women constitute a coveted target market for advertising agencies, and sporting

goods companies have specifically targeted the women’s market as the best for potential

growth (Levin, 1990; Sutton & Watlington, 1994). Over the past decade, market trends

have shown that women spend more than men on athletic footwear and that the women’s

sports market will increase while the men’s share will remain stagnant (Mallory,

McGraw, Sieder, & Fischer, 1995). Therefore, sports product manufacturers create advertisements that portray women as strong and athletic, and even entire advertising campaigns are targeted at women. For example, Nike, which has 20% of worldwide sales for women's footwear and apparel, launched a campaign in 2007 with the help of powerful female athletes — Serena Williams (a formerly ranked World No. 1 professional tennis player), Picabo Street (an Olympic gold medalist alpine ski racer), and

Gabby Reece (a professional volleyball player) — to empower and support women’s athletics (Howard, 2007).

Advertising can be especially influential on children, who usually can’t distinguish between material that is meant to inform and that meant to sell (Lynn, Walsdorf, Hardin,

& Hardin, 2002). Through the use of advertising, children learn about brands, leisure time activities, and future purchases (Preston, 2004). Visual imagery occurs frequently in popular children’s magazines in both content and advertising. According to the

Campaign for a Commercial-Free Childhood, marketing targeted toward children is a

$15-billion-a-year business. In 2002, children between the ages of 4 and 12 accounted

for $30 billion in purchases, and youths between the ages of 12 and 19 made $170 billion

in purchases.

Three studies, Cuneen and Sidwell (1998), Lynn et al. (2002), and Chick and

Hunter (2009), have focused on the gender portrayals in advertising images in popular children’s magazines. Two studies have analyzed advertising images in Sports

Illustrated Kids. The first study by Cuneen and Sidwell (1998) examined 378 advertising

photographs in the magazine and found the same relationship between gender and sports

in advertising content that Duncan and Sayaovong (1990) found in editorial content,

demonstrating that advertisers favored traditional, or patriarchal, images. It also found

that advertisements reflected gender stereotypes by featuring men in prominent and

supporting roles much more frequently than women by a ratio of 9 to 1. Lynn et al.

(2002) analyzed 36 issues of SIK from July 1996 to June 1999. They found that 80.9% of advertising imagery contained men and 19.1% contained women, a ratio of 5 to 1.

Quantitatively speaking, therefore, even though depictions of men are still dominating

SIK advertising, women have made progress in narrowing the gap. In a 2009 pilot study,

Chick and Hunter (2009) analyzed the human images and advertisements in four popular children’s magazines: Highlight for Children: Fun With a Purpose, Boy’s Life: The

Magazine for All Boys, National Geographic Kids, and Sports Illustrated Kids. Looking

at 2004 or 2005 publications, these researchers’ results aligned with those of previous

SIK studies, in which there were significantly more photographs of men than women in

both regular magazine content and in advertisements. An interesting finding was that in

both advertising and non-advertising images, women were more likely to appear if men

were also present, with less than 6% of editorial content portraying only women and less

than 4% of advertising images doing so.

Source Bias in the Media Because the representation and diversity of sources reflect the quality of

journalism in a pluralistic society, researchers have paid particular attention to the

sources used in news stories. Unfortunately, most studies of daily news reports have

found evidence of substantial source bias, especially in the form of heavy reliance on

European male societal elites for information (Brown, Bybee, Wearden, & Straughan,

1987; Hackett, 1985; Lasorsa & Reese, 1990). Source bias refers to the extent that

journalists seek information from particular groups, which results in a limited range of

perspectives and opinions about the news item or event. Such bias exists when people

holding different points of view have limited or no opportunity to express those views or become part of the news process (Lee & Solomon, 1990; Gans, 1979; Sigal, 1973).

According to Stephen Kline (1981), source bias:

... reflects the news agency's orientation to the use of sources outside itself within the newscast. The selection of who is to speak for or about an event, how and where they are filmed, and what they are asked to and allowed to say is an important element in shaping the range and impact of opinion that gets expressed publicly.

A number of explanations have been used to explain this phenomenon. The most

widely held theory is that elites have greater access as information sources through their

social, political, and economic power; and this access is further assisted by journalists’

desire to cite elite sources in order to legitimize and increase the perceived value of their

news stories (Rticson, Baranek, & Chan, 1992; Gans, 1979). Source bias is further

evident in the underrepresentation of female sources in the media (McShane, 1995).

Women constitute only 3.6% of the guests on the NBC public affairs program Meet the

Press, which remained constant from the program’s beginning in 1947 through the late

1980s (Harmon, 1990). Women are severely underrepresented in front-page stories of

major U.S. newspapers, accounting for less than 10% of sources identified (Brown et al.,

1987). Another study commissioned by the Canadian Radio-Television and

Telecommunications Commission found that women represent only 15% of people

interviewed on broadcast media (Canadian Radio-Television, 1986). McShane (1995)

examined the sources used in business magazines and found that women represent only

8% and 9.7% of the information sources in Fortune and Business Week, respectively.

Zoch and VanSlyke Turk (1998) analyzed a sample of stories (1,126 total) over the decade from 1986 to 1996 and found that only 20% of named sources were women.

These researchers also found that articles featuring women tended to be shorter overall, and that the length of the female source’s actual attribution in a given article was also significantly shorter than for male sources. In a recent study, Owens (2008) examined race of sources in network news programs and found that Europeans comprised more than three quarters of the 1,530 sources coded, but only 13.8% of the on-air sources were from American minority groups.

Research on source bias present in sports media is virtually non-existent, but

studies have consistently shown that coverage of women in sports magazines lags behind

sports participation rates. A study focusing on the feature articles in Sports Illustrated

from 1956 to 1976 found that there had been no significant gains in female coverage

(Reid & Soley, 1979). An analysis of articles within Sports Illustrated for Women and

Sports Illustrated from 1997 to 1999 found that women continue to be underrepresented

18 in both text and images (Fink & Kensicki, 2002). Within the magazine’s pages that explicitly focus on women’s issues within sports, successful female athletes are continually constructed in stereotypical and traditional conceptions of femininity that supersede their athletic ability (Duncan, 2006; Fink & Kensicki, 2002; Kane, 1988).

As the previous studies show, source bias and gender stereotypes and emphasis on gender differences remain abundant in sports media, including media targeted to children.

Women, when pictured in the sports media and advertising, are continually portrayed as fundamentally different from men in gender roles, body positions, personality traits, and sports played.

Research Questions

This study builds on two previous studies by Duncan and Sayaovong (1990) and

Hardin et al. (2002) that focus on editorial photographs and three previous studies by

Cuneen and Sidwell (1998), Lynn et al. (2002), and Chick and Hunter (2009) that focus on advertising images in Sports Illustrated Kids (SIK). Therefore, the overarching research question is as follows: What are the gender and racial differences in photographic and advertising portrayals of athletes and the sources used in SIK? The following questions guided data collection and analysis:

RQ1. Is gender difference conveyed through the overall number of photographs of men and women or the model domination in advertising images? Is there a difference in the overall number of photographs according to race?

RQ2. Are there gender or racial differences based on whether the sport featured is a team or individual sport?

RQ3. Are there gender or racial differences based on the category of sport

(aesthetic, high risk, strength, or neutral) depicted in the photographs?

RQ4. Are there gender or racial differences related to the prominence of the photograph? Is there a gender difference between the number of men and women on the

SIK cover? Is there a racial difference among the athletes featured on the SIK cover?

RQ5. Are there gender or racial differences in the level of motion portrayed in the photographs?

RQ6. Are there gender or racial differences according to leadership positions in the photographs?

RQ7. Are there gender or racial differences related to the types of clothes the athletes are wearing in the photographs?

RQ8. Are there gender or racial differences related to the type of model (human, celebrity, animated, or mixed) portrayed in advertising photographs?

RQ9. Are there gender or racial differences according to the type of product portrayed by models in advertising photographs?

RQ10. Are there gender or racial differences related to the subject of the article?

RQ11. Is gender difference conveyed through the overall number of female and male sources used? Is there a difference in the overall number of sources used based on race?

RQ12. Are there gender or racial differences according to the type of source

(athlete, coach, administrator/management, teammate, relative, fan, other or SIK only) used?

RQ13. Is there a relationship between the dominant subject of the feature article and the race and gender of the type of sources (athlete, coach, administrator/management, teammate, relative, fan, other or SIK only) used?

CHAPTER 3: METHODOLOGY

Data Collection Sports Illustrated Kids was the data source for this study. Editorial and

advertising photographs and feature articles in 40 issues of the magazine, from January

2000 until July 2009, were examined. Using efficient and reliable sampling (Riffe, Lacy

& Fico, 1998), 20 issues were randomly selected from 2 five-year periods, 2000 to 2004 and 2005 to 2009. These issues were chosen to update previous research conducted on

SIK issues published during the first 10 years of the magazine’s existence.

Individuals in the editorial and advertising photographs were coded separately, and each individual served as a unit of analysis. Also, artistic models or computer-

generated figures such as drawings of athletes or graphic representations were only coded

when they appeared in advertising photographs. Each issue was reviewed to identify

editorial photographs the size of a sportscard (2x3) or larger meeting the inclusion

criteria. Replicating the Cuneen and Sidwell (1998) study, advertisements featuring only

written text or a picture of a product, animal, or novelty figure as models were not coded.

Identical advertisements that appeared in multiple issues were coded only once. The

advertising text was not analyzed because this study addressed only visual images or

editorial sources and because SIK is a children’s magazine, in which advertising text was minimal. Feature articles were defined as those appearing under the “Features” section on the table of contents page in each SIK issue. Feature articles exceeded one full page,

thereby distinguishing them from brief sports reports, inserts, or capsules. These articles

used a narrative form and provided readers with a detailed story and more contact with

the source or sources. A source in this study represents any identified person who

22 provided information in the article. Multiple uses of a single source or type of source were coded only once. If the race of a source or dominant subject could not be determined from the text, the coder identified the subject and/or source through an

Internet search.

In order to have comparable subsamples, the analysis was further restricted to exclude mixed and indeterminable variables in the race category. These exclusions were made to limit the cases included in the analysis to those relevant to the purpose of this study. Application of this criterion reduced the sample of individuals in the editorial photographs to 2,403. A total of 483 advertisements including the use of 1,490 models were coded for final analysis. A total of 315 feature articles, including the use of 1,012 sources, were coded.

Coding Instrument

A coding instrument, using categories from the work of Duncan and Sayaovong

(1990) and Cuneen and Sidwell (1998) and adapted to include state of dress and race, was developed to analyze SIK editorial and advertising photographs (see Appendix A for coding sheet). The categorical variables used included: (a) sex (male or female); (b) race based on heritage or ancestry (African, Asian, European, Hispanic, Mixed, or

Indeterminable); (c) prominence of editorial photograph (cover, poster, 2-page spread, full-page, half-page, quarter-page or less, or sportscard); (d) motion in photograph (active or inactive); (e) type of sport (individual or team); (f) category of sport (aesthetic, high risk, strength, or neutral); (g) leadership role (owner, official, or coach); and (h) state of dress (fully clothed in uniform, fully clothed in street clothes, scantily clothed in uniform,

23 or scantily clothed in street clothes). The categorical variables used for the advertising images also included: (a) type of advertisement (product, service, or other); (b) character

(human, celebrity, animation/artistic, or mixed); (c) type of product (sport, food/beverage, equipment/clothing, media and other) and (d) model domination

(prominent or supporting). The categorical variables used for the feature articles included: (a) length of article (the number of paragraphs); (b) sex and race of dominant subject of the article (subject included athlete, coach, administrator/management, or other); and (c) sex and race by the type of source (athlete, coach, administrator/management, teammate, relative of the athlete, fan, other, or SIK only).

The race categories for the source study included African, Asian, European, Hispanic,

Mixed, and Indeterminable.

Several variables present a challenge in definition, including motion in photograph, model domination, type of product, category of sport, and state of dress (see Appendix B for coding protocol). Motion of the photograph and category of sport were defined using the work of Duncan and Sayaovong (1990) as a guide. To determine motion in a photograph, an individual was defined as inactive if the model is either posing for the camera, appears inactive, or is pictured as a headshot or from the neck up. An active pose was determined by the model clearly in motion or poses that indicate they were about to take motion, such as posed to swing a bat or shoot a basketball. For the model domination variable, the prominent model referred to the model in the foreground and/or the model that appeared larger than others in the same advertisement because of positioning. A supporting model was the model in the background and/or the model that appeared smaller in relation to others in the same advertisement because of positioning.

To determine the type of product variable, the media category included advertisements

for websites, movies, TV shows, or video games, whereas the other category included

advertisements for sweepstakes, fan clubs, or free merchandise. For the dominant subject

of the article variable, the categories included athlete, coach, administrator/management,

team, and other. The team category included either male or female, whereas the other

category included such subjects as best toys of the year, best sports camps, videogame

reviews, etc. For the type of source variable, the categories included athlete, coach,

administrator/management, teammate, relative of athlete, fan, other, and SIK only. If the

dominant subject of the article was an athlete, the athlete category was coded the same as

the dominant subject, whereas the teammate category included either a member of the

same team as the dominant subject or an athlete on another team in the same sport or

league. The other category included such sources as analysts, college or professional

scouts, doctors, friends of athletes, etc. The SIK Only category was reserved for articles that didn’t contain any sources and were only the reporter’s point of view. Category of sport was defined as follows:

• Aesthetic: “Included sports wherein success is determined primarily on the basis

of grace and proper form” (i.e., gymnastics, diving, dressage) (p. 104). Other

examples included ice-skating, ballroom dancing, or cheerleading.

• High risk: “Sports in which the danger posed to the athlete is produced primarily

by the physical environment” (p. 104). Sports in this category included race car

driving, horse racing, rock climbing, and skiing.

• Strength: “Characterized by contact sports [such as] football or boxing, in which

one opponent overpowers another by superior physical strength, and by events

[such as] the heptathlon, which requires great endurance” (p. 104). Other

examples included wrestling, weightlifting, cycling, rowing, and track and field

events, such as shot put or discus.

• Neutral: “Contained all other sports (i.e., basketball, volleyball, soccer, tennis,

swimming)” (p. 104). This category was the largest and included most track and

field events, baseball, softball, and hockey.

The final category, state of dress, was defined as follows:

• Fully clothed in uniform: Included individuals appearing in photographs wearing

a uniform that covers up most of the body. Examples included football,

basketball, baseball, and softball uniforms, etc.

• Fully clothed in street clothes: Included individuals appearing in photographs

without uniforms on or individuals involved in sports with no specific uniform,

such as skateboarding.

• Scantily clothed in uniform: Included individuals appearing in uniforms where

more skin is exposed than covered. Examples included track uniforms, leotards,

swimsuits, etc.

• Scantily clothed in street clothes: Included individuals appearing in photographs

without uniforms on and who had more skin exposed than covered.

Inter-coder Reliability

Inter-coder reliability was established by comparing coding sheets on identical data completed by three coders. Coders included the researcher and two European female graduate students in their first year of study at a Midwestern journalism school. All three competed in college and/or high school athletics and were familiar with the magazine’s content. The researcher provided examples of the coding protocol from the October 2009 issue of SIK. The researcher labeled each individual and advertisement in codable photographs with a number to ensure that the coders had the correct case number for each individual in a given photograph. Four issues of the magazine from three years were coded by all three coders to determine inter-coder reliability based on percentage of agreement. According to Stempel and Westley (1989, p. 133), “percentage of agreement is an accepted way of reporting reliability.” Percentage of agreement for this study ranged from a low of 66.6% on variables for fans as type of source, photograph angle of advertisement, and number of paragraphs; to 87.5% on variables for athletes as type of source, motion in advertising photograph, prominence of editorial photograph and race of advertising model; to a high of 100% on issue date, sex of model, leadership role, article title, and type of sport. The overall percentage of agreement was 95.4% for this study.

CHAPTER 4: RESULTS

Overall, the analysis of Sports Illustrated Kids content found that women continue to be vastly underrepresented within the magazine’s pages. As far as a racial difference,

African and European athletes have equivalent coverage in editorial photographs, but racial minority athletes (African, Asian, and Hispanic) are still fighting for representation in advertising photographs and as sources in feature articles. Of the 2,403 individuals coded in editorial photographs in the sample, only 299, or 12.4%, of the photographs were of female athletes and just over half of the photographs, or 52.1%, depicted racial minority athletes. Among the 1,490 individuals coded in advertising photographs, women were found to be in a higher percentage than editorial photographs with 302 depictions, or 20.3%, of the advertising images. However, fewer depictions of racial minority athletes were found in advertising images with only 414, or 27.8%. Similarly, of the 315 feature articles within the sample of Sports Illustrated Kids magazines, only 77 articles, or 21.1%, were stories for which the dominant subject(s) were female athletes or female-specific sports teams, whereas 113 articles, or 30.9%, featured racial minority athletes as the dominant subject.

Photographs featuring men were found to vastly outnumber those featuring women in SIK editorial and advertising photographs by a ratio of more than 7 to 1 (87.6% to 12.4%) and by a ratio of nearly 4 to 1 (79.7% to 20.3%), respectively (see Table 1 and

Table 2). African athletes were found to be the most prevalent in SIK editorial

photographs with 1,151 images (47.9%) followed closely by European athletes with

1,115 images (46.4%). Hispanic athletes were depicted in 92 images (3.8%) of all

editorial photographs, and the least amount of coverage was given to Asian athletes with

45 images (1.9%) (see Table 1). Based on frequencies, European models dominated the total number of advertising photographs in SIK with 1,076 images (72.2%) followed by

African models with 333 images (22.3%). Hispanic and Asian models were represented fairly equally with 43 images of Hispanic models (2.9%) and 38 images of Asian models

(2.6%) (see Table 2).

The second part of this question asked whether the model domination in the advertising images conveys a gender or racial difference. Men (25.0%) were depicted more often than women (3.9%) as the prominent model in an advertisement, a ratio of 6 to 1. Women were four times more likely to appear as the supporting model than the prominent model in advertising images. When comparing the races in regard to model domination, European models were depicted most often in prominent positions with

19.7% of such images followed by African models with 8.1%. Hispanic and Asian models appeared as the prominent model in SIK advertisements in less than 1% of images

(see Table 3).

RQ2. Are there gender or racial differences based on whether the sport featured is a team or individual sport?

SIK editorial photographs in each issue were grouped into two categories: individual sports (i.e., gymnastics, golf, tennis, etc.) and team sports (i.e. basketball, football, softball, etc.). Men were more often depicted in team sports than individual

29 sports in both editorial and advertising photographs. Only 5.7% of all editorial photographs showed women in team sports, while 74.4% of the total number of photographs showed men in team sports. In editorial photographs featuring women, however, female athletes were more often depicted in individual sports (53.8%) than team sports (46.2%). But this was not the case for African female athletes who were more often depicted in team sports (70.8%) than individual sports (29.2%). Of depictions featuring men, African male athletes were also more likely than European male athletes to be featured in team sports. Only 6.7% of African men were depicted in individual sport photographs whereas 24.4% of European men were depicted in individual sport photographs. Asian and Hispanic athletes represented a combined total of 7.5% of all editorial individual sport images (see Table 4).

A total of 47.4% of all models in SIK advertising photographs were portrayed in team sports and 16.1% were portrayed in individual sports. While men were depicted more in team sports (42.9%) than individual sports (12.1%), women were depicted almost equally in team (4.5%) and individual (4.0%) sports. However, 36.2% of all advertising images were depicted in neither individual nor team sports, and the highest percentages of women (11.8% of total depictions) were portrayed in neither individual nor team sports. Of advertising depictions featuring women, more than half of such images (58.3%) were depicted in the “neither” category, and the remaining images were depicted in the categories of team (22.2%) and individual (19.5%) sports. As with the editorial photographs, African men were more likely than European men to be posed in advertisements that featured team sports. African men were also more likely to be associated with a type of sport than any other race category, where only 44 images (3.0%

of total images) were depicted in neither individual or team sports compared with the 306

images (20.5% of total images) of European men that did so. Of advertising photographs

featuring African male models, African men dominated depictions in team sport

photographs with 75.4% of such images and only 9.1% of depictions in individual sport

photographs. However, European men were depicted in 17.2% of individual sport

photographs and 45.6% of team sport photographs. Hispanic models were more likely to

be pictured in team sports than individual sports by a ratio of 14 to 1, whereas Asian

models had fairly equal representation with 10 models appearing in individual sports

photographs and 11 models appearing in team sports photographs (see Table 5).

RQ3. Are there gender or racial differences based on the category of sport

(aesthetic, high risk, strength, or neutral) depicted in the photographs?

Photographs of SIK athletes were categorized according to four categories of

sporting activities — aesthetic, high risk, strength, and neutral. Aesthetic sports included sports such as gymnastics, diving, and ice skating. High-risk sports included racecar

driving, skiing, and rock climbing. Football, boxing, cycling, and track and field events such as shot put and discus were included in the strength category of sport. All other sports fell into the neutral category of sport, which included baseball, volleyball, basketball, soccer, hockey, tennis, swimming, etc.

This variable produced mixed results. The majority of the sports represented in

SIK editorial photographs fell under the neutral category with 71.6%, where 62.1% of images depicted men and 9.5% of images depicted women. Men dominated all categories of sports (neutral, strength, and high risk) except for the aesthetic category, which had more images of women. Athletes were depicted in strength sports 20.5% of

31 the time with men dominating at 97.2% of such images and women accounting for only

2.8% of photographs. In other words, 34 men were depicted in a strength sport for every one woman. High risk and aesthetic representations in SIK were quite low with 6.4% and

1.5%, respectively. Of editorial photographs depicting high-risk sports, men again dominated depictions with 80.3% of such images and women accounted for 19.7%.

However, in the aesthetic category, which included such sports as gymnastics, diving, and ice skating, women dominated editorial photographs with 70.3% of such images and men only had 29.7% of such images. As for a racial difference, Asian, Hispanic, and

European athletes were portrayed most often in the neutral category. African athletes had a huge representation in the strength sport category with 58.9% of (mostly football) images, whereas European athletes accounted for 40.7% of such images. Asian athletes had no representation in the strength sports category, and Hispanic athletes accounted for only .4% of such images. European athletes dominated the high-risk sports category with

94.1% of images, whereas the other three minorities accounted for 5.9% of such images, a ratio of 16 to 1 (see Table 6).

Of the advertising images that were associated with sports, models were depicted most often in neutral sports with 42.3%, where 36.2% of neutral sports images portrayed men and 6.1% portrayed women. Fourteen percent of models pictured in advertising photographs represented strength sports while high risk (7.2%) and aesthetic (<1%) sports were pictured less often. Similarly to editorial photographs, men dominated every sporting category except for the aesthetic category. Advertising photographs featuring men dominated those featuring women in the strength category with men accounting for

93.8% of such depictions and women accounting for only 6.2% of such images. Fifteen

men were portrayed in a strength sport for every one woman. Men outnumbered women

in the high-risk category with 83.2% of such images and 16.8% of images, respectively.

In this sample, only six images represented the aesthetic sport category in which four

were of women and two were of men. As far as a racial difference, Asian and Hispanic

models had very few representations in the aesthetic, high risk, and strength categories

with a combined total of 13 images. European models outnumbered the other three

minorities in all four sporting categories. However, apart from the neutral category,

models had the most representation in strength sports with 38% of such depictions.

European models dominated the high-risk category with 86% of such images, whereas

the three other minorities accounted for 14% of such images (see Table 7).

RQ4. Are there gender or racial differences related to the prominence of the

photograph? Is there a gender difference between the number of men and women

on the SIK cover? Is there a racial difference among the athletes featured on the

SIK cover?

SIK editorial photographs portraying men appeared more often than those

portraying women in all major categories: cover, posters, two-page spreads, full-page

photographs, half-page photographs, quarter-page photographs or less, and sportscards.

The breakdown of cover photographs will be discussed below, but percentages in all categories are heavily skewed in favor of men. Men on posters and two-page spreads outnumbered women by a ratio of more than 11 to 1. Men featured in full-page photographs outnumbered women by a ratio of 5 to 1. Not surprisingly, women had the most representation in the smallest photographs coded. Of editorial photographs featuring women, 28.8% depicted women in quarter-page-or-less photographs and 26.8%

in sportscards. Asian and Hispanic athletes were featured in quarter-page-or-less photographs (2.0%) more often than any other category where they registered less than

1% of all editorial photographs. African and European athletes had similar representation in each of the prominence categories with African athletes having slightly more photographs in each category except in the half-page and sportscard category, where

European athletes had 54.3% of half-page images and 51.2% of sportscard images, and

African athletes had 41.4% and 42.3% of such depictions, respectively (see Table 8).

The second part of the question deals with gender and racial representations on

SIK covers. When comparing the total numbers of women and men appearing on SIK

covers, men outnumbered women by a margin of more than 18 to 1 (94.9% to 5.1%). In

order to run a Chi-square analysis, Asian and Hispanic races were combined for this

table. Only three women appeared on the cover compared to 56 men studied in this

sample. More African athletes (29 or 49.2%) appeared on the cover than European (23 or

39%), and Hispanic/Asian (7 or11.8%) athletes. Two African women and one Hispanic

woman were featured on the SIK cover, but no Asian or European women were (see

Table 8).

RQ5. Are there gender or racial differences in the level of motion portrayed in the

photographs?

Men were portrayed in active poses more often than women in both editorial and

advertising photographs. For every one active woman shown in the magazine’s editorial photographs, nearly eight active men were depicted. Almost three-quarters (73.1%) of the editorial photographs showed active men, but only 9.7% of the photographs depicted active women. Of editorial photographs featuring women, however, women were more

34 likely to be shown active (77.9% of such images) than inactive (22.1% of such images), whereas men were shown active in 83.5% of such images and inactive in 16.5% of such depictions. As far as a racial difference in activity, the distributions for races were similar. Of photographs featuring inactive athletes, there were slightly more European athletes shown as inactive (47.7%) compared to African (45%) athletes, whereas

Hispanic and Asian athletes appeared in 5.1% and 2.2% of such images, respectively (see

Table 9).

Frequencies indicated that 41% of models in SIK advertising photographs were portrayed in active poses, while 58.8% of models were depicted in inactive poses. Due to the far greater number of male models in advertising photographs, images of men in active advertising portrayals outnumbered women by a ratio of 6 to 1. Of advertising images featuring women, female models were more likely to be shown as inactive

(71.2% of such images) than active (28.8% of such images), which is an even greater percentage than that found among inactive advertising images featuring men (55.8% of models shown inactive and 44.2% shown active.) Active and passive images were more evenly distributed for African, Asian, and Hispanic models than for European models.

Of inactive advertising portrayals, European models (75.7% of such images) were more likely than any other race to be shown as inactive, whereas African models only accounted for 18.5% of such images, followed by Asian and Hispanic models accounting for 3% and 2.8% of such images, respectively (see Table 10).

RQ6. Are there gender or racial differences according to leadership positions in the photographs?

Men were depicted far more frequently in leadership positions, which included owner, official, or coaching roles, than were women. Of the total percentage of editorial photographs depicting individuals in leadership roles, 97.1% were of men and 2.9% were of women (only one woman appeared in a leadership role in 2,403 individuals coded).

This study found no photographs of women officials or coaches in SIK. In this study,

European leaders vastly outnumbered those from other minorities. Of the photographs portraying leaders, 76.5% were European and 23.5% were African. No Asian or

Hispanic leaders were represented among the magazine’s editorial photographs (see

Table 11).

Advertising photographs depicting models in leadership roles appeared less often than was the case for editorial photographs. Only 21 advertising images of models in leadership roles were coded, of which 95.2% featured men and only 4.8% featured women. Of theses images, only one pictured a European woman as a coach. European models dominated this category with 90.4% of such images, and African and

Asian/Hispanic each accounted for 4.8% (see Table 12). Because of the infrequency of leadership roles portrayed in the magazine, especially other than European males, statistical significance could not be tested. Nevertheless, editorial and advertising photographs depicting European male leaders appeared more often than were depictions of female leaders and male leaders from other minority groups.

RQ7. Are there gender or racial differences related to the types of clothes the athletes are wearing in the photographs?

Although results of men and women in street clothes are found infrequently in

SIK editorial photographs with the results not being of statistical significance, still women photographically portrayed in uniforms were far more likely to be shown as scantily clothed in their uniform than were men. Scantily clothed in uniform included individuals appearing in uniforms where more skin is exposed than covered such as track uniforms, leotards, and swimsuits. Women were portrayed in 62.2% of photographs as scantily clad in their uniforms as opposed to men appearing scantily clad in 37.7% of editorial images. As for a racial difference, European athletes were more likely to be shown as scantily clad in their uniform than were athletes of other races. European athletes were shown as scantily clad in their uniforms in 64.2% of such images as opposed to African athletes in 27.8% of such photographs and Asian and Hispanic athletes in 7.9% of such depictions (see Table 13).

As opposed to athletes in the editorial images, advertising models were more frequently portrayed in street clothes (59%) than uniforms (41%). Although men and women were pictured in the same number of images (19) shown as scantily clad in their uniforms, women were eight times more likely than men to be depicted as such. Since there were more men portrayed as models, men had more depictions shown as scantily clad in street clothes than women. However, women were likely to be seen in such images (4.7% to 3.1%). As with the editorial images, European models were shown as scantily clad in uniform or street clothes more often (87% of such images) then were

African models (13% of such images). There were no Asian or Hispanic models shown as scantily clad in uniform or street clothes (see Table 14).

RQ8. Are there gender or racial differences according to the type of model (human, celebrity, animated, or mixed) portrayed in advertising photographs?

The majority (43.7%) of advertising models fell under the human character category with 75.9% of such images depicting men and 24.1% of such images depicting women. Advertising models were celebrities 32.5% of the time with men dominating such photographs with 85.7% and women only accounting for 14.3% of such images.

Advertising models depicted as animations accounted for 19.7% of the total images with

74.1% portraying animated men and 25.9% portraying animated women. Of advertising images featuring women, female models were more likely to be featured as an animated advertising model than as a celebrity. Men were depicted in the mixed character category in 4.1% of the total images coded, whereas women had no such depictions. As for a racial difference, African and Hispanic models were portrayed more often as a celebrity in advertisements with 12.3% and 1.3% of the total images, respectively, than in any other category. On the other hand, Asian and European models were more likely to be portrayed in the human category with 1.4% and 34.5% of advertising images coded.

European models dominated the animation character category with 85.4% of animation depictions, whereas the three other minorities accounted for the other 14.6% of such depictions (see Table 15).

RQ9. Are there gender or racial differences according to the type of product portrayed by models in advertising photographs?

Although men far outnumbered women in advertising photographs, the type of product most often represented in advertisements was the same for both genders. The majority of products being advertised (39.9%) fell under the media category, where of all images 31.2% depicted men and 8.7% depicted women. Male models appeared equally

(roughly 14%) in each of three product categories (food/beverage, sport, and other) for a total of 43.5% of all advertising images. Racial representations according to the type of product showed similar gender representations with fairly equal distribution among the categories except for Europeans (see Table 16).

RQ10. Are there gender or racial differences related to the subject of the article?

Athletes were the most frequent dominant subject of feature articles in SIK with

237 articles (64.9%) containing 4,897 paragraphs (60.6%). Articles featuring men as the dominant subject were found to vastly outnumber those featuring women by a ratio of nearly 4 to 1 (78.9% to 21.1%). When featuring a specific team in SIK articles, men’s sports teams are six times more likely to be the dominant subject than are women’s sports teams, where 18.2% of the articles featured men’s teams and 3.2% of the articles featured women’s teams. European athletes (37.6%) were more often used as the dominant subject than any other race followed by African athletes (27.4% of all subjects). Asian and Hispanic athletes accounted for 1.4% and 2.5% of all dominant subjects, respectively

(see Table 17).

RQ11. Is gender difference conveyed through the overall number of female and male sources used? Is there a difference in the overall number of sources used based on race?

Articles using men as sources vastly outnumber those using women as sources by a ratio of more than 5 to 1 (84.1% to 15.9%). This study found that SIK relied heavily on male sources, whereas female sources were seldom included. European men were found to be the most prevalent source used in SIK feature articles with 412 sources (42.7%) followed by African men with 296 sources (30.6%). Europeans dominated the number of sources (488), number of articles (310), and number of paragraphs (9,981) in the articles coded. Africans accounted for 34.8% of sources, Hispanics accounted for 5.4%, and the least sourced race was Asians at 1.7%. When comparing the number of paragraphs attributed to these sources, the largest amount of print space was given to European sources with 9,981 paragraphs (48.7%), followed by African sources with 6,814 paragraphs (33.2%); and the least amount of print space was given to Hispanic and Asian sources with 1,471 paragraphs (7.2%) and 325 paragraphs (1.6%), respectively (see Table

18).

RQ12. Are there gender or racial differences according to the type of source

(athlete, coach, administrator/management, teammate, relative, fan, other or SIK only) used?

Based on frequencies, articles using men as sources outnumbered those using women for every type of source used. The most significant disparities can be found in the administrator/management, coach, and teammate categories, where the male to female ratio was 23 to 1, 6 to 1, and 14 to 1, respectively. Of the

40 administrative/management sources, male sources completely dominated female sources with men accounting for 95.5% of such sources, where European men were sourced in

66.7% of articles. Female sources were most often athlete (21% of articles) and other

(24.5% of articles) types of sources. However, the only category in which women outnumbered men as a type of source was in the relative of the athlete category, in which eight women were sourced compared with six men. As far as a racial difference in type of sources used in SIK, African and European men were close to equivalent when sourced as athletes and teammates. African men appeared in 35% of feature articles as an athlete source and 45% of articles as a teammate source, whereas European men accounted for

36.8% and 41%, respectively. The only category that the African race (66 sources and 51 articles) outnumbered the European race (60 sources and 43 articles) was in the teammate type of source category. In the coaching category, Africans were sourced in 19 articles,

Asians in 4 articles, Europeans in 66 articles, and Hispanics in one article. Of the articles sourcing coaches, European coaches were sourced in an overwhelming 69.5% of articles compared with 20% of articles sourcing African coaches, 4.2% of articles sourcing Asian coaches, and a dismal 1.1% of articles sourcing Hispanic coaches with the remaining

5.2% of articles sourcing indeterminable female coaches. When comparing the number of paragraphs attributed to these different types of sources, the largest amount of print space was given to African male athlete sources with 4,276 paragraphs (20.8%) followed closely by European male athlete, administrative, and coach sources with 3,482 paragraphs (17%), 1,884 paragraphs (9.2%) and 1,498 paragraphs (7.3%). African and

European male teammate sources were fairly equivalent with 1,026 paragraphs (5.0%) and 1,005 paragraphs (4.9%), respectively (see Table 19).

Table 20 displays the gender and race of the dominant subject when it was an athlete in relation to the gender and race of the type of source used in a feature article.

Overall, women represent sources in only 19.3% of the articles, compared with 80.7% of articles that contain men as sources. Generally, the results indicated that the gender and race of the source matched up with the race and gender of the dominant subject. For example, in a December 2004 article about Dwyane Wade, an African male basketball star for the Miami Heat, four people were used as sources. Three were African sources

(one athlete and two teammates) and one was a European male coach. Therefore, it was more likely that the source and dominant subject would be the same gender and race except in the administrative and coaching category. However, this was not the case when

African male athletes were the dominant subjects, where European male administrative and coaching sources outnumbered African male administrative and coaching sources by a ratio of 4 to 1 and 2 to 1, respectively. Another interesting result is that when European female athletes were the dominant subjects in feature articles, European male coaches were six times more likely to be used as a source than any other race or gender.

CHAPTER 5: DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS

Results from this study of Sports Illustrated Kids’ editorial and advertising photographs demonstrated that photographs of athletes in the magazine do emphasize a gender difference. This difference is expressed quantitatively in the small percentage of photographs depicting female athletes compared with the large percentage of photographs depicting male athletes. In all major categories, photographs of male athletes outnumber photographs of female athletes. This was especially noticeable in regard to the prominence of the editorial photograph — where the greater the photograph’s prominence, the more likely it would feature men. Men were depicted in 87.6% of all editorial units of analysis, an even larger percentage than those discovered by previous

SIK studies, where Duncan and Sayaovong (1990) found 62% of editorial photographs featuring males and Hardin et al. (2002) found 76.3% of editorial photographs featuring males. Despite gains made by women in the real sports world, this finding suggests that

SIK is more skewed during its second 10 years than it was during the first 10 years of its publication. However, in regard to advertising photographs, there is some good news.

Men were depicted in 79.7% of all advertising photographs, a lower percentage than those discovered by Cuneen and Sidwell (1998) and Lynn et al. (2002), where 90% and

80.9% of advertising photographs depicted men, respectively. Although men continue to dominate SIK advertising images, this finding would indicate that quantitatively women have made slight progress in narrowing the gap in advertising foci.

It is important to note that these overall photographic percentages of men and women do not accurately reflect actual sports participation rates. For the 2008 to 2009

school year, girls comprised about 41% of all high school athletes — a figure that has

continually increased since the passage of Title IX in 1972. Boys represented a slightly

higher figure with 59% of all high school athletes (The National Federation, 2009).

However, SIK rates in editorial photographs are 87.6% for males and 12.4% for females.

This contrast is striking considering that SIK is the only sports magazine targeted for a youth audience. Youth sports are also racially and ethnically diverse, but inequalities still exist. Fifteen percent of all girls and 16% of all boys who participate in sports are

African-American. Hispanic female athletes represent 17% and Hispanic male athletes represent 15%, while Asian girls and boys comprise 8% and 12%, respectively, of children who play sports (Sabo & Veliz, 2008). Proportionally fewer girls of color are involved in sports than European girls; however, the same discrepancies across racial and ethnic groups do not exist among boys. SIK has equivalent coverage of African and

European athletes in editorial photographs, but Hispanic and Asian athletes are still fighting for representation in the magazine’s pages.

The depiction of team sports versus individual sports in SIK editorial and advertising photographs lends support to research on the gender appropriateness of sport.

Although the majority of photographs portrayed athletes in team sports, women were more likely to be pictured in individual sports (such as gymnastics, tennis, and swimming), which are considered gender appropriate. On the contrary, men were depicted far more often in team sports (such as football, basketball and baseball), which are considered gender appropriate (Koivula, 1995). The findings of this study also support previous research in regard to the media more often portraying African women in team sports (most notably basketball) than in individual sports. In advertising images,

men were portrayed in both prominent and supporting roles far more often than women in

advertisements that featured activity.

In regard to the category of sport (aesthetic, high risk, strength, or neutral),

findings from this sample reflected the use of stereotypes in the editorial pictures that fell

outside of the neutral category, the largest category represented in SIK. More than a

quarter of the editorial photographs did fall into the three other categories and in the

anticipated ways. Men dominated the strength and high-risk categories, whereas women

were more likely to be pictured in gender-appropriate aesthetic or high-risk (mostly skiing images) and individual sports than men. These findings may suggest that young men are receiving societal messages that sports such as figure skating and gymnastics are inappropriate (Nelson, 1994). SIK has continued to reinforce stereotypes by associating strength and high-risk sports with masculinity, and individual sports that are aesthetic in nature with femininity. The results showed more of a balance between women portrayed in individual and team sports compared with previous studies (Duncan & Sayaovong,

1990; Rintala & Birrell, 1984). Therefore, it appears that the representation of women in neutral team sports is gaining ground in the magazine.

In advertising images, another area of concern in relationship to category and type of sport included the overall lack of photographs of women linked to any sport. As mentioned earlier, women are beginning to close the gap in quantity of representation in

SIK advertising photographs. However, the highest percentages of women were depicted in non-athletic roles. For example, women often appeared in the background of advertisements in supporting roles as a spectator and not as an active participant. This study lends support to the two previous SIK advertising studies, where the majority of

45 both child and adult female models were likely to be depicted in supporting roles.

However, female models were depicted more commonly in team than individual sports and in high-risk sports as opposed to aesthetic sports, which differs from the results of the two studies by Cuneen and Sidwell (1998) and Lynn et al. (2002).

Gender differences were also reinforced by the way in which gender was framed in terms of the motion in the photograph, the leadership roles presented, the type of clothes the athletes wore in the photographs, and the type of product advertised. The majority of editorial photographs in SIK portrayed men in active poses, whereas advertising photographs were more likely to portray both men and women in inactive poses. Although (because of the amount of photographs of men) men were depicted more frequently than women in inactive poses, they were more likely than women to appear active in photographs. These results lend further support to Cuneen and Sidwell

(1998) and Lynn et. al. (2002), where women were often found in supporting and inactive poses. Men also dominated editorial and advertising photographs depicting individuals in leadership positions by a ratio of 33 to 1 and 20 to 1, respectively. When all the Division

1 head coaching jobs in all sports were combined, European coaches held 91.3% of the positions on Division 1 women’s teams and African coaches held only 5%. Female college coaches accounted for 41.3% (Lapchick, 2006), and 20.9% of all collegiate teams were coached by a female head coach (Carpenter & Acosta, 2010). Women as athletic directors accounted for 19.3%, with most occurring at the Division 3 level (Carpenter &

Acosta, 2010). However, in this sample, only one woman (an owner) was depicted in an editorial image and only one woman (a coach) was depicted in an advertising image, which is far below the participation rate of women in leadership positions. As far as state

of dress, SIK fell into the stereotypical trap of having more women appear as scantily

clothed in their uniform, e.g., wearing track uniforms, leotards, and swimsuits, than did

men in editorial photographs. This suggests that women have little place in a sports

world except to show off their toned bodies in scanty uniforms to a predominately male

audience. Stereotypical gender depictions also persisted into the types of products

advertised. Men outnumbered women as prominent and supporting models in all product

categories, chiefly in the most frequently advertised products (media and

food/beverages). For example, most food advertisements tended to have men or boys as

the central figures with women or girls located in the background or off to the sides as

supportive figures (and sometime even serving the food or beverage).

Another purpose of this study was to evaluate the gender and race of the dominant

subjects and types of sources used in SIK. The results indicate that journalists reporting

and writing for SIK engage in source bias. They rely heavily on the information and

perspectives of predominantly European men, which lends support to previous source

studies. Women are significantly underrepresented compared to their labor force

availability within the sporting world.

There is an obvious gender and racial source bias by the gross numbers from this

study, but it goes deeper than that. The magazine provides other biases in terms of

coaching and administrative/management positions. When Africans are used as sources, they predominantly fell under the category of athlete or teammate, giving the social implication that Africans are defined only as jocks whereas European sources had more of a tendency to fall under administrative and coaching positions, which indicate prestige

and power. Of 1,012 sources, only one female was used as an administrative source, and

the race was not able to be determined from the text. This magazine’s pages are giving

their young readers the subtle message that, if you are not a European male, then you

have little chance to become an administrator or manager in sports. Further, none of

these types of sources were Asian. So when female athletes can no longer play college or

professional sports after a lifetime of training and, since the U.S. doesn’t have many

viable professional opportunities for women, what are their options in the sports

environment? According to the sources in SIK, women in sports administration positions

do not exist and opportunities for women as coaches are limited. However, considering that the only category where female sources outnumbered men was as a relative of the athlete, there is always the opportunity for female athletes to become mothers and then, be sourced in sports articles.

The only category with an equivalency to European male sources occurred in the teammate category where African males sources received equal coverage. Also, there was a balance between African and European male athlete sources that was not present between African and European female athlete sources. African women were used far more than European women as a teammate source, which suggests that European women are viewed as strong and self-assured with a sense of individualism unlike African

women who need the support of a team environment. In SIK, women are continually

underrepresented in every major aspect of the magazine with a lack of women depicted in

editorial and advertising photographs and a lack of women used as dominant subjects and

sources in the feature articles, which are the longest and most in depth text found in the

magazine. Even when the dominant subject of an article was female, the text often

emphasized the athlete’s femininity. For example, a feature on Tara Nott, an Olympic

weightlifter, began with “It's easy to tell that Tara Nott is an athlete. At 5'1" and 105

pounds, she is fit and muscular. But what type of athlete is she? Gymnast? Jockey? The

answer: neither” (Higgins, 2001). The article also mentions “her freckled face and soft

voice” and “tiny frame” (Higgins, 2001). By focusing on Nott’s feminine characteristics,

her athleticism and sport are continually downplayed.

Throughout this analysis, the results have documented both gender and racial

differences in the editorial and advertising photographs of Sport Illustrated Kids.

Although there has been an increase in the amount of neutral sports’ images (soccer and

basketball in particular) of women, SIK has done little to present gender-neutral images to its young, impressionable readers. It has, however, done a better job of presenting equal images of African and European athletes, but other minorities are still fighting for media coverage. Overall, women remain underrepresented in all editorial and advertising photographs and framed more often than men in inferior and stereotypical ways.

When SIK’s readership is considered, the consequences of the differences in gender and racial portrayals may be particularly noticeable. With a reading audience between the ages of 8 and 15, the readers are easily influenced by the magazine’s content.

Furthermore, this age range of children has not developed the critical abilities to understand that photographs do not represent reality and the way things are in the real world (Dorr, 1986). Thus, young SIK readers may believe that the presence of women in sports is an invasion into a male domain, or they may acquire a sense that certain kinds of sports are for women and other kinds are for men and certain sports are more appropriate for certain races (Duncan & Sayaovong, 1990). Since the media are powerful agents of socialization (Boutilier & SanGiovanni, 1983; Rintala & Birrell, 1984), the ways these

49 children interpret SIK’s photographs will have important implications for how they are socialized into or away from particular types of sports.

Once interviewed on why his magazine rarely features female athletes on the cover, SIK’s managing editor, John Papanek said, “It is reasonable to think that a cover that features only females will be repugnant to those people who are most likely to buy the magazine” (Duncan & Sayaovong, 1990, p. 103). This quotation emphasizes the fact that SIK editors believe that increasing female representation in the magazine will decrease its value to customers. Requests for an interview with SIK’s current managing editor, Bob Der, to get an updated quote were declined. According to SIKids.com

(2009), the magazine has a reading audience of 8.1 million, of which 69% are boys and only 31% are girls. Therefore, the smaller number of editorial photographs devoted to women may be a result of SIK’s attempt to market the magazine to its majority readership. However, the large increase of sport participation by young female athletes in recent years would suggest a need for SIK to aggressively market to this potential new readership instead of avoiding coverage of female athletes. If taken from a social learning theory perspective, the fact that women are subjects only 21% of the time sends a message to children. SIK is the only sports magazine available for kids — not just boys

— and the message reaching 31% of its readers is that women have an unimportant and insignificant role in sports. Further, since boys comprise the majority of readership for

SIK, this only perpetuates a cycle of not taking female athletes and their accomplishments seriously, especially when compared with male athletes.

Unfortunately, even if the number of female SIK readers increased, it is unlikely that advertisers would change their strategy and include more women as models.

Advertisers find it most effective to target both genders with male-gendered

advertisements because stereotyping works (Heslop, Newman, & Gaunthier, 1989).

While men tend to reject products dubbed as “feminine,” women are receptive to

products and, therefore, advertisements that are dubbed as “masculine.” Considering that

the goal of advertising is to promote and ultimately sell a product (without a social

conscience), it is unlikely that advertisers will change their strategy and use more women

as models.

Despite the advances for female athletes and the amount of money spent on Title

IX, SIK is providing its readers with a message that men have a dominant place in sports.

Both the boys and girls in SIK’s readership are taking away a message, but just because

the magazine’s readership leans toward males does not mean that the content should

project a less gendered sports world. If some boys still cannot relate to female athletes,

the fault lies partly in the hands of the media whose tendency is to boycott honest images

of those athletes (Nelson, 1994). The struggle to end the overpowering male hegemony

in sport is far from over. As women finally see a more level playing field in front of

them, the opportunities won in the name of Title IX for women’s athletics today must be

preserved by future female athletes. This study shows that the young kids who are rising

through the sporting ranks are seeing a skewed picture of “how things are” or “ought to

be” in the pages of SIK. Furthermore, the gender roles reinforced in the magazine don’t encourage these young athletes to continue to fight to keep the playing field even.

A lack of representation of women and racial minorities in SIK could be

detrimental to the future careers of these young readers. Research demonstrates that

children involved in sports are less likely to drop out of school and have higher rates of

51 college attendance (Gould & Weiss, 1987; Marsh & Kleitman, 2003; McNeal, 1995).

Participation in extracurricular activities has also been linked to increases in interpersonal competence, high school grade point average, self-concept, school attendance and participation, and educational objectives (Marsh & Kleitman, 2002), as well as to higher educational achievement and, therefore, better job prospects (Barber, Eccles, & Stone,

2001). Sports are important as a socializing agent and provide a sense of empowerment and success. If young athletes aren’t seeing themselves depicted and sourced inside sports magazines, then they may be less prepared for a future successful professional career.

Suggestions for Future Research

This study focused exclusively on the gender and race of the sources and editorial and advertising depictions of athletes in Sports Illustrated Kids. Yet there are additional popular children’s magazines such as Highlight for Children: Fun With a Purpose, Boy’s

Life: The Magazine for All Boys, National Geographic Kids, and Ranger Rick that could be added to future analyses to broaden the sample frame and ensure better generalization of how gender and race is presented to readers of youth magazines. Since analysis in the present study was limited to print media only, future research could also expand the media to include electronic and interactive media, specifically SIK’s website. Also, considering that the source and race portion of this study was the first of its kind to focus on SIK, it would be beneficial to code the first 10 years of the publication in order to compare the two samples to determine whether the gap has widened or narrowed throughout the magazine’s existence. It is true that the media privilege athletics,

52 predominantly men’s athletics, in American culture. Based on the TV schedules, cultural values are being expressed by the dominant sports being aired most often across the nation. With this fact in mind, subsequent research could code for the sport associated with the sources and dominant subjects in feature articles in order to analyze the gender and racial differences related to various sports.

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APPENDIX A: CODING SHEET Case # ______Month/Year of Issue ______

Editorial Images v1. Model Age: (1) Child, 0-12 (2) Adolescent, 13-17 (3) Adult, 18-59 (4) Senior, 60+ v2. Sex: (1) Male (2) Female v3. Race: (1) Asian (2) Black (3) Hispanic (4) White (5) Mixed (6) Other/Indeterminable v4. Prominence of Editorial Photograph: (1) Cover (2) Poster (3) 2-page Spread (4) Full-page (5) Half-page (6) Quarter-page or less (7) Sportscard (8) Cutout/Mugshot v5. Motion in Photograph: (1) Active (2) Inactive v6. Photo Angle: (1) Up/Superior/Dominating (2) Down/Inferior/Subservient (3) Straight/Eye level v7. Type of Sport: (1) Individual (2) Team v8. Category of Sport: (1) Aesthetic (2) High risk (3) Strength (4) Neutral v9. Leadership Role: (1) Owner (2) Official (3) Coach (4) None

65 v10. State of Dress: (1) Fully clothed in uniform (2) Fully clothed in street clothes (3) Scantily clothed in uniform (4) Scantily clothed in street clothes

Advertising Images

Ad size:______v11. Ad Type (1) Product (2) Service (3) Other v12. Character: (1) Human (2) Celebrity (3) Animation/Artistic (4) Mixed v13. Type of Product: (1) Sport (2) Media (3) Food/Beverage (4) Equipment/Clothing (5) Other______v14. Model Domination: (1) Prominent (2) Supporting

Sources and Subjects of Features

Month/Year of Issue:______Article Title:______Page article starts on:______Number of Paragraphs:______v1. Sex and Race of Dominant Subject of Article: (1) Athlete Asian Males Asian Females Black Males Black Females Hispanic Males Hispanic Females White Males White Females Males of Mixed Races Females of Mixed Races Males of Indeterminable Races Females of Indeterminable Races (2) Coach Asian Males Asian Females Black Males Black Females Hispanic Males Hispanic Females White Males White Females Males of Mixed Races Females of Mixed Races Males of Indeterminable Races Females of Indeterminable Races

(3) Administrator/Management Asian Males Asian Females Black Males Black Females Hispanic Males Hispanic Females White Males White Females Males of Mixed Races Females of Mixed Races Males of Indeterminable Races Females of Indeterminable Races (4) Team Male Female (5) Other:______Asian Males Asian Females Black Males Black Females Hispanic Males Hispanic Females White Males White Females Males of Mixed Races Females of Mixed Races Males of Indeterminable Races Females of Indeterminable Races v2. Race and Sex by the Types of Sources: (1) Athlete Asian Males Asian Females Black Males Black Females Hispanic Males Hispanic Females White Males White Females Males of Mixed Races Females of Mixed Races Males of Indeterminable Races Females of Indeterminable Races (2) Coach Asian Males Asian Females Black Males Black Females Hispanic Males Hispanic Females White Males White Females Males of Mixed Races Females of Mixed Races Males of Indeterminable Races Females of Indeterminable Races (3) Administrator/Management Asian Males Asian Females Black Males Black Females Hispanic Males Hispanic Females White Males White Females Males of Mixed Races Females of Mixed Races Males of Indeterminable Races

Females of Indeterminable Races (4) Teammate Asian Males Asian Females Black Males Black Females Hispanic Males Hispanic Females White Males White Females Males of Mixed Races Females of Mixed Races Males of Indeterminable Races Females of Indeterminable Races (5) Relative of Athlete Asian Males Asian Females Black Males Black Females Hispanic Males Hispanic Females White Males White Females Males of Mixed Races Females of Mixed Races Males of Indeterminable Races Females of Indeterminable Races (6) Fan Asian Males Asian Females Black Males Black Females Hispanic Males Hispanic Females White Males White Females Males of Mixed Races Females of Mixed Races Males of Indeterminable Races Females of Indeterminable Races (7) Other:______Asian Males Asian Females Black Males Black Females Hispanic Males Hispanic Females White Males White Females Males of Mixed Races Females of Mixed Races Males of Indeterminable Races Females of Indeterminable Races (8) SIK Only

APPENDIX B: CODING PROTOCOL

Coding Protocol for SIK Editorial and Advertising Photographs Procedure

The following steps should be taken in the content analysis coding described below (v stands for variable): (1) All relevant photographs are viewed to determine individuals that fit the coding criteria; (2) Each photograph is then analyzed for specific characteristics described below. Month/Year of Issue: Identify the issue by looking at the cover of each magazine. Case #: Label each individual in each photograph as a single case. v1. Model Age: Code each individual (model) according to these age ranges. Use captions and/or associated stories to determine the model’s age if it is difficult to determine. 1= Child, 0-12 2= Adolescent, 13-17 3= Adult, 18-59 4= Senior, 60+ v2. Sex: Code each individual according to his or her gender. 1= Male 2= Female v3. Race: Code each individual according to these race categories. Use captions and/or associated stories to determine an individual’s race if it is difficult to determine. This magazine’s audience is young so code as if you are a child — meaning if the individual has dark skin than code as Black, if the individual has light skin than code as White. If you cannot see the individual’s skin (face, arms or feet), than code as indeterminable, i.e. a hockey player turned away from the camera. 1= Asian 2= Black 3= Hispanic 4= White

5= Mixed 6=Other/Indeterminable v4. Prominence of Photograph: Code these photograph locations with the associated numbers below. 1= Cover 2= Poster 3= 2-page spread 4= Full-page 5= Half-page 6=Quarter-page or less 7= Sportscard v5. Motion in Photograph: Code individuals according to their action within the photograph. 1=Active: Refers to individuals moving through space, applying force using their bodies or engaged in movement. 2= Inactive: Refers to individuals posed in a stationary position of standing, sitting, kneeling, or otherwise not motor engaged. v6. Photo Angle: Code photograph according to the camera angle it was shot. 1= Up/Superior/Dominating 2= Down/Inferior/Subservient 3= Straight/Eye Level v7. Type of Sport: Code individuals according to the type of sport they play. 1= Individual: Refers to individuals engaged in activities that require more than two people to complete such as baseball, basketball, soccer, etc. 2= Team: Refers to individuals engaged in activities that require just one or two people to complete such as tennis, skiing, golf, etc. v8. Category of Sport: Code individuals to the category of sport their sport falls into. 1= Aesthetic: Sports where success is determined primarily on the basis of grace and proper form. Examples include gymnastics, diving, figure skating, cheerleading, etc.

2= High risk: Sports in which the danger posed to the athlete is produced primarily by the physical environment. Examples include race car driving, skiing, BMX, surfing, rock climbing, etc. 3= Strength: Sports characterized by contact(football, karate, boxing), in which one opponent overpowers another by superior physical strength and by events which require great endurance (crew, cycling, marathon). 4= Neutral: Contains all other sports. Examples include basketball, baseball, soccer, tennis, swimming, most track and field events, hockey, golf, etc. v9. Leadership Role: Code individuals according to whether they have a leadership role in the photograph. 1= Owner 2= Official: Includes umpires, referees, etc. 3= Coach 4= None v10. State of Dress: Code individuals according to the clothes they are wearing in the photograph. 1= Fully clothed in uniform: Includes football, basketball, baseball, softball uniforms. 2= Fully clothed in street clothes: Includes individuals appearing in photographs without their uniforms on or individuals involved in skateboarding, etc. 3= Scantily clothed in uniform: Includes uniforms where more skin is exposed than covered. Examples include track uniforms, leotards, swimsuits, etc. 4= Scantily clothed in street clothes: Includes individuals appearing in photographs without their uniforms and have more skin exposed than covered. Ad Size: Write in whether the ad in full, half or quarter page. v11. Ad Type: Code each advertisement according what the ad is trying to promote. 1= Product 2= Service: Includes sweepstakes, fan clubs, free merchandise, etc. 3= Other v12. Character: Code each individual according to these character categories.

1= Human 2= Celebrity: Includes famous athletes, actors, etc. 3= Animation/Artistic: Includes any model that is not human. 4= Mixed: A combination of any of the above. For example, an artistic drawing of a famous athlete. v13. Type of Product: Code each advertisement according to what product is being displayed by the ad. 1= Sport 2= Media: Includes ads for websites, movies, TV shows or videogames. 3= Food/Beverage 4= Equipment/Clothing 5= Other: Includes ads for sweepstakes, fan clubs or free merchandise. v14. Model Domination: Code each individual according to his or her position within the ad. 1= Prominent: Refers to the model in the foreground or larger than others in the same advertisement because of positioning 2= Supporting: Refers to the model in the background or smaller in relation to others in the same advertisement because of positioning

Coding Protocol for SIK Source Study Procedure

The following steps should be taken in the content analysis coding described below (v stands for variable): (1) All relevant feature stories are thoroughly read with particular attention paid to the sources in the stories; (2) Each feature article is then analyzed for specific characteristics described below. Month/Year of Issue: Identify the issue by looking at the cover of each magazine. Article Title: Write down the article’s full title. Page Article Starts On: Write down the page number the article begins on.

Number of Paragraphs: Count the number of paragraphs and write down the corresponding number. If the article is in bullet form, count each chunk of information as a paragraph. v1. Sex and Race of Dominant Subject of Article: Code the dominant subject of the article according to these categories. First determine which category the subject fits into whether that is an athlete, coach, administrator/management or other. Then code the subject according to his/her race and gender. Use photographs to determine an individual’s race if it is difficult to determine by only the name. If the race cannot be determined, write down the sources name next to the category Male or Female of Indeterminable Race to do an Internet search at a later date. This magazine’s audience is young so code as if you are a child — meaning if the individual has dark skin than code as Black, if the individual has light skin than code as White. Place a tick mark beside the corresponding category of each. In capsules with many players cited, the dominant subject is the first name mentioned. 1= Athlete 2= Coach 3= Administrator/Management 4= Other: Make sure to write in who is the dominant subject of the article. These are the race and gender categories, which appear under each subject: Asian Males Asian Females Black Males Black Females Hispanic Males Hispanic Females White Males White Females Males of Mixed Races Females of Mixed Races Males of Indeterminable Race Females of Indeterminable Race v2. Sex and Race of Types of Sources: Code the dominant subject of the article according to these categories. First determine what type of source the person quoted fits into whether that is an athlete, coach, administrator/management, teammate, fan, relative,

or other. Then code the source according to his/her race and gender. Use photographs to determine an individual’s race if it is difficult to determine by only the name. This magazine’s audience is young so code as if you are a child — meaning if the individual has dark skin than code as Black, if the individual has light skin than code as White. Place a tick mark beside the corresponding category of each. 1= Athlete 2= Coach 3= Administrator/Management 4= Teammate 5= Fan 6= Relative of the Athlete 7= Other: Make sure to write in who is the dominant subject of the article. These are the race and gender categories, which appear under each subject: Asian Males Asian Females Black Males Black Females Hispanic Males Hispanic Females White Males White Females Males of Mixed Races Females of Mixed Races Males of Indeterminable Race Females of Indeterminable Race

APPENDIX C: TABLES

TABLE 1 Gender and Race of Athletes Portrayed in Editorial Photographs in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009 Gender Race Men Women Total African 1,055(43.9%) 96( 3.9%) 1,151(47.9%) Asian 32( 1.3%) 13( <1%) 45( 1.9%) European 934(38.9%) 181( 7.5%) 1,115(46.4%) Hispanic 83( 3.5%) 9( <1%) 92( 3.8%) Total 2,104(87.6%) 299(12.4%) 2,403( 100%) Note. x2= 44.3, df=3, p ≤.001

TABLE 2 Gender and Race of Advertising Models Portrayed in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009 Gender Race Men Women Total African 297(19.9%) 36( 2.4%) 333(22.3%) Asian 27( 1.8%) 11( <1%) 38( 2.6%) European 829(55.6%) 247( 7.5%) 1,076(72.2%) Hispanic 35( 2.3%) 8( <1%) 43( 2.9%) Total 1,188(79.7%) 302(20.3%) 1,490( 100%) Note. x2= 25.1, df=3, p ≤.001

TABLE 3 Gender and Race of Advertising Models by Model Domination in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009 African Asian European Hispanic Total Domination Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Prominent 111( 7.4%) 10( <1%) 7( <1%) 1(<1%) 246(16.5%) 47( 3.2%) 9( <1%) 0(<1%) 373(25.0%) 58( 3.9%) Supporting 186(12.8%) 26(1.7%) 20( <1%) 10(<1%) 583(39.1%) 200(13.4%) 26(1.7%) 8(<1%) 815(54.7%) 244(16.4%) Total 297(19.9%) 36(4.0%) 27(1.8%) 11(<1%) 829(55.6%) 247(16.6%) 35(2.3%) 8(<1%) 1,188(79.7%) 302(20.3%) Note. x2= 28, df=7, p ≤.001

TABLE 4 Gender and Race of Athletes by Type of Sport Portrayed in Editorial Photographs in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009 African Asian European Hispanic Total Type of Sport Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Individual 71( 2.9%) 28(1.2%) 6( <1%) 10(<1%) 228( 9.5%) 115(4.8%) 12( <1%) 8(<1%) 317(13.2%) 161( 6.7%) Team 984(40.9%) 68(2.8%) 26(1.1%) 3(<1%) 706(29.4%) 66(2.7%) 71(2.9%) 1(<1%) 1,787(74.4%) 138( 5.7%) Total 1,055(43.9%) 96(4.0%) 32(1.3%) 13(<1%) 934(38.9%) 181(7.5%) 83(3.5%) 9(<1%) 2,104(87.6%) 299(12.4%) Note. x2= 403, df= 7, p ≤.001

TABLE 5 Gender and Race of Advertising Models by Type of Sport Portrayed in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009 African Asian European Hispanic Total Type of Sport Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Individual 27( 1.8%) 7( <1%) 9( <1%) 1(<1%) 143( 9.6%) 51( 3.4%) 2( <1%) 0( 0%) 181(12.1%) 59( 4.0%) Team 224(15.0%) 9( <1%) 9( <1%) 2(<1%) 378(25.4%) 55( 3.7%) 28(1.9%) 1(<1%) 639(42.9%) 67( 4.5%) Combination 2( <1%) 0( 0%) 0( 0%) 0( 0%) 2( <1%) 0( 0%) 0( 0%) 0( 0%) 2( <1%) 0( 0%) Neither 44( 3.0%) 20(1.3%) 9( <1%) 8(<1%) 306(20.5%) 141( 9.5%) 5( <1%) 7(<1%) 364(24.4%) 176(11.8%) Total 297(19.9%) 36(2.4%) 27(1.8%) 11(<1%) 829(55.6%) 247(16.6%) 35(2.3%) 8(<1%) 1,188(79.7%) 302(20.3%) Note. x2= 210, df= 21, p ≤.001

TABLE 6 Gender and Race of Athletes by Category of Sport Portrayed in Editorial Photographs in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009 African Asian European Hispanic Total Category of Sport Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Aesthetica 1( <1%) 1( <1%) 1( <1%) 9(<1%) 8( <1%) 15(<1%) 1(<1%) 1(<1%) 11( <1%) 26( 1.1%) High Riskb 4( <1%) 0( 0%) 1( <1%) 0( 0%) 114( 4.7%) 29(1.2%) 3(<1%) 1(<1%) 122( 5.1%) 30( 1.3%) Strengthc 290(12.1%) 0( 0%) 0( 0%) 0( 0%) 186( 7.7%) 14(<1%) 2(<1%) 0( 0%) 478(19.9%) 14( <1%) Neutrald 760(31.6%) 95(3.9%) 30(1.2%) 4(<1%) 626(26.1%) 123(5.1%) 77(3.2%) 7(<1%) 1,493(62.1%) 229( 9.5%) Total 1,055(43.9%) 96(4.0%) 32(1.3%) 13(<1%) 934(38.9%) 181(7.5%) 83(3.5%) 9(<1%) 2,104(87.6%) 299(12.4%) Note. x2= 717, df= 21, p ≤.001 aAesthetic sports include gymnastics, diving, figure skating, etc. bHigh risk sports include skiing, race car driving, motocross, etc. cStrength sports include football, boxing, cycling, etc. dNeutral sports include basketball, baseball, volleyball, soccer, hockey, etc.

TABLE 7 Gender and Race of Advertising Models by Category of Sport Portrayed in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009 African Asian European Hispanic Total Category of Sport Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Aesthetica 0( 0%) 1( <1%) 0( 0%) 0( 0%) 2( <1%) 3( <1%) 0( 0%) 0( 0%) 2( <1%) 4( <1%) High Riskb 8( <1%) 3( <1%) 3( <1%) 0( 0%) 77( 5.2%) 15( 1.0%) 1( <1%) 0( 0%) 89( 6.0%) 18( 1.2%) Strengthc 77( 5.1%) 2( <1%) 5( <1%) 1(<1%) 111( 7.4%) 9( <1%) 2( <1%) 1(<1%) 195(13.1%) 13( <1%) Neutrald 168(11.3%) 10( <1%) 10( <1%) 2(<1%) 334(22.4%) 79( 5.3%) 27(1.8%) 0( 0%) 539(36.2%) 91( 6.1%) None 44( 3.0%) 20(1.3%) 9( <1%) 8(<1%) 306(20.5%)141( 9.5%) 5( <1%) 7(<1%) 364(24.4%) 176(11.8%) Total 297(19.9%) 36(2.4%) 27(1.8%) 11(<1%) 934(38.9%)247(16.6%) 35(2.3%) 8(<1%) 1,188(79.7%) 302(20.3%) Note. x2= 206, df= 28, p ≤.001 aAesthetic sports include gymnastics, diving, figure skating, etc. bHigh risk sports include skiing, race car driving, motocross, etc. cStrength sports include football, boxing, cycling, etc. dNeutral sports include basketball, baseball, volleyball, soccer, hockey, etc.

TABLE 8 Gender and Race of Athletes by Prominence Portrayed in Editorial Photographs in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009 African Asian/Hispanica European Total Prominence Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Cover 27( 1.1%) 2(3.3%) 6( <1%) 1(<1%) 23( <1%) 0( 0%) 56( 2.3%) 3( <1%) Poster 31( 7.1%) 2( <1%) 4( <1%) 1(<1%) 22( 6.5%) 2( 1.7%) 57( 2.4%) 5( <1%) 2-page spread 141( 5.9%) 7( <1%) 16( <1%) 1(<1%) 121( 5.0%) 16( <1%) 278(11.6%) 24( <1%) Full-page 159( 6.6%) 22( <1%) 14( <1%) 4(<1%) 132( 5.5%) 34(1.4%) 305(12.7%) 60( 2.5%) Half-page 82( 3.4%) 14( <1%) 9( <1%) 1(<1%) 100( 4.2%) 26(1.1%) 191( 7.9%) 41( 1.7%) Quarter-page or less 470(19.6%) 22( <1%) 47(2.0%) 8(<1%) 376(15.6%) 56(2.3%) 893(37.2%) 86( 3.6%) Sportscard 145( 6.0%) 27(1.1%) 19( <1%) 6(<1%) 160( 6.7%) 47(2.0%) 324(13.5%) 80( 3.3%) Total 1,055(43.9%) 96(4.0%) 32(1.3%) 13(<1%) 934(38.9%) 181(7.5%) 2,104(87.6%) 299(12.4%) Note. x2= 76.3, df= 30, p ≤.001 aAsian and Hispanic races were combined in order to run a Chi-square analysis.

TABLE 9 Gender and Race of Athletes by Motion in Editorial Photographs Portrayed in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009 African Asian European Hispanic Total Motion in Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Photograph Active 885(36.8%) 80(3.3%) 25(1.0%) 11(<1%) 779(32.4%) 139(5.8%) 68(2.8%) 3(<1%) 1,757(73.1%) 233( 9.7%) Inactive 170 ( 7.1%) 16( <1%) 7( <1%) 2(<1%) 155( 6.5%) 42(1.7%) 15( <1%) 6(<1%) 347(14.4%) 66( 2.7%) Total 1,055(43.9%) 96(4.0%) 32(1.3%) 13(<1%) 934(38.9%) 181(7.5%) 83(3.5%) 9(<1%) 2,104(87.6%) 299(12.4%) Note. x2= 21.8, df= 7, p ≤.003

TABLE 10 Gender and Race of Advertising Models by Motion in Photographs Portrayed in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009 African Asian European Hispanic Total Motion in Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Photograph Active 161(10.8%) 10( <1%) 10( <1%) 2(<1%) 337(22.6%) 74( 5.0%) 17(1.1%) 1(<1%) 525(35.2%) 87( 5.8%) Inactive 136( 9.1%) 26(1.7%) 17(1.1%) 9(<1%) 492(33.0%) 173(11.6%) 18(1.2%) 7(<1%) 663(44.4%) 215(14.4%) Total 297(19.9%) 36(2.4%) 27(1.8%) 11(<1%) 829(55.6%) 247(16.6%) 35(2.3%) 8(<1%) 1,188(79.7%) 302(20.3%) Note. x2= 308 df= 7, p ≤.001

TABLE 11 Gender and Race of Athletes by Leadership Role in Editorial Photographs in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009 African Asian/Hispanic European Total Leadership Role Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Owner 1( 2.9%) 0(0%) 0(0%) 0(0%) 1( 2.9%) 1(2.9%) 2( 5.9%) 1(2.9%) Official 2( 5.9%) 0(0%) 0(0%) 0(0%) 16(47.1%) 0( 0%) 18(52.9%) 0( 0%) Coach 5(14.7%) 0(0%) 0(0%) 0(0%) 8(23.5%) 0( 0%) 13(38.2%) 0 (0%) Total 8(23.5%) 0(0%) 26(76.5%) 33(97.1%) 1(2.9%) Note. Numbers and percentages only for photographs with leadership roles.

TABLE 12 Gender and Race of Advertising Models by Leadership Role in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009 African Asian/Hispanic European Total Leadership Role Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Official 0( 0%) 0(0%) 0( 0%) 0(0%) 9(42.9%) 0( 0%) 9(42.9%) 0( 0%) Coach 1(4.8 %) 0(0%) 1(4.8%) 0(0%) 9(42.9%) 1(4.8%) 11(52.9%) 1(4.8%) Total 1(4.8%) 1(4.8%) 19(90.4%) 20(95.2%) 1(4.8%) Note. Numbers and percentages only for photographs with leadership roles.

TABLE 13 Gender and Race of Athletes by State of Dress in Editorial Photographs in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009 African Asian/Hispanica European Total State of Dress Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Uniformb 1,948(82.2%) 259( 1.1%) Fully 1,010(42.6%) 62(2.6%) 104(4.4%) 8(<1%) 777(32.8%) 105(4.4%) Scantily 13( <1%) 29(1.2%) 1( <1%) 11(<1%) 43( 1.8%) 54(2.3%) Street clothes 123( 5.2%) 29( 1.2%) Fully 23( <1%) 5( <1%) 10( <1%) 3(<1%) 85( 3.6%) 20( <1%) Scantily 1( <1%) 0( 0%) 0( 0%) 0( 0%) 4( <1%) 1( <1%) Overall 1,143(48.2%) 137(5.8%) 1,089(46.0%) 2,071(87.4%) 288(12.2%) Note. Numbers and percentages in photographs with leadership roles (N=34) were excluded. aAsian and Hispanic races were combined in order to run a Chi-square analysis. bx2= 411, df= 5, p ≤.001

TABLE 14 Gender and Race of Advertising Models by State of Dress in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009 African Asian/Hispanica European Total State of Dress Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Uniformb 544(36.5%) 67( 4.5%) Fully 182(12.2%) 8( <1%) 32(2.1%) 2( <1%) 311(20.9%) 38( 2.6%) Scantily 4( <1%) 2( <1%) 0( 0%) 0( 0%) 15( 1.0%) 17( 1.1%) Street clothesc 644(43.2%) 235(15.8%) Fully 109( 7.3%) 25(1.7%) 30(2.0%) 17(1.1%) 485(32.6%) 182(12.2%) Scantily 2( <1%) 1( <1%) 0( 0%) 0( 0%) 18( 1.2%) 10( <1%) Overall 333(22.3%) 81(5.5%) 1,076(72.2%) 1,188(79.7%) 302(20.3%) aAsian and Hispanic races were combined in order to run a Chi-square analysis. bx2= 69.7, df= 5, p ≤.001 cx2= 4.3, df= 5, p=.508 (ns)

TABLE 15 Gender and Race of Advertising Models by Character Portrayed in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009 African Asian European Hispanic Total Character Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Human 81( 5.4%) 16(1.1%) 15(1.0%) 6(<1%) 389(26.1%) 128( 8.6%) 10( <1%) 7( 0%) 495(33.2%) 157(10.5%) Celebrity 174(11.7%) 10( <1%) 6( <1%) 1(<1%) 216(14.5%) 57( 3.8%) 18(1.2%) 1(<1%) 414(27.9%) 69( 4.6%) Animation 23( 1.5%) 10( <1%) 5( <1%) 4(<1%) 189(12.7%) 62( 4.2%) 1( <1%) 0( 0%) 218(14.6%) 76( 5.1%) Mixed 19( 1.3%) 0( 0%) 1( <1%) 0( 0%) 35( 2.3%) 0( 0%) 6( <1%) 0( 0%) 61( 4.1%) 0( 0%) Total 297(19.9%) 36(2.4%) 27(1.8%) 11(<1%) 829(55.6%) 247(16.6%) 35(2.3%) 8(<1%) 1,188(79.7%) 302(20.3%) Note. x2= 187, df= 21, p ≤.001

TABLE 16 Gender and Race of Advertising Models by Type of Product Portrayed in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009 African Asian European Hispanic Total Type of Product Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Men Women Equipment/Clothing 31( 2.1%) 2( <1%) 0( 0%) 0( 0%) 42( 2.8%) 8( <1%) 2( <1%) 1(<1%) 75( 4.8%) 11( <1%) Food/Beverage 59( 4.0%) 10( <1%) 6( <1%) 3(<1%) 141( 9.5%) 59( 4.0%) 12( <1%) 6(<1%) 218(14.6%) 78( 5.2%) Media 94( 6.3%) 11( <1%) 10( <1%) 5(<1%) 353(23.7%) 114( 7.7%) 8( <1% 0( 0%) 465(31.2%) 130( 8.7%) Sport 50( 3.4%) 7( <1%) 6( <1%) 0( 0%) 147( 9.9%) 36( 2.4%) 7( <1%) 0( 0%) 210(14.1%) 43( 2.9%) Other 63( 4.2%) 6( <1%) 5( <1%) 3(<1%) 146( 9.8%) 30( 2.0%) 6( <1%) 1(<1%) 220(14.8%) 40( 2.7%) Total 297(19.9%) 36(2.4%) 27(1.8%) 11(<1%) 829(55.6%) 247(16.6%) 35(2.3%) 8(<1%) 1,188(79.7%) 302(20.3%) Note. x2= 68.2, df= 28, p ≤.001

TABLE 17 Gender and Race of Dominant Subjects in Feature Stories in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009 Dominant Subject No. of Subjects No. of Articles a No. of Paragraphs Athlete African Men 105( 24.2%) 84(23.0%) 1,829(22.6%) African Women 14( 3.2%) 13( 3.6%) 221(27.3%) Asian Men 4( <1%) 4( 1.1%) 42( <1%) Asian Women 2( <1%) 2( <1%) 39( <1%) European Men 122(28.1%) 93(15.5%) 1,884(23.3%) European Women 41( 9.4%) 31( 8.5%) 761( 9.4%) Hispanic Men 10( 2.3%) 9( 2.5%) 116( 1.4%) Hispanic Women 1( <1%) 1( <1%) 5( <1%) Total Men 241(55.5%) 190(52.1%) 3,871(47.9%) Women 58(13.4%) 47(12.9%) 1,026(12.7%) Other European Men 3( <1%) 1( <1%) 18( <1%) European Women 4( <1%) 2( <1%) 36( <1%) Indeterminable Race Men 20( 4.6%) 18( 4.9%) 462(57.1%) Indeterminable Race Women 15( 3.5%) 14( 3.8%) 392( 4.8%) Team Men 79(18.2%) 79(21.6%) 2,054(25.4%) Women 14( 3.2%) 14( 3.8%) 225( 2.8%) Total 434( 100%) 365( 100%) 8,084( 100%) Men 343(79.0%) 288(78.9%) 6,405(79.2%) Women 91(21.0%) 77(21.1%) 1,679(20.8%) aNumber of articles exceed the number coded because some articles had more than one dominant subject.

TABLE 18 Gender and Race of All Sources in Feature Stories in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009 Source No. of Sourcesa No. of Articles b No. of Paragraphsc African Men 296(30.6%) 188(30.3%) 6,028(29.4%) Women 40( 4.1%) 34( 5.5%) 786( 3.8%) Asian Men 10( 1.0%) 9( 1.4%) 193( <1%) Women 6( <1%) 6( <1%) 132( <1%) European Men 412(42.7%) 256(41.2%) 8,566(41.8%) Women 76( 7.9%) 54( 8.7%) 1,415( 6.9%) Hispanic Men 33( 3.4%) 25( 4.0%) 567( 2.8%) Women 19( 2.0%) 3( <1%) 904( 4.4%) Indeterminable Men 61( 6.3%) 37( 6.0%) 1,730( 8.4%) Women 13( 1.3%) 9( 1.4%) 192( <1%) Total 966( 100%) 621( 100%) 20,513( 100%) Men 812(84.1%) 515(82.9%) 17,084(83.3%) Women 154(15.9%) 106(17.1%) 3,429(16.7%) a x2= 26.3, df= 4, p ≤.001 b x2= 7.08, df= 4, p =.132 (ns) c x2= .0002, df= 4, p ≤.001

TABLE 19 Gender and Race of Sources by Type in Feature Stories in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009 Type of Source No. of Sources No. of Articles No. of Paragraphs Administrator/Management African Men 4( <1%) 4( <1%) 69( <1%) European Men 16( 1.7%) 14( 2.3%) 1,884( 9.2%) Hispanic Men 1( <1%) 1( <1%) 18( <1%) Indeterminable Men 2( <1%) 2( <1%) 38( <1%) Indeterminable Women 1( <1%) 1(<1%) 8( <1%) Athlete African Men 207(21.4%) 117(18.8%) 4,276(20.8%) African Women 22( 2.3%) 21( 3.4%) 353( 1.7%) Asian Men 4( <1%) 2( <1%) 42( <1%) Asian Women 4( <1%) 4( <1%) 70( <1%) European Men 227(23.5%) 123(19.8%) 3,482(17.0%) European Women 62( 6.4%) 41( 6.6%) 1,194( 5.8%) Hispanic Men 24( 2.5%) 18( 2.9%) 327( 1.6%) Hispanic Women 2( <1%) 2( <1%) 20( <1%) Indeterminable Men 8( <1%) 4( <1%) 268( 1.3%) Indeterminable Women 3( <1%) 2( <1%) 97( <1%) Coach African Men 18( 1.9%) 18( 2.9%) 349( 1.7%) African Women 1( <1%) 1( <1%) 8( <1%) Asian Men 3( <1%) 3( <1%) 86( <1%) Asian Women 1( <1%) 1( <1%) 10( <1%) European Men 82( 8.5%) 63(10.1%) 1,498( 7.3%) European Women 3( <1%) 3( <1%) 54( <1%) Hispanic Men 1( <1%) 1( <1%) 16( <1%) Indeterminable Women 12( 1.2%) 5( <1%) 786( 3.8%)

TABLE 19 (cont.) Gender and Race of Sources by Type in Feature Stories in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009 Type of Source No. of Sources No. of Articles No. of Paragraphs Fan Indeterminable Men 10( 1.0%) 4( <1%) 272(13.3%) Indeterminable Women 4( <1%) 2( <1%) 78( <1%) Relative African Men 2( <1%) 2( <1%) 38( <1%) African Women 3( <1%) 3( <1%) 48( <1%) European Men 3( <1%) 3( <1%) 37( <1%) European Women 5( <1%) 5( <1%) 110( <1%) Indeterminable Men 1( <1%) 1( <1%) 31( <1%) Teammate African Men 59( 6.1%) 45( 7.2%) 1,026( 5.0%) African Women 7( <1%) 6( <1%) 106( <1%) Asian Men 1( <1%) 1( <1%) 13( <1%) European Men 58( 6.0%) 41( 6.6%) 1,005( 4.9%) European Women 2( <1%) 2( <1%) 19( <1%) Hispanic Men 3( <1%) 2( <1%) 46( <1%) Indeterminable Men 5( <1%) 3( <1%) 105( <1%) Other African Men 6( <1%) 2( <1%) 270( 1.3%) African Women 7( <1%) 3( <1%) 271( 1.3%) Asian Men 2( <1%) 1( <1%) 52( <1%) Asian Women 1( <1%) 1( <1%) 52( <1%) European Men 26( 2.7%) 12( 1.9%) 660( 3.2%) European Women 4( <1%) 3( <1%) 38( <1%) Hispanic Men 4( <1%) 3( <1%) 160( <1%) Hispanic Women 17( 1.8%) 1( <1%) 884( 4.3%) Indeterminable Men 28( 2.9%) 19( 3.1%) 355( 1.7%) Indeterminable Women 5 <1%) 4( <1%) 87( <1%) Total 966( 100%) 621( 100%) 20,513( 100%) Note. Numbers and percentages are only for gender and races with at least one occurrence of a certain type of source.

TABLE 20 Gender and Race of Dominant Subjects by Type of Source in Feature Stories in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009 Dominant Subjects (Athletes Only) Type of Source African African Asian Asian European European Hispanic Hispanic Total Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Administrator/Management African Men 2 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 4 European Men 8 0 0 0 5 0 0 0 13 Hispanic Men 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 Indeterminable Men 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Indeterminable Women 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 Athlete African Men 77 2 0 1 11 8 2 0 101 African Women 3 12 0 0 4 3 1 1 24 Asian Men 0 0 4 0 0 0 0 0 4 Asian Women 1 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 3 European Men 12 2 0 0 84 10 3 1 112 European Women 6 1 0 0 9 26 1 1 44 Hispanic Men 2 1 0 0 3 1 9 0 16 Hispanic Women 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Indeterminable Men 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 Indeterminable Women 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Coach African Men 11 2 0 0 3 1 1 0 18 African Women 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 Asian Men 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 2 Asian Women 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 European Men 24 1 1 1 21 6 3 0 57 European Women 0 2 0 0 1 1 0 0 4 Hispanic Men 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 2 Indeterminable Men 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1

TABLE 20 (cont.) Gender and Race of Dominant Subjects by Type of Source in Feature Stories in Sports Illustrated Kids, 2000 to 2009 Dominant Subjects (Athletes Only) Type of Source African African Asian Asian European European Hispanic Hispanic Total Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Fan Indeterminable Men 3 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 5 Indeterminable Women 1 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 3 Relative African Men 2 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 African Women 3 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 European Men 0 0 0 0 2 1 0 0 3 European Women 0 0 0 0 2 3 0 0 5 Indeterminable Men 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 Teammate African Men 27 0 0 0 13 2 5 0 47 African Women 0 3 0 0 0 3 0 0 6 Asian Men 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 European Men 10 0 3 0 22 3 2 0 40 European Women 1 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 3 Hispanic Men 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 1 Indeterminable Men 1 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 3 Other African Men 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 African Women 2 0 0 0 1 1 0 0 4 Asian Men 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Asian Women 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 European Men 3 0 0 0 5 2 0 0 10 European Women 1 0 0 0 1 2 0 0 4 Hispanic Men 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Hispanic Women 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Indeterminable Men 3 1 0 0 4 0 0 0 8 Indeterminable Women 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 2 Total 208 27 11 5 200 78 29 3 561 Men 189 9 11 2 180 34 27 1 453 Women 19 18 0 3 20 44 2 2 108