Wisconsin Magazine of History

Profiles in Politics: British Embassy Viczvs of Prominent Americans in 1939 Edited by THOMAS E. HACHEY The General and the Senator: Republican Politics and the 1952 Campaign in Wisconsin ROBERT GRIFFITH The South in the Saddle: Racial Politics During the Wilson Years MORTON SOSNA I'redcrick Jackson Turner: A Note on the Intellectual and the Professional BURTON J. BLEDSTEIN l^roceedings of the One Hundred and l\vcnty-fonrlh Annual Meeting

Published hf the State Historical Society of Wisconsin / Vol. 54, No. 1 / Autumn, 1970 THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF WISCONSIN

JAMES MORTON SMITH, Director

Officers E. DAVID CUONON, President GEORGE BANTA, JR., Honorary Vice-President JOHN C. GEILFUSS, First Vice-President E. E. HOMSTAD, Treasurer HowAiU) W. MEAD, Second Vice-President JAMES MORTON SMITH, Sccretanj

Board of Curators Ex-0(ficio WARREN P. KNOWLES, Governor of the State HAROLD \V. CLEMENS, State Treasurer ROBERT C. ZIMMERMAN, Secretary of State JOHN C. WEAVER, President of the Unhersitij MRS. GEORC^E SWART, President of the Wonien's Auxiliary Term Expires, 1971 ROGER E. AXTELL KENNETH W. HAAGENSEN MOWHY SMITH MiLO K. SWANTON Janesville Oconomowoc Neenah Madison MRS. HENRY BALDWIN ROBERT B. L. MURPHY MRS. WM. H. L. SMYTHE CEDRIC A. VIG Wisconsin Rapids Madison Milwaukee Rhinelander HORACE M. BENSTEAD FREDERIC E. RISSER WILLIAM F. STARK CLARK WILKINSON Racine Madi.son Nashotah Baraboo

Term Expires, 1972 E. DAVID CRONON MRS. ROBERT E. FRIEND MRS. HOWARD T. GREENE WAYNE J. HOOD Madison Hartland Genesee Depot La Crosse SCOTT M. CUTLIP ROBERT A. GEHRKE BEN GUTHRIE J. WARD RECTOR Madison Ripon Lac du Flambeau Milwaukee W. NORMAN FITZGERALD JOHN C. GEILFUSS MRS. R. L. HARTZELL CLIFFORD D. SWANSON Milwaukee Milwaukee GRANTSBURG Stevens Point

Term Expires, 1973 THOMAS H. BARLAND MRS. EDWARD C. JONES HOWARD W. MEAD DONALD C. SLIGHTER Eau Claire Fort Atkinson Madison Milwaukee JIM DAN HILL MRS. RAYMOND J. KOLTES FREDERICK I. OLSON DR. LOUIS C. SMITH Middleton Madison Wauwatosa Lancaster E. E. HOMSTAD CHARLES R. MCCALLUM F. HARWOOD ORBISON ROBERT S. ZIGMAN Black River Falls Hubertus Appleton Milwaukee

Honorary Honorary Life Members WILLIAM ASHBY MCCLOY, New London, Connecticut PRESTON E. MCNALL, Clearwater, Florida JOHN C. JACQUES, Madison DOROTHY L. PARK, Madison BENTON H. WILCOX, Madison Fellows VERNON CARSTENSEN MERLE CURTI ALICE E. SMITH

The Women's Auxiliary Officers MRS. GEORGE SWART, Fort Atkinson, President Miss >lAaiE BABKMAN, Sheboygan, Vice-President \() s ROTH DAVIS, Madison, Secretary MRS. RI : u RD G. ZIMMERMANN, Sheboygan, Treasurer MR' ; ) WARD H. RIKKERS, Madison, Ex-Ofjicio VOLUME 54, NUMBER 1 / AUTUMN, 1910

Magazine of History

WILLIAM CONVERSE HAYGOOD, Editor WILLIAM C. MARTEN, Associate Editor

"The Resolution": An H. T. Webster Cartoon Profiles in Politics: British Embassy Views of Prominent Americans in 1939 Edited by THOMAS E. HACHEY The General and the Senator: Republican Politics and the 1952 Campaign in Wisconsin ROBERT GRIFFITH 23 The South in the Saddle: Racial Politics During the Wilson Years MORTON SOSNA 30 Frederick Jackson Turner: A Note on the Intellectual and the Professional

BURTON J. BLEDSTEIN 50 Book Reviews 56 Proceedings of the One Hundred and Twenty-fourth Annual Business Meeting of the State Historical Society 69 Contributors 84

Published Quarterly by The State Historical Society of Wisconsin

THE WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY is published by contributors. Second-class postage paid at Madison, quarterly by the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, Wis. Copyright © 1970 by the State Historical Society of 816 State Street, Madison, Wisconsin 53706. Distributed Wisconsin. Paid for in part by the Maria L. and Simeon to members as part of their dues (Annual membership, Mills Editorial Fund and by the George B. Burrows Fund. $7.50; Family membership, $10; Contributing, $25; Busi­ Wisconsin newspapers may reprint any article appearing in ness and Professional, $50; Sustaining, $100 or more an­ the WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY providing the nually; Patron, $500 or more annually). Single numbers, story carries the following credit line: Reprinted from the $1.75. Microfilmed copies available through University State Historical Society's Wisconsin Magazine of History Microfilms, 313 North First Street, Ann Arbor, Michigan. for [insert the season and year which appear on the Maga­ Communications should be addressed to the editor. The zine]. Society does not assume responsibility for statements made WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1970

- "T-H6 (Ze^OLO-Tior^ -

This 1930 drawing, from the Society's collection of more than 5,000 original H. T. Webster cartoons, strikes an immediately recognizable note to the many who have, or who are struggling to, break the tobacco habit. PROFILES IN POLITICS: British Embassy Views of Prominent Americans in 1939

Edited bv THOMAS E. HACHEY

N AUGUST 4, 1939, the British Embassy special attention was given to the pro- or anti- O in Washington, at the direction of Am­ British sentiments which a number of indi­ bassador Sir Ronald Lindsay, sent its dispatch viduals were known or suspected to share. No. 857 to Foreign Secretary Viscount Halifax There are no references among the Foreign in London. Designated Confidential, the docu­ Office or Embassy papers which would indicate ment was inauspiciously entitled Records of what guidelines, if any, were employed in de­ Leading Personalities in the United States and termining which individuals should be in­ contained biographical information, together cluded in the report.'* Most of the personalities with some critical opinion, of American lead­ discussed either held, or had held, positions of ers in a variety of professions.' After a careful political power; others had been drawn into examination by the American Department in that arena by virtue of their friendships or the London Foreign Office, the report was placed in the North American file for refer­ ence. Access to such a dispatch was thereafter 'Dispatch No. 857, Sir Ronald Lindsay, Wash­ restricted to selected officials of appropriate ington, to Viscount Halifax, London, 4 August 1939. Cabinet ministries. Foreign Office 371, Vol. 22834. "Access is now governed by the Public Records This and similar documents would have re­ Act 1967, which introduced from 1 January 1968 mained closed to public view for another two a "thirty-year rule," opening the records then to the end of 1937 and making provisions thereafter decades under the old "fifty-year rule" had not for the annual advancement of the open date on the British Parliament's Public Records Act I January of each year. A few papers are closed for fifty years by Lord Chancellor's instruments of 1967 reduced the waiting period on the use under Section 5 (i) of the 1958 Public Records Act. of government archives to thirty years. In ac­ •' A considerable part of the original text was cordance with the new ruling, the above- deleted in the editing of the document since no purpose would be served by including biographical mentioned report and virtually all other official sketches of obscure people destined to remain so. records for the year 1939 were made available Other sketches, which included commonly known for the first time in 1970.^ Their value for the information and those without critical opinion of any interest or significance, were likewise deleted. student of Anglo-American relations in the Dispatch No. 857 contained, in varying lengths, ac­ inter-war years is demonstrated by the number counts of 245 "leading personalities," whose names are included as a matter of record in the Editor's of insights afforded by the edited document note to this article. The vagaries of spelling and which follows. capitalization have been followed exactly as in the Written between the twilight of the New original typed manuscript, and [sic] has been em­ ployed only in those instances where it seemed es­ Deal and the dawn of the Second World War, sential. In the interest of space, the original para­ the report reflected the anxiety of the times as graphing has been altered slightly. WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1970 professions. Few periods in American history ALDRICH, WINTHROP WILLIAMS would yield such a galaxy of prominent stars President of the Chase National Bank. . . . as did 1939. The subjects of dispatch No. 857 is the son of a prominent New York family included Presidents, Cabinet Members and and a brother-in-law of John D. Rockefeller, Congressmen; diplomats and military chiefs; Jnr. . . . His ability and family and business labor leaders and captains of industry; bank­ connexions make him potentially one of the most important figures in Wall Street, where ers and financiers; publishers and journalists; he represents the powerful Rockefeller inter­ preachers and clergymen. Their careers ests. His experience, interests and training spanned the full panorama of the American should have equipped him with a sound knowl­ political scene in the twentieth century. Some edge of foreign affairs. had achieved distinction in the Progressive In the attack on Wall Street, which accom­ Era; others were products of the Wilsonian panied the triumph of the Democratic party, years; still others were among the late-comers Mr. Aldrich hastened to identify himself with to the New Deal. With such a number and the sheep and to disown the goats. He pro­ variety of personalities upon the public stage, claimed himself favourable to banking reform, portrayals by even the most skillful observers and to the divorce of security affiliates from were occasionally likely to be somewhat less banking corporations; and during the damn­ ing investigation of the activities of the Chase than accurate. Bank under Mr. [Albert Henry] Wiggin, he Dispatch No. 857 was almost certainly the ostentatiously held his nose at the revelations, product of a collective effort, representing facts and intimated that the Chase Bank, under his and views gleaned from both direct and in­ direction, was purer than driven snow. direct sources by staff members attached to the Washington Embassy. Its special value lies AVERY, SEWELL LEE in its revelation to Americans of the estimate . . . Mr. Avery has achieved increased which trained foreign observers had of im­ prominence of late as one of the few wealthy portant leaders in United States society. More­ men in Chicago to maintain his position and over, one can perceive the political persuasions his reputation throughout the depression. He and personal bias of the British authors as the has none of the traditional austere fanaticism report not infrequently reveals a conservative of the business magnate, and that is perhaps the secret of his success. Besides his powers as outlook, a condescending attitude, and a trace an "executive" and organiser, it is the multi­ of anti-Semitism. plicity of his interests, both outside and inside In view of the War which broke out less business, and his knowledge of human nature, than a month following the receipt of this that make him remarkable. This knowledge of document in London, and the relentless efforts human nature, combined with a gift for in­ spiring respect and affection, makes him em­ which the British Government subsequently pirical in his methods and inclined to con­ made to solicit the assistance of the United servatism, as are so many men who are more States in that struggle, this dispatch assumes interested in people than theories. Besides his still further significance. It should be viewed strictly business connexions, he has an interest and judged as one measure of the knowledge in the Chicago Daily News; is a trustee of and understanding which some English states­ Chicago University, the Museum of Science, men had of the men who would very likely in­ and Hull House; has a liking for attractive fluence American public opinion in the critical feminine society, and nevertheless, is respected times ahead. by the "hard-boiled," "one-track-mind" busi­ ness man. His gift for sarcastic epigrams has admittedly made him some enemies. . . .

AcHEsoN, DEAN BANKHEAD, WILLIAM B. ... A Marylander and a resident of Wash­ ... In 1935 he was elected Majority Leader ington, he is well known to this Embassy, with in the House, and on the death of Speaker whom he has always been on friendly terms. [Joseph W.] Byrns in May [June] 1936 he . . . He is an intelligent, energetic and humor­ was elected Speaker. His other claim to fame ous man. He readily appreciates the British is that he is the father of the actress, Tallulah. point of view in matters affecting Anglo- Not to be confused with his brother, John H. American relations. Bankhead, Senator for Alabama. The Speaker HACHEY: PROFILES IN POLITICS

is a capable, agreeable and intelligent man, now onwards, finance in this important post extremely friendly to Great Britain. will be subordinated to politics.

BARTON, BRUCE BF.RLE, ADOLPH AUGUSTUS Born in Tennessee, 1886, the son of a clergy­ Mr. Berle was born in 1895 and had an man. Started in journalism and later became academic career at Harvard of such distinction chairman of an important advertising firm in that he has never quite recovered from it. He New York. Elected in 1937 as the only Repub­ graduated with honours at 17 and became a lican representative from the city of New York LL.B. at 21. . . . Mr. Berle is a small Jew with and retained his seat in 1938. Mr. Barton has a pleasant manner. Assistant Secretary of State written books on religion. He is a fine-looking, since 1937 [1938], he is a 100 per cent in­ sincere and agreeable man and has already tellectual, and is a specialist in too many sub­ made a mark in the House to such an extent jects to be quite convincing on any of them. that some people look upon him as a future He is, however, very intelligent, and has writ­ President. ten an extremely able book on the Modern Corporation of Private Property, which was BARUCH, BERNARD MANNES published in 1932.* He is married to a wealthy Mr. Baruch, who once described himself wife, who is a blue-stocking of the deepest dye. quite frankly before a Senate committee as a She lectures on "Euthenics" in a woman's col­ "speculator," was born in 1870 of Portuguese- lege, and has recently qualified as a doctor of Jewish stock. . . . Mr. Baruch is a Democrat medicine. and has in the past liberally contributed to Democratic funds from his enormous fortune. BILBO, THEODORE G. He has, however, always remained in the back­ Mr. Bilbo was elected Democratic Senator ground. He prefers wire-pulling to the assump­ from Mississippi in November 1934. . . . He tion of responsibility. In 1931 Mr. Baruch was has made some forty sweeping radical among the leading citizens of the United States promises, the redistribution of wealth being appointed by Mr. Hoover to constitute an Ad­ the cardinal point in his programme. He also visory Committee on Unemployment, and he is promised to expose certain "invisible forces" also said to have lent a hand in organising the controlling the Government machine in Wash­ Reconstruction Finance Corporation. He was ington. A fiery Baptist of diminutive stature, a lukewarm supporter of Mr. Roosevelt for the he is a figure whom the Administration have Democratic nomination, but jumped on the watched with anxiety. He is capable of the bandwagon just in time. . . . His commanding worst forms of demagogy. But he is also a bit characteristic, apart from his undoubted of a chameleon, and in the Senate he has be­ shrewdness, is his vanity, an amiable weakness haved with relative decorum. upon which politicians of his party have fre­ quently endeavoured to play. Personally, he is BLACK, JUSTICE HUGO L. an agreeable man with a considerable sense of Born in Birmingham, Alabama, 1886, and humour. He once informed the financial ad­ practised the law there until elected to the viser of this Embassy that he was "the softest Senate in 1927. In August 1937 he was ap­ man in the United States." . . . pointed an assistant justice of the United States Supreme Court, and his nomination produced BELL, DANIEL W. a violent outburst of criticism on the ground Acting Director of the Budget since Septem­ of his being prejudiced and an extreme radical ber 1934. Mr. Bell is an able young man and partisan. Subsequently, an old story of his may be described as a civil servant of the best association with the Ku Klux Klan was raked type, being highly competent, with all the facts up by the Opposition press and never quite and figures of his subject at his fingers' ends, satisfactorily rebutted. Mr. Justice Black is but with no ability to formulate or recommend making a name for himself in the Supreme anything in the way of policy. He acted as an Court for the frequency with which he dis­ expert on the American side during the debt sents from the majority view. discussions in Washington in 1933. BLOOM, SOL His appointment represented a complete Born in Illinois, 1870. A member of the change from the policy of Mr. Lewis Douglas, House of Representatives from New York, and who had fought the Government tooth and nail in the interests of retrenchment and budget balancing. Whether he will be a permanency •• The correct title of Berle's book is The Modern remains uncertain; but it is clear that, from Corporation and Private Property. WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1970 a conspicuous Jew, as is also his cheerful, BRANDEIS, LOUIS DENBITZ rather vulgar but very friendly wife. He is . . . He was appointed an associate justice now chairman of the House Committee on by President Wilson, and his judgments whilst Foreign Affairs, a very important post. He is serving on the Supreme Court have been char­ extremely friendly to us and always anxious acterised by a progressiveness of outlook un­ to help. Mr. Bloom is a born showman and is usual in that Conservative body. He has liberal supposed to have been in the circus business. ideas and has done a good deal of dabbling in His speciality in Congress has been to encour­ politics behind the scenes. A statement by age the enormous centennial celebrations General Johnson that he had regularly con­ which are so prevalent here, and he has always sulted Judge Brandeis on important points of done it with triumphal success—indeed, he policy as National Recovery Administrator does it with such gusto as to become a little created a considerable outcry. He is the author ridiculous. This is a pity, as he certainly has of a book. Other People's Money, with refer­ intelligence as well as untiring energy, but he ence to its use by bankers, the ideas in which is likely to make himself felt in his committee have had an influence on the Administration. and we may feel sure that he will do so in Judge Brandeis is undoubtedly a man of useful ways. . . . outstanding intelligence and ability and bears his advanced age well. Resigned 1939 and BORAH, WILLIAM EDGAR succeeded by William 0. Douglas. . . . He still Senior Senator from Idaho. . . . Mr. Borah takes a keen interest in the Jewish movement is a true independent in politics. His honest, in Palestine and is a critic of British policy but stubborn and forceful personality is at its there. best in opposition. He has been the enfant terrible of American politics, at all times con­ BULLITT, WILLIAM C. cerned jealously to assert the rights of the United States Ambassador in Paris. . . . legislature to control the action of the Execu­ took part in the peace negotiations at Ver­ tive; but he has been unable to cooperate very sailles. He was sent on a secret mission to long with any President or party. . . . Senator Russia for which, and for himself, he managed Borah has in the past shown himself to be an on his return to secure the widest publicity in expert in making the press into a sounding the press. He then returned to the United board for his views, and he used regularly to States and achieved notoriety by "disclosures," issue ex cathedra pronouncements on ques­ which the Senators opposing ratification of tions of the day and, particularly, on inter­ the Versailles Treaty exploited to the full. national affairs. . . . His present influence is According to a newspaper account he is sup­ difficult to estimate. In the presidential cam­ posed to be a mild Socialist, and has many paign of 1932 he supported neither side, and friends among the so-called "parlour-pinks" in he has now lost the position of chairman of New York. He is interested in psycho-analysis the Senate Committee on Foreign Affairs. He and is said to have been a patient of Dr. has by no means committed himself to support Freud.^ The same account says that he is shy. of the New Deal. . . . His views on monetary He does not, however, give this impression, policy are radical. He is almost an ideal Sena­ but appears on the contrary to be well satisfied tor, with no desire to put forward constructive with himself and his own cleverness. In 1932 ideas, but always anxious so to frame his he worked for Mr. Roosevelt in his election utterances that he will afterwards be able to campaign, and in the winter visited London prove that he was right and everyone else was and Paris, where he represented himself as an wrong. emissary of the President-Elect, and secured Personally he possesses a good deal of interviews with members of His Majesty's and charm, some genuine liberalism and a real the French Governments to discuss the war liking and admiration for Great Britain. He debts, and again contrived to get himself well likes to think of himself as a 20th century advertised in the press, though he refrained Charles James Fox.' But, like most American politicians, he is too apt to subordinate his convictions to the expediency of the moment. " In this connection see Stanley Mallach, "Clio on the Couch: Woodrow Wilson and the Abuse of Freudianism," which contains an assessment of the book, Thomas Woodrow Wilson, Twenty-eighth Presi­ dent of the United States: A Psychological Study, '^English statesman and orator (1749-1806), whose by Sigmund Freud and William C. Bullitt (1967), political career was spent almost entirely in oppo­ in Wisconsin Magazine of History, 51:53-56 (Au­ sition. tumn, 1967). HACHEY: PROFILES IN POLITICS from actually disclosing either the nature of Roman Catholic college. In 1926 he became his credentials or what he had been talking a priest at Detroit. Father Coughlin obtained about. ... In the autumn [of 1936] he was great influence through his sermons over the appointed Ambassador to France. He is un­ radio, which were reputedly heard by some 20 scrupulous; and is no friend of Great Britain. millions of people every Sunday. He is a vio­ lent demagogue and inveighs particularly BUTLER, DR. NICHOLAS MURRAY against Wall Street and big industry. He . . . He has been connected with Columbia started as a warm, if somewhat embarrassing, University since 1886, and has been president supporter of Mr. Roosevelt and the New Deal, since 1902. ... He makes numerous public and as a strong inflationist and nationalist. appearances in support of greater co-operation During 1935 Father Coughlin's influence is in world affairs by the United States, but there understood to have diminished considerably. is something in his personality which seems In the autumn he m.ade some very virulent to bore his audiences and his readers, and his attacks on Great Britain's policy towards the advocacy of any particular policy or cause Italo-Ethiopian dispute, but later confined his seems to carry little weight. . . . attacks to the President on domestic questions. CAPPER, ARTHUR In 1936 he was one of the main supporters of Mr. Lemke's candidature for the presidency.'^ Senior Senator for Kansas. . . . elected to After the result of the election was known, he the United States Senate as a Republican in announced his decision to discontinue his wire­ 1918 and re-elected in 1924, 1930, and 1934 less talks, which then ceased. [1936]. Senator Capper exerted considerable influence in the agricultural Middle West; and Although the Roman Catholic Church there was a saying that "Senator Capper is frowned on his activities, it was only after the saying to-day what the Middle West was think­ appointment of a new Bishop of Detroit in ing yesterday." 1937 that he was publicly reprimanded; this He was a strong supporter of prohibition was the result of a particularly unpleasant at­ and of movements for world peace, and he was tack on the President. The Vatican subse­ the author of the Capper resolution which pro­ quently announced that this reprimand had posed an embargo on munitions of war to any their approval. Father Coughlin, however, be­ country which violated the Kellogg Pact. He gan a new series of broadcasts in 1938, which runs a magazine called Capper's Weekly. Per­ are violently anti-Semitic, anti-Roosevelt and sonally, he gives the impression of being a pro-General Franco. weak and foolish little man, and his influence CURRY, JOHN F. is probably on the wane. Mr. Curry was born in Ireland in 1873, and CARTER, BOAKE brought as an infant to New York City, where Born in Baku [Russia] in 1898 of British he was educated in the municipal schools, mar­ parents, and served in the Royal Air Force in ried in 1906 Mary Frances McKiernan of New 1918. Came to America in 1920, and was York City, and has grown up with the city and naturalised in 1933. Mr. Carter was until 1938 its politics. ... He was a member of the Execu­ one of the leading radio commentators and tive Committee of Tammany Hall from 1905 had a vast audience. Having become an Ameri­ to 1929. can citizen, he has turned extremely anti- Judged by local standards, Mr. Curry is as British, and might well be a harmful influence honest as can be expected of a ward politician, in certain circumstances, as many of his broad­ but he cannot be absolved from a large share casts and articles deal with foreign affairs, of responsibility for the incompetence and cor­ and he is an extreme isolationist. His contract ruption that have brought the City of New with Philco Radio, who paid for his broad­ York under Tammany administration to the casts, expired in 1938, the rumour being that verge of bankruptcy. He has a genius for they were disturbed at the number of protests silence, plays a good game of golf and for received about his talks and at his violent approximately forty years past politics have denunciation of the Administration. been his principal activity and interest. By sheer hard work he qualified himself for the COUGHLIN, CHARLES EDWARD position of "Boss" of his own ward through Father Coughlin was born in Canada of American parents in 1891 and educated at the University of Toronto. He was ordained a " William Lemke, the North Dakota Congressman priest of the Roman Catholic Church in 1916 who ran as the Union party candidate for President and taught philosophy for six years in a in 1936. He ran third, having polled 882,479 votes. WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1970 his ability to secure a majority of votes for DEWEY, THOMAS E. the Tammany candidates at elections. To do Born in Michigan in 1902. Mr. Dewey was this, the "Boss" must know virtually everyone called to the New York Bar in 1926 and was in his ward personally and intimately and, for appointed United States Attorney in 1933. In this purpose, Curry maintained an office in the 1934 and 1935 he was back in private practice ward, where he daily attended at the conclu­ and then was appointed Special Prosecutor of the Racket and Vice Investigation ordered by sion of his professional labours and dealt per­ Mayor La Guardia. In this work he has been sonally and sympathetically with the invari­ most courageous and successful in obtaining ably large numbers of proteges in his ward convictions against many of the worst crim­ who sought his assistance because of difficul­ inals whose activities are not confined to the ties with creditors, landlords, the police, &c., city of New York, but who have affiliations in and with Tammany's influence and money to all the larger cities of the country. In Novem­ "protect" the weak, the unfortunate and, not ber 1937 he was elected District Attorney for infrequently, the criminal. New York, where he has gained great popular credit as a "racket buster," notably by his Curry has consistently remained a staunch successful prosecution of the Tammany boss, orthodox Tammany official of the old school James J. Hines, in 1938-39. Narrowly defeated and, in spite of serious opposition — especially by Mr. Lehman in the 1938 election for Gov­ from Mr. Smith — he became "Boss" of Tam­ ernor of New York State, and now, despite his many in April 1929. In this capacity Mr. Curry youth and political inexperience, widely spoken has shown himself extraordinarily loyal and of as a Republican candidate for the presi­ generous at the expense of the voter and has dency in 1940. He has not, however, declared dispensed more patronage on behalf of Tam­ his willingness to run. many Hall than any previous "Boss," but, in spite of his generosity and loyalty to his fol­ DIES, MARTIN, [JR.] lowers and his ability as an organiser and Democrat Representative from Texas. worker, he has shown himself singularly un­ Gained great publicity in 1938-39 as chair­ fortunate as a political seer and has fre­ man of a House Committee for the investiga­ quently opposed victors or supported losers. tion of "Un-American Activities" an office Notwithstanding Mr. Curry's serious disagree­ which he discharged with the utmost lack of ment with Mr. Smith, Tammany Hall and its discretion or responsibility in his choice of "Boss" solidly opposed the candidacy of Presi­ witnesses and procedure, owing chiefly to his dent Roosevelt and supported that of Mr. youth and inexperience of the advertising uses Smith at the National Democratic Convention to which a congressional investigation can be of 1932 until it was too late to change alle­ put. He is, however, said to be personally giance effectively. Similarly, Tammany, under pleasant and modest. Mr. Curry, opposed the candidacy, which was DoDD, DR. WILLIAM E. advocated by President Roosevelt and Mr. Smith, of Herbert H. Lehman for the governor­ ... He was appointed United States Am­ bassador in Berlin by President Roosevelt ship of New York State. in 1933. He had not previously been regarded . . . With the election of Mr. La Guardia as as politically active in the Democratic party, Mayor of New York, Tammany has been tem­ and his appointment came as a great surprise. porarily eclipsed; and Mr. Curry has lost his He is a great friend of Senator Carter Glass, effective leadership. and it is believed that it was through his influence that he obtained his present posi­ DAVIS, NORMAN H. tion. Formerly Under-Secretary of State. ... He In the course of his studies Mr. Dodd se­ has been subjected to repeated newspaper at­ cured a Ph.D. at Leipzig. He likes Germany, tacks, for his name appeared on the Morgan but he is known to be thoroughly Liberal in "preferred list," and he was implicated in his views, and it has been more than clear some financial transactions in Cuba which that he has not the least sympathy with the were severely criticised. He is also "suspect" as present regime in Germany. an "internationalist." He has a good knowl­ Mr. Dodd is no orator. The substance of edge of the European diplomatic field and is his speeches is always good, but, strange as fundamentally friendly to Great Britain, but it may seem in one who has been a professor unfortunately he is excitable, apt to be sus­ in a university for twenty or thirty years, his picious without cause, and rather a bore. delivery is exceptionally poor, and he can HACHEY: PROFILES IN POLITICS only be heard within a radius of a few yards. nomic Affairs since 1937. . . . He was chief He is the author of numerous works on his­ technical adviser to the United States delega­ torical subjects. He resigned his post as Am­ tion at the London Economic Conference of bassador in December 1937, and is now in 1933; and has been prominent in discussions failing health. with the United Kingdom concerning war debts. Born in 1893, he is a Jew, strongly DOUGLAS, JUSTICE WILLIAM ORVILLE resembling Harpo Marx of film fame. He Appointed Associate Justice of the Su­ does not hesitate at times to criticise the ac­ preme Court 1939, in succession to Justice tions of his Government, but is alert to defend Brandeis. . . . Mr. Douglas is a very alert and his country's standpoint in any difference of energetic young man of distinctly Left-wing opinion with foreign Powers. He has a quick views. Nevertheless, his appointment to the and cultured mind and a certain queer charm Supreme Court was very popular. of manner. ECCLES, MARRINER S. FORD, HENRY Governor of the Federal Reserve Board since November 1934. . . . Most of the press ... In politics Mr. Ford has seldom been regarded his appointment as an indication taken seriously. He entertains fantastic ideas that "billion-dollar spending" as opposed to on international matters and is a practical retrenchment and budget balancing would pacifist. His most notable exploit during the continue to be the policy of the Administra­ war was his despatch to Europe [in 1915] of tion. He has been much influenced by the a peace ship "to take [get] the boys out of writings of J. M. Keynes, and, though not a the trenches by Christmas." With the promul­ radical in banking, probably wants to see an gation of the automobile code under the Na­ increase in governmental control of the Fed­ tional Recovery Administration Mr. Ford eral Reserve Board and Banks, and hopes for became, however, a factor of political im­ Government ownership thereof if and when portance. Although his wages were reputedly it could be secured without danger to public higher and his hours shorter than those pres­ credit. He would also welcome control of all ented in the code, he refused to sign the code, forms of transportation. He gives the impres­ presumably on account of the labour provi­ sion of being a man of strong character, and sions. He continued, however, to comply with of an active and independent mind. He is the "law." . . . He has an interesting and more interested in the internal than in the sympathetic face and manner, looking rather international aspects of the problem, believ­ like an ascetic medieval saint. His habits of ing that domestic recovery here would go far life are of the simplest, though it is said that towards easing the world economic disequili­ he has twice refused 1,000 million dollars for brium. his business.

FARLEY, JAMES A. FRANKFURTER, FELIX Postmaster-General. . . . He is an Irish . . . Professor Frankfurter holds no official American Roman Catholic. . . . His enemies position, but he has exercised considerable say that he is altogether "too unanimous." In influence under the New Deal. He has been New York opinion about him is mixed. Some frequently consulted on legislation, and he regard him as "honest," others as a politician has been instrumental in appointing a num­ of Machiavellian subtlety. The correct esti­ ber of young lawyers to important posts in mate of him is probably somewhere about the Administration. Professor Frankfurter is midway between these two extremes. He is an extremely clever Jew. His unsparing criti­ not believed to be a Radical or associated cism of the Sacco-Vanzetti trial excited both with the Radical wing of his party, but, on criticism and admiration. Appointed As­ the other hand, Conservative interests have sociate Justice of the United States Supreme not much confidence in his personal inte­ Court 1939. grity, and he may perhaps be regarded as a local politician who has been thrown more or GARNER, JOHN NANCE less accidentally into national politics and Vice-President of the United States. . . . whose political fortunes are probably on the Mr. Garner is a ruddy and robust man of wane. forceful personality, and an effective and ag­ gressive debater. . . . Mr. Garner was "run" FEIS, HERBERT by Mr. Hearst as a candidate for the Demo­ Economic Advisor to the State Department cratic nomination in 1932 and, as a result since 1931 and Adviser in International Eco­ of the "deal" between Mr. Roosevelt. Mr. WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1970

Hearst and Mr. MacAdoo [sic], became vice- preaches, no doubt disingenuously, the thirty- presidential candidate, apparently on condi­ hour week as the first plank in the Federa­ tion that he kept his mouth shut. He hardly tion's policy. He also publicly accuses the took part in the presidential campaign, and extremists of fomenting communism with the since Mr. Roosevelt's inauguration has aid of Russian money, a charge which the scarcely opened his mouth. He has, indeed, Administration has several times endorsed, been driven into the traditional vice-presi­ presumably to strengthen his position. He dential obscurity. Mr. Garner lives up to the strikes one in conversation as the quintes­ character of a rough-and-ready farmer from sence of honesty and common sense; and his Texas, and deliberately flouts social and sar­ disappearance would be a great loss to the torial conventions. He has shown himself to Government. be very obtuse, but he is a good politician and knows the temper of Congress. He suf­ HARKNESS, EDWARD STEPHEN fers from the weakness which afflicted so A railway magnate of vast wealth and many people under the dry regime. During" almost equal philanthrophy. ... In Septem­ the 1936 campaign, which resulted in his re­ ber 1930 Mr. Harkness gave a sum of £2 election as Vice-President, he remained as million to Great Britain, to be used for the silent as in 1932. benefit of the country under a board of As Vice-President Mr. Garner's position trustees, this being the sole condition. In the condemns him to comparative obscurity, but deed of gift Mr. Harkness went to the trouble he is the greatest expert on the feeling and of writing in terms of admiration for the temper of Congress, and in this way he exer­ efforts of Great Britain in and since the war cises a great deal of influence among the and of sympathy with her in her losses and members of both Houses. His only criterion burdens. In October Mr. Harkness followed on any question is how it will affect the mem­ this gift up with one of £5 million, to be bers of Congress; and this is, of course, a used in Great Britain for charity. narrow point of view, and one that is gen­ He is now said to be rather hard up. erally liable to lead to obstruction and diffi­ culty if carried too far. He is thus a strong HEARST, WILLIAM RANDOLPH opponent of all proposals for reopening the ... He owns a large chain of daily papers question of war debts. Probably he is also a and periodicals stretching right across the strong isolationist, but in spite of these two continent, ... It is doubtful whether he really points, I think he is not unfriendly to Great holds any convictions at all on any subject, Britain. but in journalism he, many years ago, broke In the Supreme Court controversy he new ground in the systematic exploitation of gradually came to adopting an attitude very the lowest human emotions for purposes of hostile to the President, and probably had money making. The sensationalism of his a good deal to do with the ultimate defeat press has played its part in the corruption of the President's desires. At present he is of American tastes and morals, and the crude being talked of as a prospective candidate form of patriotism, which he advocates as for the presidency in 1940, and seems to be the standard of international politics, has rather pleased at the prospect; nevertheless, materially added to the difficulties of the he is not the sort of person who will be world. The anti-British attitude which he chosen by the Democratic National Conven­ normally adopts is merely an incident in this tion, though he is likely to exercise a good scheme and arises from no particular aver­ deal of influence in that body in the direction sion to Great Britain, except at moments of conservative democracy. when he remembers that in England he counts for nothing, and is systematically (and GREEN, WILLIAM rightly) ignored. Indeed, he would probably President of the American Federation of like to be pro-British often and long enough Labour. . . . Like the majority of labour to obtain a permanent footing on some aris­ leaders in this country, his outlook on in­ tocratic level, but only on condition of being dustrial matters in general, and organised able simultaneously to maintain his influence labour in particular, is extremely Conserva­ with his myriad readers by pandering to their tive. Indeed, his control and that of the other lowest feelings, for which purpose even to­ Conservative officials of the Federation were day it is occasionally necessary for him to considerably impaired during 1934 by a wallow in anti-British lies. He thus presents group of dissatisfied young Radicals. To the tragic spectacle of a man falling between counter the challenge of the Radicals he the two stools of vanity and lust for power.

10 HACHEY: PROFILES IN POLITICS

This latter has throughout been the main­ HUGHES, CHARLES EVANS spring of his activities, and it is fascinating" . . . He was nominated Republican can­ to speculate whether or not he can regard his didate for the presidency in 1916 and re­ life, for all his wealth, as a success. ceived 254 electoral votes as against 277 for . . . His personal morals have always been Woodrow Wilson. ... On the death of Chief decidedly modern. He maintains two vast Justice Taft, Mr. Hughes was appointed Chief establishments on the most sumptuous scale, Justice of the United States, a post which he the one for Mrs. Hearst and the other for fills with the utmost distinction. His health Marion Davies. The two ladies never come has not been good lately. into contact with each other, but each is The Supreme Court controversy put Mr. treated with the elaborate and pseudo-majes­ Hughes into great difficulties, but he bridged tic courtesy of a cinema film [star]. them with extreme wisdom and circumspec­ tion, and it is largely due to his tact that the HOOVER, HERBERT controversy did not become even more seri­ Ex-President of the United States. . . . He ous. Mr. Hughes is a very impressive per­ was elected President of the United States sonality and a good and interesting talker. with a mandate to carry on the policies of He commands great respect throughout the his predecessor, when the country was ap­ country. Though essentially a Conservative, parently at the summit of prosperity. It is he is wise enough to see the advantage of frequently said that Mr. Roosevelt is a man judicious liberalism. of destiny, born under a lucky star; but it is certain that Mr. Hoover was born under HULL, CORDELL an unlucky star. Shy in temperament, uneasy Born in Tennessee, October 1871, but is and awkward in social intercourse, he was older than his years. Appointed Secretary of not quick to make friends, and he was almost State by President Roosevelt March 1933. . . . entirely lacking in personal charm. He did In the numerous discussions which took not possess the power to turn on a cheerful place with the Embassy and the Prime Minis­ smile, to give the glad hand, or to make the ter's delegation in April 1933, Mr. Hull, as humorous remark which means so much to a rule, was content to "sit in with you gentle­ a publicity-ridden country. He was never men" and confined himself to an occasional good news value, he disliked the press, and disquisition in general and theoretical terms never knew how to handle it. His awkward­ on the necessity of clearing away obstruc­ ness with people made him awkward in poli­ tions to international trade; for he is a firm tics, and during the first two years of his believer in economic internationalism and term he dealt unsuccessfully with Congress. made several speeches denouncing the folly of isolation when he first came into office...... Mr. Hoover has undoubted ability and Mr. Hull is a man of the utmost integrity, an immense capacity for work, and he is a dignity and charm. He behaves with great man of integrity and strength of character, courtesy to heads of missions, and replies at but he is stubborn and obstinate, and he has great length to any question they may put an inflexibility of mind which made it diffi­ to him; but when they return to their houses, cult for him to adapt himself to new condi­ they usually have difficulty in remembering tions. It was, perhaps, for this reason and anything he has said that deserves to be for the reason that he lacked the common reported. touch, that he never became the leader or gained the confidence of the country. . . . HuTCHiNs, ROBERT MAYNARD President of the University of Chicago. HOPKINS, HARRY L. Born in 1899, Dr. Hutchins is one of the Secretary of Commerce. . . . Mr. Hopkins youngest university presidents.* He is a Yale has a large family and no private means. An man, and has taught at that university for alert little man, obviously sincere and devoted some years. He is looked on as a daring to his work, he has shown considerable cour­ innovator in education, and has organised a age in resisting attempts by the various States completely new system of education at Chi­ to secure undue largesse from Federal funds; cago, despite the misgivings of those who and he is constantly expressing himself in disliked seeing the only first-class Middle public with refreshing frankness. He is one of President Roosevelt's closest advisers. Transferred to Department of Commerce ^ When named president of the University of Chi­ 1939 in succession to Mr. Daniel Roper. cago in 1929, Hutchins was only thirty.

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Western university become the corpus vile for an amiable old gentleman, though he is very experiments. narrowminded. His main achievement at the university is He has earned the title of the "Iron Can­ the abolition of the old "credits" system, celler" by his sponsorship of the Congres­ whereby students had to attend classes as sional resolution bearing his name, which, regularly as boys at school and obtain neces­ by insisting on stigmatising arrears as de­ sary marks towards a degree as a result of fault, terminated the British and other token constant examinations in their subjects. payments on the war debts. Under Hutchins's plan the students are given freedom comparable with that of under­ JOHNSON, GENERAL HUGH S. graduates at Oxford and Cambridge to work Ex-National Recovery Administrator. . . . or loaf as they desire. The result is reported On the formation of the National Recovery to have been highly gratifying, only an in­ Administration he was appointed Administra­ finitesimal percentage of the students failing tor, allegedly at the instigation of Mr. to develop that sense of responsibility and Baruch, and became one of the most prom­ that desire for study which are, of course, inent figures in the country. He had what essentials of such a scheme. Those in a posi­ Americans describe as a colorful personality. tion to known [51c] contend that the new His driving powers and capacity for work system puts a premium on scholarships, at­ were immense. He has the military type of tracts a better type of student, keeps away mind, which brushes aside obstacles and ig­ the dilettante, and has, in short, justified nores precedents. In addition, he has a great itself beyond all doubt. It is noticeable that flair for publicity and a command of lan­ both professors and students at the University guage which is both unorthodox and vigor­ of Chicago unite in praising the scheme, and ous, and which frequently verges on the that the impression prevails that it tends to blasphemous or the obscene. He talks a great make "scholars" where the old system merely deal — much too much, in fact — and his ground out "students." violent threats to "crack down" on all per­ He has been prominently before the public sons and organisations which crossed his as chairman of a special committee appointed path did not contribute to his popularity. by the Social Science Research Council and His position finally became impossible, financed by the Rockefeller Trust. It has especially when under the pressure of over­ issued a lengthy report on international eco­ work he began to indulge in drinking bouts nomic relations, urging strongly inter alia the — for which he had been notorious earlier lowering of international tariff barriers and in his career. He finally resigned in Septem­ the cancellation of war debts. ber last amid well-organised demonstrations of public gratitude. With him went Miss JACKSON, ROBERT H. Robinson ("Robbie"), his devoted private Solicitor-General since 1938. . . . He is an secretary, who had, as a rather ridiculous attractive and vigorous personality and may figure, became [sic] almost as well known to have a fine career ahead of him. the public as himself. The National Recovery Administration was then reformed, being JOHNSON, HIRAM split up into a number of departments. Gen­ ... In 1920 he refused to accept the Re­ eral Johnson deserves great credit for its publican nomination for the Vice-Presidency; early achievements and cannot be made the memory of this great refusal (which cost responsible for many of its later failures. . . .^ him the Presidency) has rankled and has permanently embittered Mr. Johnson. In 1924 JOHNSON, COLONEL LOUIS A. he ran against Mr. Coolidge in the primaries Assistant Secretary of War since June without success, again in 1931 he had a mild 1937. ... As Assistant Secretary of War Mr. attack of presidentitis, and in a violent news­ Johnson is in charge of the purchase of all paper interview remarked that if Mr. Hoover would retire, he would earn the undying gratitude of the Republican party. ° The above entry was obviously written some years before 1939. Johnson was administrator of ... He favours inflation. He does not the National Recovery Administration (NRA) from mince his words, and in committees of en­ June 1933 to October 1934. On May 27, 1935, the Supreme Court declared the National Industrial Re­ quiry his attitude recalls the prosecuting covery Act (NIRA), of which NRA was a part, attorney rather than the impartial enquirer or unconstitutional. For a time in 1935 Johnson was the statesman: personally, he appears to be Works Progress Administrator for New York City.

12 HACHEY: PROFILES IN POLITICS supplies for the army in peace time and of heavy Federal unemployment relief expendi­ arrangements for industrial preparedness for tures. He is a good speaker and is generally war. popular. Both he and his brother are able He is a man with much drive, energy and politicians, good fighters, and convinced ambition, and has a forceful personality; he champions of the particular brand of pro­ has done excellent work in the field of in­ gressive idealism, not far removed from dustrial planning and is active in getting socialism, with which the name of the La round the country to visit business leaders Follette dynasty has always been associated, and plants. He is on occasions inclined to and which was responsible for what was "short circuit" Mr. [Harry Hines] Woodring, called the "Wisconsin experiment" in enlight­ the Secretary of War — whose shoes he ex­ ened administration. In 1932 Philip, the pects to fill — and the Army Chief of Staff, younger and abler brother, failed to secure and frequently has direct access to the Presi­ re-election as Governor of the State. He was dent. Altogether a more forceful personality blamed by the Socialists for not doing enough than the Secretary of War. to relieve distress, and by the Republicans for spending too much and taxing too high KENNEDY,JOSEPH P. for the relief of distress. The Democrats put Mr. Kennedy is the son of Patrick Kennedy, up their own candidates instead of, as in the former State Senator of Massachusetts. . . . past, supporting the La Follette machine, Appointed United States Ambassador in Lon­ with the result that a straight Republican don 1938 [December, 1937]. A Roman secured the Governorship.""' Catholic with a huge family. He is quick and In November 1934 the two brothers ran intelligent and probably disinterested. successfully as Senator and Governor on their Progressive tickets. The President, in an im­ KENT, FRANK portant speech in Wisconsin during August, Publicist. ... He was managing director gave his blessing to the former's campaign, of the [Baltimore] Sun from 1911 to 1921, which had become openly and boldly more and has been a vice-president of the paper socialistic in conception than the New Deal since the latter date. He now writes a daily (it approximates to-day to the Farm Labour column in the Sun entitled: "The Great Game movement in Minnesota).'^ This action on of Politics," and he is one of the most Mr. Roosevelt's part was regarded with con­ penetrating political observers in the United sternation by the propertied classes as in­ States. He writes with great point and vig­ dicating a clear swing towards the left. In our. . . . He is a friendly and agreeable little 1938 Philip La Follette was again defeated man with an excellent sense of humour. But at the election for Governor, and his Progres­ he owes it to his public to attack the New sive National Third party, of which there had Deal. been a good deal of talk in 1938, has faded out of the picture. KROCK, ARTHUR ... He has been the Washington corre­ spondent of the New York Times, but is now soending much of his time in New York. Mr. Krock is an intelligent and acute man, but ™ The dispatch is in error on this point. In he does not write very well. His information the primaries of 1932 ex-Governor Walter J. Kohler is usually good, and after a period of est­ won the Republican candidacy from Philip La rangement from the White House, seems now Follette, but lost the election to Albert George to have returned to favour. Personally he Schmedeman, the first Democrat to hold the post combines the Jewish sense of social inferiority in Wisconsin in thirty-eight years. William F. Raney, Wisconsin: A Story of Progress, 364; Dictionary of with social aspirations. . . . Wisconsin Biography. " In early August, at Green Bay, Roosevelt shared LA FOLLETTE, ROBERT M. the platform with the two Wisconsin Senators, Rob­ Senator La Follette was born at Madison, ert M. La Follette, Jr., and Democrat F. Ryan Duffy. Much to the consternation of Democrats, Wisconsin, in 1895, the son of the famous the President praised both men equally, and al­ Progressive Senator of the Third Party of though he did not mention La Follette again dur­ 1924. He was secretary to his father for six ing the course of the campaign, Progressives con­ years, and on his death was elected to the sidered his remarks at Green Bay an open en­ dorsement of the Senator. See New York Times, United States Senate in his place. He has August 10, 1934; Roger T. Johnson, Robert M. La distinguished himself by his opposition to the Follette, Jr., and the Decline of the Progressive Smoot-Hawley tariff, and by his advocacy of Party in Wisconsin (Madison, 1964), 38.

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LA GUARDIA, FIORELLO H. complexion rather than to his political views, Mayor of New York City. ... On the whole now resides mainly in London.^^ He enter­ Mr. La Guardia is considered to have done tains an enthusiastic if somewhat patronising a good job at a very difficult time, and to admiration for England and the English, and have justified his election. He was re-elected is in no little danger of becoming an ex­ in 1937. His appearance, even in New York, patriate, a fate which is apt to befall Ameri­ is rather against him. ca's leading artists and authors when, having He is supposed to be half Italian and half tasted the sweets of European flattery, they Jewish, and his manner is of the former and elect to exile themselves from their native his appearance of the latter. His politics are country. . . . extremely progressive, and many people with wealth look upon him as a danger to the LINDBERGH, COLONEL CHARLES A. capitalistic system. This is all nonsense, as . . . He gives an impression of modesty and he is a very sensible man. He has been elected charm, which have, in conjunction with his Mayor of New York on a more or less non­ achievements, won for him a unique place in party basis, and, being quite honest, he has the hearts of the American people. But many undertaken a reform campaign which has people who know him personally dislike him been successful so far and which one hopes on the ground that he is moody and ill- may continue for some time yet. balanced. His life is poisoned by publicity, He is a regular little fighting cock-sparrow, which he detests, and since December 1935 and, with his strident buoyance, he is a very he has been living in self-imposed exile in taking character. England. At the end of 1937 he paid a visit to the United States and again in 1939, when LEHMAN, HERBERT H. the Administration called upon him for ad­ Governor of New York State. . . . He is vice regarding military aviation. . . . actively interested in and closely indentified with numerous charitable and philanthropic LIPPMAN, WALTER organisations, especially those catering to the . . . He is now special writer for the Netv Jews, and is vice-chairman of the Joint Dis­ York Herald Tribune, and his articles are tribution Committee of the Palestine Eco­ syndicated all over the country. The import­ nomic Corporation. . . . Although Mr. Leh­ ance of Mr. Lippman's articles is probably man is regarded as able, conscientious and very considerable; and he has given general energetic, it is felt that he has now attained support to the Roosevelt Administration up the summit of his political career, as his to the present time. He is greatly interested race and religion preclude his being con­ in foreign affairs, and he has dealt with sidered as a presidential candidate, and the international relations in several of his books. fact that he is not a lawyer equally precludes While he is an advocate of cordial relations his being made a Judge of the Supreme Court with Great Britain, and with other countries, or receiving other similar appointment. and wishes to see the traditional isolation of the United States brought to an end, he often LEWIS, JOHN L. shows a strong streak of nationalist feeling, . . . On the formation of the National Re­ and sometimes advocates policies which covery Administration he reorganised and would not normally be expected from one of revived the United Mine Workers of America, his liberal leanings. He has been a strong and made them into the greatest single affiliate proponent of war debt revision, and was one of the American Federation of Labour. He of the chief advocates of a prior settlement is ruthless in his methods, and has many by Europe preparatory to revision by Ameri­ enemies in the labour movement. ca. Recently he has shown an inclination to think that the debtors are asking too much. LEWIS, SINCLAIR He is quick to resent any British assumptions . . . Mr. Lewis has achieved fame, thanks of superiority, and took umbrage at British to his power of describing the character and life of an average American in a small middle-western town. He tilts against the standardised beliefs and habits of his fellow- citizens and has taught them, as no other ^^ Although Lewis's excessive drinking is well doc­ modern American author has done, to see umented, his nickname derived from the color of his hair, which has been described as "a carrot- themselves as others see them. "Red" Lewis, colored wig." See Mark Schorer, Sinclair Lewis: a nickname which he owes to his bibulous An American Life (New York, 1961), 3.

14 HACHEY: PROFILES IN POLITICS

"lecturing" of the United States on the eco­ as Chief of Staff at the early age of 51, is nomics of war debts and at British criticisms typical of the man himself. He is by nature of the departure of the United States from a thruster, handsome, quick, charming to the gold standard and the "gold clause." He meet and unorthodox. He is a forceful and has criticised British defense of the Exchange impressive talker who likes to hold the con­ Equalisation Fund as ignoring the fact that versation himself on any subject whether his Britain's defence of its own prices has been knowledge of it is superficial or not. . . . very costly to nations which have failed to defend their prices. The anti-Jewish campaign McCoRMicK, COLONEL ROBERT R. in Germany angered him to the extent of ... He is president of the Chicago Tribune hoping that France would "keep her powder Company, stubborn, slow-thinking and belli­ very dry indeed." cose, with a definite anti-British bias, which rumour attributes to the fact that he is still . . . Walter Lippman is now much more resentful of the canings he received whilst a conservative in his views than he was during schoolboy at Eton, but which may be due to the early part of his writing career. He is an incident during the war when he was one of the clearest thinking journalists and prevented from visiting the enemy countries. among the most influential in the United For some reason he has always found some States. He is a Jew. difficulty in getting himself taken seriously.

LODGE, HENRY CABOT, JR. Colonel McCormick's organ, with typical Middle Western boastfulness, describes itself Senator from Massachusetts (Republican). as the "World's Greatest Newspaper." It has . . . Considered by some to be a presidential the biggest circulation in the Chicago district, candidate in the not very distant future. and is perhaps more influential in Illinois Rather pompous for his age, and decidedly State politics than as a local organ of Chi­ interested first and foremost in his own cago, where voters tend to distrust news­ career. papers owned and controlled by men of wealth. MCADOO, WILLIAM GIBBS . . . On the 6th March, 1913, he became MARSHALL, GENERAL GEORGE C. Secretary of the Treasury in President Wood- Appointed Chief of Staff of the United row Wilson's Cabinet, and in May of the States army the 1st September, 1939. . . . Al­ following year he married the President's though his present appointment was some­ daughter. . . . He was defeated by Governor what of a surprise to some of the senior [James M.] Cox, of Ohio, in the Democratic officers of the army, it is known that he has National Convention of 1920, and in the been a marked man for special advancement Democratic National Convention of 1924 his for a number of years. He has a forceful duel with Governor [Alfred E.] Smith of personality, with considerable charm of man­ New York ended in a deadlock and the last- ner, and whilst holding a steady balance for minute nomination of Mr. John W. Davis. the army, he will be able to get on well with ... In the Democratic Convention of 1932 the politicians. he controlled the California delegation, he MEYER, EUGENE was a principal in the "deal" by which Mr. ... In the spring of 1933 he bought the Roosevelt and Mr. Garner became the nom­ moribund Washington Post. The quality of inees, and in throwing his votes to Roosevelt this paper has greatly improved under his he incidentally "double-crossed" Mr. Al ownership, and it is the only Republican Smith and revenged himself for 1924. He paper in the capital. Mr. Meyer is said to be elected to run for the Senate, and is now assisted in running his paper by his wife Junior Senator for California. He visited [Agnes E. Ernst Meyer] who is an exceeding­ Russia in the autumn of 1933. He is a vigor­ ly capable and intelligent but somewhat tact­ ous man for his age. He is generally regarded less woman. ... He has all the practical as quite unscrupulous. He was defeated for abilities of the Jew, but has avoided Jewish Congress in 1938, and as a consolation ap­ affiliations. He is wealthy, tenacious and ac­ pointed chairman to reorganise the Dollar tive. He likes to be provokingly critical of Shipping Line in San Francisco. Britain, but is really very friendly.

MACARTHUR, MAJOR-GENERAL DOUGLAS MoLEY, RAYMOND . . . General MacArthur's meteoric career . . . Mr. Moley first came into contact with in the army, culminating in his appointment Mr. Roosevelt in 1930 and was engaged in

15 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1970 minor jobs for him. He did not enter the and during the enquiry was submitted to inner circle of the President's advisers until every indignity by the press. He suffered this the beginning of 1932, when he was selected treatment with great composure and was an to supervise the collection of material for the effective witness. He and his firm came out election campaign. Subsequently, Mr. Moley of the enquiry well; his avoidance of income- travelled with Mr. Roosevelt and wrote a tax, of which much was made, was legal, and large number of his speeches. By March 1933 no serious evidence was produced to show Mr. Moley had come to be known as the that he had exercised political influence head of the "Brains [sic] Trust." He was through the famous "preferred lists." He has appointed Assistant Secretary of State been the guest of the President on one occa­ [1933]. His appointment was most unpopular sion since the enquiry; but he shares the in the State Department, as he never identi­ general eclipse of the New York bankers. fied himself with its interests, and the greater part of his work dealt with political questions MORGENTHAU, JNR., HENRY outside its scope. Secretary of the Treasury. . . . He does not At this time Mr. Moley saw the President aspire to any marked knowledge of finance, daily, and his influence persisted until his but carries out the President's policies loyal­ visit to the World Economic Conference. At ly. Mr. Morgenthau has a quiet and agreeable London he was not only too much in the personality. He is an old and close friend of limelight, but he was disavowed by the Presi­ the President and Mrs. Morgenthau is the dent, and became involved in a personal same of Mrs. Roosevelt. They are both prac­ quarrel with Mr. Hull, who insisted on his tising Jews. Although he is extremely friendly removal. to us in every way and, of course, especially . . . Mr. Moley, in spite of a somewhat hostile to Germany, he is by nature so unsure shifty appearance, appears to be an honest of himself as to become rather suspicious by man of definitely second-rate ability. He is nature and he is rather too mercurial in tem­ more of a politician than a theorist, but it perament to keep his head in difficulties. was political inexperience which lost him his position. At the same time, he had a definite MURRAY, WILLIAM HENRY influence on the development of the New Deal in its earlier stages, and he threw the full Ex-Governor of Oklahoma. Mr. Murray, weight of his opinion on the side of economic who is popularly known as "Alfalfa," or nationalism rather than on that of interna­ "Cocklebur" Bill, was born in Texas in tional co-operation. ... In 1934 he seemed, 1869. . . . He was a member of Congress for while holding no official post, to have re­ Oklahoma from 1913 to 1917, . . . and be­ gained the position of one of Mr. Roosevelt's came Governor of Oklahoma [1931—1935], in foremost advisers, but he is nowadays hardly which position he acquired national notoriety. ever in Washington and is seldom heard He was constantly calling out the State mil­ of. . . . itia, commanded by his brother Colonel Cicero Murray. The troops have been em­ MORGAN, J. P. ployed successively to close a toll bridge . . . Mr. Morgan is well known for his between Oklahoma and Louisiana, to regulate proven friendship for England and his devo­ oil production, and to protect a kidnapper tion to the Allied cause during the war. It is from the mob. He was at one time thought probably difficult to estimate the value of his to be an outside chance for the Democratic services at various times. He is personally the nomination in 1932. Retired to his farm in most simple and unassuming of men, hating 1935. publicity and splash. Was unofficial American In appearance Mr. Murray looks like a delegate to the Paris Conference of 1929, driver of a hansom cab; he has long, droop­ which met to recommend a final settlement ing moustaches, wears seedy black clothes of the reparations problem. and hat, and constantly smokes a foul, black Mr. Morgan typifies for the normal Ameri­ cigar. But he has the picturesque and vigor­ can "the banker," just as Mr. Mellon typified ous personality which is sometimes described "the millionaire." When the Senate enquiry as "colourful," and, although he seems like a into New York banking firms was begun in character from opera bouffe, he possesses 1933 the Morgan firm was the first to be considerable popular appeal. Just as certain investigated. Mr. Morgan, who had always obscure vitamins are necessary to make up avoided the limelight and seldom made a a balanced diet, so an element of buffoonery public statement, was the principal witness. is needed in American politics.

16 HACHEY: PROFILES IN POLITICS

He is utterly unscrupulous and was once Pittman was born in Mississippi in 1872, and publicly accused in the Oklahoma papers of commenced life as a lawyer at Seattle. He letting dozens of notorious criminals out of was in the North-West Territory in Alaska gaol on a fixed tariff. from 1897 to 1901, and was first prosecuting attorney at Nome. He then settled down in NYE, GERALD P. Nevada, and was elected in 1912 as Senator. Mr. Nye has risen to fame since 1934 as He has held the position ever since. He was chairman of the Senatorial Committee which secretary of the Committee on Platform has been investigating the international muni­ Resolutions of the Democratic National Con­ tions industry. . . . The committee, however, ference in 1924, and chairman in 1928. He rather overshot themselves in pursuit of the became chairman of the Foreign Relations macabre, and a discreditable amount of Committee of the Senate in March 1933, and loose talk was allowed, the names of prom­ participated in the financial and economic inent persons, both in the United States and conversations at Washington with foreign foreign countries, being bandied about with representatives in April and May 1933. He incredible levity. The press began to suggest was a member of the United States delega­ that Senator Nye was using the enquiry as tion to the Economic Conference. Mr. Pitt- a self-advertising "stunt," and there was talk man is mainly concerned to persuade the that no further funds would be voted for it President and Congress to do something for in 1935. This was, however, not the case and silver, and he is the recognised leader of the the investigation was properly concluded. Mr. "silver Senators." His persistence has had Nye is a pleasant alert man; but he is un­ some reward. Strongly opposed to the dicta­ doubtedly on the make. torships of which he issues frequent public denunciations. His leadership in the neutral­ O'CoNNELL, CARDINAL WILLIAM HENRY ity debates of 1939 has come in for a good Cardinal O'Connell has immense influence deal of criticism. He lifts the elbow and is in Boston, virtually dictating the policy of very frequently drunk. the mayor and the city council and that por­ tion of the press to which a large portion REID, OGDEN MILLS of his electorate subscribe. He is a politician President and editor of the New York to the very tips of his fingers, and is prob­ Herald-Tribune. . . . He is a Republican. His ably the most influential churchman in paper is one of the most reputable and America. Where Ireland is not concerned, he reliable in the United States; it is conserva­ is well disposed towards Great Britain, whose tive in opinion, its editorial writing frequent­ stability appeals to his naturally conservative ly reaches an unusually high level for the nature. He once went so far as to assure His American press, and its news reporting is Majesty's consul-general that although he was good. an American by birth he was at heart an Until her death in 1931, control was in Irishman, and that if ever serious trouble the hands of Mrs. Whitelaw Reid, his mother, arose in Boston between Great Britain and and widow of the United States Ambassador those of Irish descent, an appeal to him to London. would suffice to have the Irish agitators Mr. Reid is, personally, far from being suppressed. intelligent, but, so far, he has had sense enough to allow the effective management of PERKINS, MISS FRANCES the Herald-Tribune to remain in the hands . . . She was appointed Secretary of Labour of very competent persons, and there is no by Mr. Roosevelt in 1933, and her appoint­ doubt that the grey mare is the better horse. ment was at first unpopular with organised labour. She has since, however, shown her­ ROHDE, MRS. RUTH BRYAN self to be much in sympathy with their claims, Mrs. Rohde was born in 1885, the daughter and the policy of the Department of Labour of William Jennings Bryan. She first married in all its branches, including immigration, Major Reginald Owen of the Royal Engineers has been already humanised and improved of the British army, and though after his under her direction. She is a smallish lady death she resumed American citizenship, was of great force of character, determination, always outspokenly proud of her British and experience; and she is the best of mixers. connexion. During the war she served as a nurse in the Voluntary Aid Detachment with PiTTMAN, SENATOR KEY the British forces in the Egypt-Palestine Democratic Senator from Nevada. Mr. campaign.

17 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1970

. . . Mrs. Owen, as she then was, repres­ children playing in the room. He possesses, ented the Fourth District of Florida as a in short, all the qualities which Mr. Hoover Democrat in the House of Representatives lacked, but is deficient in some of the finer from 1929 to 1933. She was defeated in the qualities of his predecessor. . . . primaries in the election of 1932. Mr. Roose­ Mr. Roosevelt is extremely sensitive to velt appointed her as United States Minister public opinion, and takes care to inform him­ for Denmark in 1933, but she resigned her self of conditions in every part of the country. appointment in 1936 on marrying Captain He probably knows more what goes on in the Rohde, who held a minor appointment at the United States than any other President has Danish Court. Mrs. Rohde is a woman of known; and while his ability as a statesman great charm of manner and character, and may be open to question, he has shown a has inherited a good share of her father's power of leadership and of inspiring con­ eloquence. fidence and devotion to a degree which is almost miraculous. ROOSEVELT, FRANKLIN DELANO President of the United States. . . . His ROOSEVELT, MRS. FRANKLIN D. personal charm is irresistable and has con­ Mrs. Roosevelt was born in New York in stantly sufficed to smooth over personal 1884, the daughter of Efliott Roosevelt. She difficulties in his official family, and to married Mr. Franklin Roosevelt in 1905, disarm or win over a critic. But he can, and has undoubtedly had a great part in at the same time, be completely ruthless and making his career. She is a woman of tremen­ hard-boiled. Through his speeches over the dous vitality, and while he[r] husband was radio and through an enormous personal Governor of New York not only took an ac­ correspondence he has put himself more tive part in educational, sociological and closely in touch with the man in the street political affairs, but also taught in a school in America than any other President before and ran a furniture shop. As "First Lady" him. . . . His judgment of men is more open she has done much to introduce an atmos­ to question, and most of his intimate advisers phere of informality at the White House. She appear to be men of second-rate ability. This also contributes to the publicity side of the advantage is accentuated by two other qual­ President's activities; she frequently talks ities in his character. In the first place he over the radio, and writes articles for the appears to be extremely obstinate and to dis­ papers. Her correspondence is enormous, and like opposition, which makes him prefer men her energy amazing; she is impatient of who will "go along" with him; and in the official restraints, and often departs on her second place his intellectual powers are really own driving her car herself. She wrote a only moderate and his knowledge of certain book in 1933, entitled: Ifs Up to the Women; subjects, particularly finance and economics, full of homely advice and sentiments. is superficial. From the dangers that might arise out of ROOSEVELT, JAMES so extraordinary a combination of qualities . . . The eldest son of President Franklin he may be saved by his amazing political D. Roosevelt. After leaving Harvard he en­ acumen, which leads him always to keep open tered an insurance firm in Boston, where it a line of retreat so long as he possibly can, was frequently alleged that he used his and by a complete absence of personal vanity, father's position to obtain business. One such which makes it easy for him to adopt a new charge was made before a Congressional course when once convinced that that which Committee in 1935, and, while nothing came he has been following is wrong. He is a of it, there was probably some substance to it. natural-born aristocrat, but he has no use In the summer of 1937 the President ap­ whatever for the American form of aristo­ pointed his son to be one of his secretaries, cracy — that of wealth. This may, in part, and in this capacity entrusted him with the but only in part, account for his dislike of task of acting as liaison officer between him­ Wall Street, which has led him to disregard self and the numerous Federal agencies, sources of advice on finance and economic which are not, strictly speaking. Government questions which, though discredited, possess Departments. In spite of his youth, Mr. James at least greater experience than the sources Roosevelt appears to be carrying out his job which he uses. He gives the impression of successfully and with tact. He is credited with amateurism, through the offhand way in political ambitions of his own in Massachu­ which he formulates and discusses policies in setts, where he has a house. He is an agree­ sailing-boats, motor-cars, or with his grand­ able person to meet, and has a charming

18 HACHEY: PROFILES IN POLITICS wife, who frequently acts as hostess for her in the House of Representatives on a Socialist father-in-law during Mrs. Franklin Roose­ ticket. He ran for election again in 1920 and velt's absence. . . . in 1922 for the United States Senate, on both occasions representing California. In 1926 he ROPER, DANIEL COLQUFIOUN [CALHOUN] stood for the governorship of California, and . . . Appointed Secretary of Commerce by again in 1933 [1934], when he produced his Mr. Roosevelt in 1933. . . . Mr. Roper is an now notorious scheme "E.P.I.C." (End Pov­ ardent Methodist, and makes frequent erty in California) providing for a complete speeches of a sermon-like quality on the redistribution of wealth, the nationalisation ethics of business under the New Deal, of all sources of supply and numerous other usually taking as his text an utterance of extremist expedients for solving the economic Mr. Roosevelt or of other Democratic Presi­ crisis. Two books. The Way Out and /, Gov­ dents of the past. He is sincerely subservient ernor of California, had a large sale; and, to the White House, and his is the one de­ to the consternation of the Conservative ele­ partment which causes the latter no trouble. ments in California, Mr. Sinclair, after a He has no sense of the prestige of what was number of meetings which, though he charged Mr. Hoover's pet department, and did not for admission, were crowded to the doors, murmur when it was eclipsed, ignored and gained the Democratic nomination in the invaded by General Johnson and the Na­ primary elections by a large majority. tional Recovery Administration; when the Declaring himself a supporter of the Presi­ commercial attache and trade commissioner dent and the New Deal, he endeavoured to services abroad were drastically reduced and involve Mr. Roosevelt's name. But the latter, the relics subordinated to the diplomatic and though he received him with cordiality, consular services; or when the State Depart­ refused to be caught, and the White House ment assumed complete control of trade and gradually let it be known that his claims to tariff negotiations with foreign countries. Mr. the sympathy of the Administration were Roper is openly friendly to Great Britain unfounded. Meanwhile, California, thoroughly and an admirer of British institutions. But alarmed, subscribed a large sum for an anti- his allegiance to the President comes first. Sinclair campaign, in which the whole­ hearted support of the Hearst press and the SHIPSTEAD, HENRIK circulation of some foolish anti-religious Farmer-Labour Senator for Minnesota. . . . phamphlets written by Sinclair some time Mr. Shipstead is a shy, slow-moving man of ago proved especially effective. Sinclair was Scandinavian descent, very representative of in the end beaten by the existing Governor the Scandinavian agriculturists in his State. [Frank Finley] Merriam, who had the sup­ A Middle-Western Radical, he typifies the port of "everyone possessing over 2 dollars," rather ineffectual and timid idealism that by over 260,000 votes; but he announced that phrase implies, as well as all its provin­ cheerfully that the election had been only a cialism. He has opposed monopolies in the preliminary skirmish. A glib and plausible coal and transportation industries, and has talker, he may again be dangerous if the attacked the control of Government by big situation deteriorates. But he is too fantastic corporations. He holds the belief that some to succeed in normal times; and his sense of sort of hidden devil strikes in an arbitrary political strategy is defective. way at the happiness of the common people by manipulating money and credits. He is SMITH, ALFRED EMANUEL interested in foreign affairs and is a member ... A self-educated man of great personal­ of the Committee on Foreign Relations. He ity and of more than average political hon­ speaks Swedish, Norwegian and Danish esty, extremely popular in his own State of fluently. New York, with an excellent record as an honest and capable administrator, who, as SINCLAIR, UPTON Governor, had never submitted to the dic­ Mr. Sinclair, the novelist, had a meteoric tates of Tammany Hall when he considered rise and fall in the California political firma­ that their policy ran counter to the best ment during 1934. He had been attempting interests of the State, Governor Smith was unsuccessfully to secure political office off nominated by the Democratic party in 1928. and on for twenty-seven years. In 1906, after An arresting speaker, although somewhat his sensational disclosures about conditions ineffective over the radio, and a vivid person­ in the Chicago stock yards had brought him ality, he conducted a vigorous campaign fame, he stood as candidate for New Jersey conspicuous for outspoken fearlessness. He

19 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1970 came to be known as "The Happy Warrior." Jew with liberal but not radical ideas and a He was the candidate of the immigrants and great admiration for Great Britain, which is city dwellers as opposed to the small town reflected in the most friendly terms of his and country voter, on whom, with the early famous newspaper. American stock, Mr. Hoover relied for sup­ port. His religion was undoubtedly a prime TAFT, ROBERT ALPHONSO factor in his defeat; this, and the fact that Republican Senator from Ohio. Son of he was a "wet" lost his party the "solid ex-President and ex-Chief Justice. ... A south." Despite his overwhelming defeat by simple but pleasant man, with no magnetism, Mr. Hoover, who carried forty out of forty- but a certain solid appeal, whose name is eight States, he polled a very large popular often coupled with those of Senator Vanden­ vote. berg and Mr. Dewey as a likely Republican ... In the presidential campaign of 1932 candidate for President in 1940. His wife, he threw somewhat tardily and equivocally however, is intelligent and capable and has his hat into the ring. It was supposed that contributed much to his success hitherto. his motive was less to secure the nomination than to prevent the victory of Governor THOMPSON, DOROTHY Roosevelt, whom he did not consider to be the best presidential candidate. . . . During The wife of Sinclair Lewis. From 1920 to the 1936 campaign Mr. Smith not only as­ 1928 she was the foreign correspondent of sociated himself with the Liberty League, but the Curtis-Martin newspapers, living mainly definitely campaigned against Mr. Roosevelt. in Vienna and Berlin. She then became a It would appear that his political influence free-lance journalist and in 1935 was expelled is disappearing. from Germany by the Hitler Government. She now writes syndicated articles several STIMSON, COLONEL HENRY L. times a week for the press, and it is estimated that she has about 7 million potential readers. Ex-Secretary of State. . . . Mr. Hoover On the whole, her articles are good; in fact, appointed him Secretary of State in 1928 they are on the highest level of this particular [1929]; and he led the United States delega­ American form of journalism. tion at the London Naval Conference of 1930. In his slow-moving and quiet way, Mr. Stim­ son attempted to give a new direction to THOMPSON, WILLIAM HALE United States foreign policy, and he moved Ex-Mayor of Chicago. "Big Bill" Thomp­ haltingly towards some form of international son was born in 1869 of wealthy parents, co-operation. But his policies, while still in and has added considerably to his fortune the rough, perished with him. Personally, he by his real estate dealings in Chicago and is a man of high character and integrity, not other less reputable methods. His interest in brilliant, but simple and straightforward. It city politics led to his election as mayor for is significant that he was the only member two terms in the years 1915-23, and his of Mr. Hoover's Cabinet who was able to administration was notorious for its corrup­ effect a liaison with Mr. Roosevelt in the tion and, during the war, for its pro-German interregnum between October 1932 and complexion. He was badly defeated in 1923, March 1933; and he obtained some sort of but was re-elected mayor in 1927 on the an endorsement of his Manchurian policy slogan of "America First" and "Keep King and of his proposal for an arms embargo. George's Snoot out of Chicago." While his He avoided supporting the Republicans in anti-British diatribes were successful in win­ 1936 because he disapproved their opposition ning him the election, they called forth the to Mr. Hull's foreign trade policy. . . . ridicule of the press of the entire country, and from subsequent political symptoms in SULZBERGER, ARTHUR HAYS Chicago it seems that the idea has dawned Publisher of the New York Times and, with that the city allowed the mayor to make it his wife, owner of about two-thirds of the appear rather foolish in the eyes of the shares in that newspaper. Born in New York, world. It is understood that Mayor Thomp­ 1891. He has been connected with the New son now states that he has no real dislike York Times since 1919, having married Miss of Great Britain, but that a catchword of Iphigenia [Iphigene] Ochs, the daughter of some sort was necessary for his campaign. Adolph Ochs, founder of the New York Mr. Thompson was defeated in 1931. He is, Times, and inheritor of $12 million under however, far from being a back number in his will. Mr. Sulzberger is a most enlightened Chicago municipal politics.

20 HACHEY: PROFILES IN POLITICS

TUGWELL, REXFORD G. mercial treaty with Japan. He is a "regular" . . . Mr. Tugwell was brought in at the of the Old Guard right wing of the party beginning of 1932 by Mr. Moley to help in but would probably be ready to temper his the presidential campaign and became the prejudices to electoral requirements. second member of the "Brains [sic] Trust." WALKER, JAMES J. . . . He is probably the most radical of the Ex-Mayor of New York. Mr. Walker, who President's advisers and has the best intelli­ was elected in 1925, belongs to the past and gence of them all. More than any other mem­ to the New York of the boom days. An Irish ber of the Administration, he is animated by Catholic and a member of Tammany, he was the idea his mission is to remodel the society a typical New York City politician. A cheap, of the United States. For this reason, he worthless and undignified fellow, but ex­ was singled out by the enemies of the New tremely popular in New York. Ultimately the Deal as the master mind of the brain trust; Seabury investigation drove him from office and was the central figure in some fantastic in 1932, and he lived abroad with his second allegations of communistic intrigue in the wife, an ex-cinema star, until October 1935, United States brought by a Dr. [William A.] when he returned to New York.^* But he Wirt, who claimed that he was plotting with probably bears the greatest responsibility for others the overthrow of law and order in the Tammany's defeat at the polls in November United States.^^ His promotion to the new 1933. post of Under-Secretary, administratively unnecessary, was generally regarded as Mr. WALLACE, HENRY AGARD Roosevelt's answer to this malicious non­ . . . Mr. Wallace was appointed Secretary sense. . . . Personally, he is a good-looking, of Agriculture by Mr. Roosevelt in 1933. engaging, youngish man, but he gives the While he has approved and perhaps initiated impression of having "a chip on the shoul­ the bold experimental agricultural policy of der." He is married and both he and his wife the Administration, he has at the same time have a distinctly anti-British bias. . . . showed himself to be more than a mere theorist. In 1934 he published two books on VANDENBERG, ARTHUR HENDRICK the agricultural problems of the United . . . During recent sessions Senator Van­ States which deservedly attracted wide atten­ denberg has been more prominent as leader tion. His speeches give evidence of a recep­ of the Opposition than his titular leader. tive mind, and while he is in general sym­ Senator [Charles L.] McNary, and he was pathy with the more radical of the President's talked of as a Republican candidate for the advisers, he seems at the same time to be presidency in 1936, but wisely decided to learning by experience. Personally, he is an hold back then. In consequence, he is now engaging and enthusiastic person who looks well in the running for the Republican nom­ much younger than his age, and there is a ination in 1940 and he has signified his curious mystical strain in his character. willingness to run for one term of office only. He does not give the impression of being a WELLES, SUMNER man of marked personality or outstanding ... In 1937 he became Under-Secretary ability, but he is superior in education, of State, in which position he has, under intelligence and social position to most of his fellow-Senators. He is an isolationist, but not of the most extreme brand, and in July 1939 sponsored a Bill to denounce the com- " The dispatch has confused Betty Compton, an English-born dancer and musical comedy actress, with Betty Compson, a former Mack Sennett bath­ ing beauty and Fatty Arbuckle's leading woman. " According to Tugwell, Wirt, a propagandist Her role in "The Miracle Man," a film which also for the conservative Committee for the Nation, elevated Lon Chaney to stardom, made her a reign­ attended a gathering of New Dealers in an Alexan­ ing silent star of the 1920's, and she was one of dria home one evening and became the victim of the few film actresses successfully to weather the a hoax in which he was told that Roosevelt was advent of talking pictures. Walker, in 1933, di­ merely the Kerensky of the New Deal revolution vorced his first wife in order to marry Miss Comp­ and that a Stalin would follow. Wirt believed the ton, but was in turn divorced by her in 1941. For story and carried it to the public through the Com­ information on Miss Compton see Gene Fowler, mittee for the Nation and at a congressional hear­ Beau James: The Life and Times of Jimmy Walker ing in which he was made to appear foolish. Rex­ (New York, 1949) ; and for information on Miss ford G. Tugwell, The Democratic Roosevelt: A Compson see the Daniel Blum Collection, Wisconsin Biography of Franklin D. Roosevelt (Garden City, Center for Theatre Research, State Historical So­ 1957), 322-323. ciety of Wisconsin,

21 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1970

Mr. Hull, general control of American for­ Harrington, George Leslie Harrison, Pat Harrison, eign policy. Married to a wealthy wife. Mr. Admiral Thomas C. Hart, Robert H. Hinckley, Rush Drew Holt, Henry Horner, James L. Houghteling, Welles is very competent, a great worker with Roy Wilson Howard, Professor Manley Ottmer Hud­ an excellent memory, very practical and son, Patrick J. Hurley, Harold Ickes, Jesse Jones, Ed­ businesslike, and owing to his incisive per­ ward J. Kelley, Bridagier-General Walter G. Kilner, sonality has a great deal to do with the Presi­ Rear Admiral Ernest J. King, Louis E. Kirstein, Colo­ nel Frank Knox, Robert Patterson Lament, T. W. La­ dent. He has vanity and ambition and occa­ ment, James McCauley Landis, Alf Mossraan Landon, sionally falls into the errors which these Admiral William D. Leahy, William E. Lee, Salmon qualities may lead to. He has no sentimental­ Oliver Levinson, Professor G. L. Lewis, George Wil­ ity and his manner is stiff and reserved, but liam Lewis, A. Lawrence Lowell, Henry R. Luce, Major-General Frank McCoy, Stewart McDonald, once the exterior is penetrated he is a good Marvin Hunter Mclntyre, Charles L. McNary, Paul man to do business with. V. McNutt, Justice James Clark McReynolds, Wil­ liam Kingland Macy, Bishop William Thomas Man­ WISE, RABBI STEPHEN S. ning, Frederick W. Mansfield, Professor Robert A. Millikan, Charles Edwin Mitchell, William D. Mitch­ . . . He is probably the best-known Hebrew ell, James A. Moffett, Robert William Moore, Dr. Ar- preacher in the United States, and for years thus E. Morgan, Frank Murphy, Frederick E. Murphy, has been a leader in the Zionist movement. Dr. William Myers, Theodore B. Nickson, George W. Norris, John P. O'Brien, Major-General James K. . . . Rabbi Wise was a bitter critic of His Parsons, Leo Pasvolsky, Ferdinand Pecora, George Majesty's Government at the time of the riots Nelson Peek, General John Joseph Pershing, William in Palestine in August 1929, and maintained Phillips, Frank L. Polk, John J. Raskob, Sam Ray- that His Majesty's Government should have burn, David Aiken Reed, Justice Stanley F. Reid, Admiral James Otto Richardson, Donald Randall shown much greater firmness with the Arabs, Richberg, Professor James Harvey Rogers, Theodore saying that "it is necessary to use force with Roosevelt, Jr., Chester H. Rowell, David Sarnoff, these oriental people, since it is the only Francis Bowes Sayre, Earle Schram, Charles N. thing they understand." He has continued Schwab, Lewis B. Schwellenbach, Samuel Seabury, in a highly critical frame of mind towards Charles Seymour, Jouett Shouse, Alfred Pritchard Sloan, Bertrand H. Snell, Oliver M. W. Sprague, the White Paper of 1939. Admiral Harold Stark, Major-General David L. Stone, In the reorganisation of the American Judge Harlan Fiske Stone, Silas A. Strong, Mark Sullivan, Herbert Bayard Swope, Walter C. Teagle, Zionist movement in 1930, Rabbi Wise was Elmer Thomas, Norman Thomas, Elliot Thurston, made a member of the Administration Com­ Rear Admiral John H. Towers, Millard Tydings, mittee which controls the new organisation. James W. Wadsworth, Robert Ferdinand Wagner, He has displayed great activity in the work Frank C. Walker, James P. Warburg, Brigadier- General Edwin Watson, Grover Whalen, Albert Henry of organising public opinion against the Nazi Wiggin, Ray Lyman Wilbur, Hugh Robert Wilson, regime in Germany. John G. Winant, Major-General Blanton Winship, Matthew Woll, Dr. Leo Wolman, Harry Hines Wood- ring, Owen D. Young.

EDITOR'S NOTE: For reasons stated in footnote 3, entries in the dispatch concerning the following in­ dividuals have not been included herein: Charles Francis Adams, Dr. James Rowland Angell, Major- General Henry H. Arnold, Earle Bailie, Arthur A. Ballantine, Alben William Barkley, J. Crawford Biggs, Admiral Claude C. Bloch, Charles J. Brand, John W. Bricker, Harvey H. Bundy, Edward R. Burke, Justice Pierce Butler, Harry Flood Byrd, James Cannon, Jr., William Richards Castle, Jr., Joseph Hodges Choate, Benjamin V. Cohen, James Bryant Conant, Thomas Jefferson Coolidge, Thomas G. Corcoran, General Malin Craig, George Creel, Homer Stille Cummings, James M. Curley, Chester C. Davis, Dwight Filley Davis, James John Davis, John W. Davis, Charles Gates Dawes, Robert L. Doughton, Lewis W. Douglas, Major-General Hugh A. Drum, James Clement Dunn, George H. Earle, Stephen Early, Joseph B. Eastman, Major-General Stanley D. Embick, Major-General Delos C. Emmons, Dr. Mordecai Ezekiel, John H. Fahey, Robert Fechner, Henry P. Fletcher, Jerome Frank, Brigadier- General Loranzo Gasser, Hugh Gibson, Carter Glass, Henry F. Grady, Joseph F. Guffey, Frederick Hale, John Daniel Miller Hamilton, John Wesley Hanes, William Hard, Henry I. Harriman, Colonel F. C.

22 THE GENERAL AND THE SENATORt

Republican Politics and the

1952 Campaign in Wisconsin

By ROBERT GRIFFITH

N 1952 the Republican party under the lead­ 1950, "It all comes down to this: are we going I ership of General Dwight D. Eisenhower to win an election or aren't we."^ As the 1952 was nearing its first national victory in more elections drew near, prominent Republican than twenty years. Paradoxically, however, the leaders such as House Minority Leader Joseph most widely publicized incident of the camp­ Martin and National Chairman Guy Gabriel- aign did not concern Eisenhower and his son joined in praising McCarthy for exposing Democratic opponent, Adlai E. Stevenson, but "the tremendous infiltration of pinks and rather Eisenhower and a Senator from his own fellow-travelers into our government." In July, party, Joseph R. McCarthy of Wisconsin. 1952, McCarthy told a cheering Republican By 1952 Joe McCarthy had made his name National Convention that he would never synonymous with the issue of communism-in- soften his fight against communism because government, an issue generated by more than "a rough fight is the only fight Communists a decade of right-wing attacks on the ad­ understand." The GOP platform, shaped by ministrations of Franklin Delano Roosevelt and McCarthy supporters, accused the Truman Harry S. Truman. McCarthy's extravagant Administration of "appeasement of commun­ charges had dramatized the issue as never ism at home and abroad."^ before, but they had also stirred fierce opposi­ Dwight Eisenhower was sincerely opposed tion. The Republican party was thus faced with to McCarthy and much that he had come to a difficult dilemma: to repudiate McCarthy symbolize. As president of Columbia Univer­ entirely would vitiate the GOP contention that sity he had spoken out more than once against the Democrats had been "soft on communism"; name-calling and hysteria. "Our problem is to to embrace him too eagerly would invite a defend freedom," he had declared, "... in backlash which might destroy McCarthy, the such fashion that we do not ourselves suffocate communist issue, and the prospects for Re­ freedom in its own dwelling place."' As the publican success. Although McCarthy's dema­ gogic appeals discomforted many middle-of- the-road Republicans, most of the party's 1 The New York Times, May 19, 1950. leadership accepted him as a means to success Ubid., November 11, 1951; February 3, July 10, at the polls. As Wisconsin Republican leader 11, 1952. For coverage of the Republican convention, see also The Washington Post, July 10, 11, 1952. Thomas E. Coleman had bluntly explained in " The New York Times, October 20, 1950.

23 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1970 candidate of his party's moderate wing, more­ with considerable caution, for the Wisconsin over, Eisenhower numbered among his sup­ Senator had powerful support inside the Re­ porters many of McCarthy's strong critics — publican right. Conservative Republicans men like Vermont Senator Ralph Flanders who interpreted McCarthy's landslide victory in the believed that with the election of Eisenhower September primary in Wisconsin as a popular "McCarthy can be washed out as thoroughly vindication of his anticommunist crusade. Taft as a Kansas flood washes out the stock­ himself expressed delight over the outcome yards. . . . "* Finally, the Wisconsin Senator and warmly praised McCarthy's "accomplish­ had viciously attacked Eisenhower's old friend ments in rooting out Communists and subver­ and comrade-in-arms General George Catlett sion in Government."^ Any attack on Mc­ Marshall. In a 60,000-word speech delivered in Carthy by Eisenhower, argued many of the June, 1951, McCarthy accused Marshall of General's advisers, would only embitter the participation in "a conspiracy so immense and already strained relations between moderates an infamy so black as to dwarf any previous and conservatives and introduce the spectre of such venture in the history of man."" full-scale party warfare on the very eve of the Other and more powerful forces, however, election. were propelling the General toward a reluctant At first Eisenhower attempted to ignore the acceptance of Joe McCarthy. Eisenhower had problem posed by McCarthy. He told a press won the Republican nomination only after a conference in Denver, Colorado, that he would bitter fight in which he defeated Senator never give a "blanket endorsement" to anyone Robert A. Taft of Ohio, the choice of most [read McCarthy] whose views violated his conservatives. In the aftermath of the conven­ own conceptions of what was "decent, right, tion Eisenhower faced the difficult task of con­ just and fair." On the other hand, he promised ciliating the disgruntled conservatives and to "support" any properly nominated Republi­ pulling the party together in order to present can candidate [again read McCarthy] "as a a united front for the November elections. member of the Republican organization."^ The As early as August 13, 1952, Senator Taft General's position might have remained hap­ had laid down the conditions for his support, pily suspended in this semantic never-never demanding assurances covering "the total ex­ land between "blanket endorsement" and "sup­ penditures of the budget after the first year, port" had the Republican National Committee a reduction in taxes, a conservative foreign followed his instructions and not scheduled a policy, a defense of the Taft-Hartley law and campaign trip into Wisconsin. When plans for fair representation of Taft supporters in the a swing into Wisconsin were announced, how­ cabinet." In particular Taft wanted "to get ever, the candidate acquiesced; and the horns away from any idea that the Taft people are of his dilemma sharpened. going to be purged simply because we opposed Eisenhower before the nomination."^ Eisen­ HAT MOST TROUBLED Eisenhower, hower agreed to most of Taft's terms — the W perhaps characteristically, were not the single exception was "a conservative foreign broad ideological and political issues symbol­ policy" — at a widely publicized meeting be­ ized by the term "McCarthyism," but rather tween the two men on September 12, 1952.''' McCarthy's attacks on George C. Marshall. On Conciliating party conservatives required this subject alone were reporters able to draw that Eisenhower handle the McCarthy question Eisenhower out from behind his platitudes about "un-American" methods and tactics. In Denver the General had hotly declared that ' Ralph Flanders to Paul G. Hoffman, October 21, he had "no patience with anyone who can find 1951, in the Ralph Flanders Papers, Syracuse Uni­ in his [Marshall's] record of service for this versity. country anything to criticize." Then in late ^ Congressional Record, 82 Congress, 1 session, June 14, 1951, pp. 6556-6603; The New York Times, September, after he learned of the plans for the June 12, 15, 1951. " Robert Taft to Hugh A. Buder, August 13, 1952, in the Hugh A. Butler Papers, State Historical So­ ciety of Nebraska. 'Ibid., September 11, 1952. ' The New York Times, September 13, 1952. 'Ibid., August 23, 1952, 24 GRIFFITH: THE GENERAL AND THE SENATOR

Wisconsin tour, he suggested to speech writer Emmet John Hughes that they make this an occasion for a personal tribute to Marshall. The speech was to be one affirming Eisen­ hower's strong opposition to communism but balanced by warnings against "self-appointed censors" and "intellectual vigilantism." The draft continued:

The right to question a man's judgment carries with it no automatic right to question his honor. Let me be quite specific. I know that charges of disloyalty have, in the past, been leveled against General George C. Marshall. I have been privileged for thirty-five years to know General Marshall personally. I know him, as a man and as a soldier, to be dedicated with singular selflessness and the profoundest patriotism to the service of Society's Iconographic Collections Thomas E. Coleman, Wisconsin Republican leader America. And this episode is a sobering (left), chats with Senator Robert A. Taft during the lesson in the way freedom must not defend 1952 Republican Convention. itself.i" Pressure to remove the offending paragraph The paragraph was a strong reaffirmation of steadily mounted within the Republican or­ Eisenhower's disagreement with McCarthy, ganization at both the state and national level. and — since it was to be delivered in Milwau­ From Washington came Republican National kee — a direct challenge to the Senator him­ Chairman Arthur E. Summerfield. Earlier in self. But it was also a threat to the delicate the week Summerfield, a Taft supporter who balance of party unity both in Wisconsin and would later be named Postmaster General, had at large; and as the campaign train wound its strongly praised McCarthy at a luncheon meet­ way northward through Illinois, a heated ing of the National Press Club. Seated at debate broke out among the General's advisers. Summerfield's table had been Thomas E. Cole­ Some of them — General Wilton B. (Jerry) man, for years the most powerful man in Wis­ Persons, Sherman Adams, and others — consin Republican politics and an ardent sup­ argued that the passage was alien to the con­ porter of both Robert Taft and Joe McCarthy. text of the speech, that it was a gratuitous Coleman had served as floor manager for the affront to McCarthy, and most important that Taft forces in the Republican convention, and it might drag down to defeat the entire Re­ had been bitterly disappointed by Taft's defeat. publican ticket in Wisconsin. Others — Gabriel Following the convention Coleman had left for Hauge, Robert Cutler, and Eisenhower him­ a European vacation, apparently intending to self — insisted that the passage remain in sit out the election. His appearance at the Na­ order clearly to indicate the General's sharp tional Press Club, together with the appoint­ disagreement with McCarthy's rough and ment of his close supporter Wayne J. Hood as tumble tactics.^^ executive director of the Republican national campaign, signaled his return to active politics.^^ His appearance also symbolized the '°Ibid.; Emmet J. Hughes, The Ordeal of Power: A Political Memoir of the Eisenhower Years (New York, 1963), 41-42; "Communism and Freedom," Sixth Draft, OF 101-GG, in the Dwight D. Eisen­ '" Memorandum to Sherman Adams from Walter hower Papers, Eisenhower Library, Abilene, Kansas. Kohler, April 27, 1959, pp. 1^, enclosed in Kohler "Robert Cutler, No Time for Rest (Boston, 1956), to author, October 3, 1966 (hereinafter cited as 287-288; Cutler to author, October 13, 1966; Hughes, Kohler Memorandum) ; The Milwaukee Journal, The Ordeal of Power, 41-43; Sherman Adams, First­ October 1, 1952. Wayne J. Hood of La Crosse was hand Report (New York, 1961), 30-31. Wisconsin State Republican Chairman.

25 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1970 growing power of Taft and McCarthy con­ morning, however, that Eisenhower and Mc­ servatives within the campaign organization. Carthy did confer on Thursday evening, After the National Press Club luncheon October 2.'« Summerfield joined the campaign train where Early the following morning the train he argued strenuously against inclusion of the headed into Wisconsin, stopping briefly in passage praising Marshall. Coleman also Milwaukee to pick up party dignitaries, and visited the train as it wound through Ohio and then speeding northward again toward Green Michigan, meeting with Sherman Adams and Bay. Aboard the swaying train Eisenhower Senator Frank Carlson of Kansas to discuss apparently met with McCarthy once again. It Eisenhower's swing into Wisconsin. Later was by all accounts a strained interview. "I'm Coleman flew into Madison, in company with going to say that I disagree with you," Eisen­ Joe McCarthy, and that evening McCarthy hower told McCarthy. "If you say that you'll dined with Governor and Mrs. Walter Kohler be booed," replied the Senator. "I've been at the executive mansion.^'"^ booed before, and being booed doesn't bother On Thursday, October 2, McCarthy, Kohler me," snapped the General.'^ and Wisconsin National Committeeman Henry In Green Bay Eisenhower made a blanket Ringling flew in a private plane from Madison endorsement of all Republican candidates. to Peoria, Illinois, where the Eisenhower train "We've got to have a strong party in January," lay at a siding ready to roll into Wisconsin. he told the cheering crowd. "I ask the people They landed about four and went immediately of Wisconsin to elect the entire slate of those to the Pere Marquette Hotel where they were, we have nominated on our party ticket." Mc­ in Kohler's words, "spirited up a freight eleva­ Carthy, shifting nervously from foot to foot tor" and taken to Arthur Summerfield's room.'* just inside the rear compartment, broke into At 5:30 McCarthy was summoned to the Gen­ a wide grin. So did Governor Kohler. Eisen­ eral's suite. The two men were closeted for hower went on, however, to declare that while more than thirty minutes. Afterwards both he agreed with McCarthy's aims, he could not McCarthy and Eisenhower's Press Secretary, agree with his methods. And although he would James C. Hagerty, talked about the meeting welcome congressional investigations, he with reporters, although neither gave any de­ declared that the primary responsibility for tails. "We had a very pleasant conversation," dealing with questions of loyalty and subver­ declared McCarthy. "If anything further is sion rested with the Executive and not the said, the General will say it." McCarthy did Congress. According to Kohler, McCarthy tell Kohler that no mention of the Milwaukee shook his head vigorously and frowned in dis­ speech had been made during the meeting.'" agreement and disapproval. Sherman Adams In their memoirs neither Eisenhower nor recalled that McCarthy had left the General's Sherman Adams recalled the Thursday even­ car "looking very black indeed."'* ing meeting with McCarthy, although Eisen­ hower did record a meeting with Governor Kohler on that night. Quite probably the jum­ bled confusion of the campaign, together with "Kohler Memorandum; Wisconsin State Journal, October 3, 1952; The Milwaukee Journal, October 3, the passage of time, operated to dim the 1952. "It was quite late and I am reasonably sure memories of both men. It is apparent from the that there was no attempt to bring them together that evening. At least I have no knowledge of it. Their recollections of Governor Kohler and from the first consultation was after the campaign train left press reports which appeared the following Greenbay [sic] before their first appearance in the vicinity of Greenbay." Sherman Adams to author, October 26, 1966. Kohler did not recall Adams' presence at the hotel that evening. ''Wisconsin State Journal (Madison), October 2, " Quoted in Adams, Firsthand Report, 30-31. See 3, 1952; The Milwaukee Journal, October 2, 3, 1952. also Eisenhower, The White House Years: Mandate " Kohler Memorandum, 4. for Change, 1953-1956 (New York, 1963), 317-318. '" Ibid. Also see Wisconsin State Journal, October Unless both Eisenhower and Adams confused what 3, 1952; Chicago Daily Tribune, October 3, 1952. took place on the train with the earlier meeting in After McCarthy returned, Governor Kohler was in­ Peoria, then this was the second meeting between vited to meet with Eisenhower and to dine with the the General and the Senator. General and his staff. The conversation during this '^ The Milwaukee Journal, October 3, 1952; Kohler meeting centered on the campaign. Memorandum, 4; Adams, Firsthand Report, 31.

26 GRIFFITH : THE GENERAL AND THE SENATOR

C.'ipital Times-LTP photo Joseph McCarthy and Eisenhower shaking hands in the so-called "peace meeting" in July, 1952, following Eisenhower's presidential nomination, which McCarthy had not supported.

Less than an hour later the campaign train state level, the Democrats had carried Wis­ pulled into McCarthy's home town of Apple- consin in four of the last five presidential elec­ ton, and McCarthy, now grinning broadly, tions. The alienation of ardent McCarthy sup­ introduced Eisenhower to a crowd estimated at porters might well lose the state and even the 8,000. Although Eisenhower made no further election.^" direct references to McCarthy, he once again Adams, Kohler, and Jerry Persons then called for the election of all Republican can­ called upon the General. Adams had begun didates.'" outlining the political background in Wiscon­ Then, as the train turned south toward Mil­ sin when Eisenhower suddenly interrupted and waukee, Governor Kohler pressed Sherman asked, "Are you suggesting that the reference Adams to remove the by now controversial to George Marshall be dropped from the passage praising Marshall. "When a man calls speech tonight?" After Adams answered in the on the Pope," he bluntly told Adams, "he affirmative Eisenhower said, "Well, drop it. doesn't tell him what a fine fellow Martin I handled that subject pretty thoroughly in Luther was." He reminded Adams of the close Denver two weeks ago, and there's no real ties between Wisconsin Republicans and both reason to repeat it tonight."^' Taft and McCarthy, and he argued that an attack on McCarthy would destroy the pre­ carious solidarity of the state party organiza­ tion. He also pointed out that Wisconsin was '•' The Milwaukee Journal, October 3, 1952. politically unpredictable; for while the Re­ °" Kohler Memorandum, 4-5; The Washington Post, July 7, 1954. publicans remained the majority party at the "' Kohler Memorandum, 5.

27 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1970

Not only was the paragraph praising Mar­ itself. We must always preserve the very shall removed from the speech, but several values of justice which are the heart of our other passages were also weakened in apparent republican form of government. deference to McCarthy and his supporters. A careful examination of one of the last drafts In this last instance, however, the original of the Milwaukee speech reveals a number of phrase condemning "violent vigilantism" was slight but significant alterations.^^ For exam­ reinserted, at least judging by the copy handed ple a passage which originally read: the press that evening. Finally, a passage praising Cardinal Minds- As a people we must be wise enough to zenty and a reference to "my good friend" know this principle: freedom must defend Konrad Adenauer were added to the speech itself not only with courage, but with care, in what was apparently a bid for support from not only with honorable purpose but with Milwaukee's large Polish and German popula­ honorable means, not only with force but tion. with fairness. rp HE TRAIN ARRIVED in Milwaukee Fri- was altered in the final text to read: -*- day afternoon and the candidate was taken by motorcade to the Schroeder Hotel. As a people we must be wise enough to The drive was uneventful save for one incident. know this principle: Freedom must defend itself with courage, with care, with force and Senator McCarthy had been delayed at the with fairness. railroad station, and his car, which was to have been sixth in line behind the General, was in­ At another point the original draft read: stead thirtieth. Near North Water Street Mc­ Carthy's car pulled alongside Governor Koh­ The most awful poverty for people in this ler, second in line behind Eisenhower, and way of life would be a poverty of ideas. McCarthy jumped into the Kohler car, where Their food for thought must never be ra­ he rode for the remainder of the parade.^'^ tioned, nor their diet dictated either by an That evening about six o'clock McCarthy intellectual elite or self appointed censors. and Eisenhower met once again for what was the third time in two days. McCarthy was in The "self appointed censors" was replaced great pain, recalled Eisenhower aide Robert with "by a government which presumes to act Cutler. Apparently he had injured his back as censor" — thus deflecting the thrust of the while jumping from car to car during the passage away from McCarthyite groups and motorcade, and every move caused him acute into the more conventional area of right-wing suffering. Cutler helped him to a chair and attacks on "big government." then, when he had rested, escorted him slowly A third change penciled into the sixth draft to Eisenhower's room where the two men replaced this paragraph: conferred.^* The address Eisenhower delivered on Friday We can win nothing by trying to impose evening was a harshly partisan attack on a false uniformity that would deaden the "treason" and communist infiltration during lively, generous spirit of freedom itself. We, in fact, lose everything if we defend our­ selves in ways that sacrifice the very values of justice and decency we are striving to "'^ The following comparisons are between "Com­ munism and Freedom," Sixth Draft, OF 101-GG, in preserve. We have nothing left to defend if the Eisenhower Papers; and the text released to the we allow ourselves to be swept into any press on October 3, 1952, and reprinted by the Re­ spirit of violent vigilantism. publican National Committee. ^ The Milwaukee Journal, October 4, 1952; The Capital Times (Madison), October 4, 1952. with a bland substitute: "* Cutler, No Time For Rest, 287-288. This meet­ ing in Milwaukee was reported neither by the press We can win nothing by trying to impose nor by Eisenhower in his memoirs. Yet Cutler's recol­ lection, confirmed in a letter to the author, would or invoke a false uniformity that would seem to be accurate. Cutler to author, October 13, deaden the lively, generous spirit of freedom 1966.

28 GRIFFITH : THE GENERAL AND THE SENATOR

the Democratic administrations of Franklin placed upon his actions, he later wrote, "I D. Roosevelt and Harry S. Truman. Without would never have acceded to the staff's argu­ the balancing effect of the passage defending ments logical as they sounded at the time." Marshall the speech was interpreted as an "This was not," recalled Sherman Adams, endorsement of McCarthy and his "fight "a happy day."^* against communism." An awkward handclasp From the perpective of the following Novem­ between the two men following the address ber it appeared that McCarthy's political seemed to symbolize Eisenhower's reluctant power had been vastly exaggerated and the acceptance of Joe McCarthy. To be sure that General's own appeal underestimated. In Wis­ acceptance was qualified, but the final com­ consin McCarthy ran 110,000 votes behind ment on this came from a Wisconsin Repub­ Eisenhower and 169,000 votes behind Repub­ lican leader: "I guess we can say he's for — lican Secretary of State Fred R. Zimmerman, but. And who's going to remember the but?"^^ who had played a prominent role in a statewide The controversy surrounding the Marshall bipartisan movement to defeat McCarthy in paragraph had been an open secret among the Republican primary. Yet in October the reporters on the train, and despite flat denials expediencies of party politics seemed to de­ by Sherman Adams, Governor Kohler, and mand compromise. Eisenhower's rapproach- Tom Coleman, news of the passage's omission ment with Taft and the conservatives dictated was soon flashed across the nation. President a cautious approach to McCarthy, particularly Truman, Adlai Stevenson, and other Democra­ in Wisconsin where the Republican party was tic leaders accused Eisenhower of surrendering led by men loyal not only to Taft but to Mc­ to the Old Guard; and Republican Senator Carthy as well. Wayne H. Morse of Oregon, sharply dissatis­ The meeting of the General and the Senator fied with the growing power of GOP conserva­ had, in a sense, produced a microcosm of all tives, resigned from the party.^^ those personal and political configurations Perhaps the most deeply troubled were the which would swirl about Eisenhower during General's middle-of-the-road supporters. "In the next few years. Eisenhower himself was the minds of many independent voters, we rather typically apolitical. He hated the details suspect, the Eisenhower crusade seemed to of party politics which would have intrigued falter in Milwaukee Friday night," declared an Abraham Lincoln or a Franklin Roosevelt, The Milwaukee Journal. "The General went and he left these matters to his political retain­ far toward surrendering ethical and moral ers. McCarthy was energetic and pugnacious principles in a frenzied quest for votes." It had — fearing, yet at the same time daring, an been "an unhappy day" for the General, The attack from the General or anyone else. And New York Times gently remonstrated. In pri­ between these two men were the professionals, vate, Times publisher Arthur Hays Sulzberger the political managers to whom party harmony wired Sherman Adams: "Do I need tell you was the means to party victory. They blunted I am sick at heart ?"^'^ the sharp edges of conflict, muffled nascent Subsequently Eisenhower regretted the deci­ controversy, and papered over real or apparent sion he had made while the campaign train differences with homilies and truisms about rolled across the Wisconsin countryside. Had party solidarity. In the last judgment, the 1952 he foreseen the interpretation which would be Republican campaign in Wisconsin was their triumph.

^° The Milwaukee Journal, October 3, 1952. For typical press reaction see ibid., October 4, 1952; '"The New York Times, October 4, 5, 7, 8, 25, The New York Times, October 4, 1952; The Denver 1952. Post, October 4, 1952; St. Louis Post Dispatch, Octo­ '•"The Milwaukee Journal, October 4, 1952; The ber 4, 1952; and the Wisconsin State Journal, Octo­ New York Times, October 4, 1952; Adams, Firsthand ber 4, 1952. The latter headlined the story as follows: Report, 31. "Ike Lashes Democrats' Soft Policy With Reds/ ^^ Eisenhower, Mandate for Change, 318; Sherman Candidate Backs McCarthy on Treason Peril." Adams to author, October 26, 1966.

29 THE SOUTH IN THE SADDLE:

Racial Politics During the Wilson Years

Ry MORTON SOSNA

TOURING THE PROGRESSIVE ERA, race executive offices as well as in the halls of '-^ relations profoundly affected national Congress. The President, a native Georgian, politics. To the consternation of Northerners was a traditional Southerner in both up­ and Southerners, color consciousness in­ bringing and temperament; while Wilson did fluenced the political life of the nation far not make blatant Negrophobia the hallmark more than either cared to admit. On the of his political career, he was sympathetic national level this permeation of racial feel­ and understanding of men who did. The ing manifested itself both directly and in­ President surrounded himself with men whose directly; directly in such overt acts of dis­ racial views were Southern in the narrowest crimination as the segregation of Negro sense. He appointed William Gibbs McAdoo, government workers by the Woodrow Wilson also of Georgia, Secretary of the Treasury, Administration in 1913; indirectly in the and his choice for Postmaster General was impact of racial awareness upon leading the race-baiting Albert S. Burleson of Texas. public issues of the progressive years. To the Wilson's Secretary of the Navy, Josephus dismay of their sponsors, programs for im­ Daniels, was from North Carolina. Inasmuch migration restriction, federal-state co-opera­ as one-half the Negroes employed by the tive agricultural extension work, and woman federal government worked in the Treasury, suffrage bogged down in a quagmire of color Post Office, and Navy departments, Wilson's consciousness. Since these issues ostensibly Southern appointments boded ill for black had nothing to do with Negro-white relations government workers. During the campaign of in America, the injection of the race question into them illustrated the pervasiveness of race as a factor in the political arena. An exam­ ^ General treatments of the relationship between ination of how this process operated also Northern progressives and black people include does much to explain the peculiar attitude of Dewey W. Grantham, Jr., "The Progressive Move­ progressives toward the problems of black ment and the Negro," in South Atlantic Quarterly, LIV:461-477 (October, 1955) ; Gilbert Osofsky, people.' Harlem: The Making of a Ghetto, A History of Negro Between 1913 and 1917 the direct impact New York, 1890-1930 (Harper and Row, New York, 1966), 53-67, 217n; David W. Southern, The Malig­ of race consciousness upon national politics nant Heritage: Yankee Progressives and the Negro stemmed largely from the reinvigorated in­ Question (Loyola University Press, Chicago, 1968) ; fluence of Southern Democrats in Washing­ and Morton P. Sosna, "Negroes and the Wilson Years, 1912-1916: The Politics of Race During the ton. Wilson's election in 1912 guaranteed that Progressive Era" (Unpublished Masters Thesis, Uni­ voices from the South would be heard in versity of Wisconsin, 1968), 20-27 and passim.

30 SOSNA: THE SOUTH IN THE SADDLE m

Society's Iconographic Collections Wilson's 1917 cabinet: (1) Wilson; (2) Secretary of the Treasury William G. McAdoo of Georgia; (3) Secretary of the Navy Josephus Daniels of North Carolina; and (4) Postmaster General Albert S. Burleson of Texas.

1912, for example, Daniels had written in his Judge, and District Recorder of Deeds, and North Carolina newspaper that "the subjec­ Assistant United States Attorney General — tion of the negro, politicafly, and the separa­ the highest national appointment ever given tion of the negro, socially, are paramount to a Negro up to that time. The men who all other considerations in the South short of manned these offices, respectively James C. the preservation of the Republic itself."^ It is Napier, Robert H. Terrell, Henry L. Johnson, hardly surprising that federal segregation and William H. Lewis were commonly followed soon after Wilson's inauguration. referred to as the President's "Black Cab­ While the federal employment practices inet." By the end of 1912, all told, there were had never been entirely free of racial dis­ over 19,000 black people working for the crimination, outright segregation marked a federal government — including sixteen in radical departure from the policies of pre­ the diplomatic and consular services, with vious administrations. Wilson's predecessor total annual earnings amounting to in office, the Republican William Howard $11,300,000.3 Taft, had tried to conciliate white Southerners by refusing to make appointments which aroused local opposition. Such a stand meant -Raleigh News and Observer, October 1, 1912, quoted in Arthur S. Link, Wilson: The Road to the the end for black officeholders in the South, White House (Princeton, 1947), 501. and Negro leaders frequently derided the •' The Republican National Committee, Republican rotund President's "new southern policy." Campaign Textbook (Philadelphia, 1912), 239; Con­ stance McLaughlin Green, The Secret City: A His­ But Taft refrained from taking any further tory of Race Relations in the Nation's Capital measures of discrimination against black (Princeton University Press, 1967), 158-159; L. 1. Hayes, The Negro Federal Government Worker government workers. He even made some (Washington, 1941), 34. The figure of 19,000 does noteworthy Negro appointments, assigning not include some 4,400 Negro army enlisted men. black men to the posts of Register of the For a breakdown of black government employees see Monroe N. Work (ed.), Negro Year Book 1913 Treasury, District of Columbia Municipal (Tuskegee, 1913), 99-101.

31 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN. 1970

Taft's racial policies had continued the "Southern" is at best an oversimplification. Republican tradition of appointing Negroes While Wilson harbored many of the usual to a few relatively high offices and seeing that Southern — indeed national — prejudices the remainder of black federal employees did against Afro-Americans, he realized that these not suffer through the indignity of overt did not square with the lofty ideals of his discrimination. The Republicans hoped this New Freedom. The office of President gave would suffice to keep Negro voters, who by Wilson a sense of obligation toward all 1912 numbered about 600,000 nationally, as Americans regardless of their color. He rubber stamp supporters of the party of considered himself the elected leader of the Abraham Lincoln and emancipation. This entire nation, not of just one section or race. cynical policy resulted in a vocal minority At one point he even admitted to Oswald of black leaders openly endorsing Woodrow Garrison Villard, the white chairman of the Wilson during the campaign of 1912. These board of the NAACP, that thinking about Negroes represented a resurgent black mil- racial antipathies in America caused him to itance and were all diehard opponents of feel "shame and humiliation." Wilson viewed Booker T. Washington and his "Tuskegee Negroes as a backward rather than an in­ Machine." Black Democrats included W. E. B. herently degraded race. But if Wilson rec­ Du Bois, the Tuskegeean's most widely ognized that black Americans were mis­ recognized critic and editor of Crisis, the treated, he did not believe that their situation monthly organ of the National Association called for a bitter protest on their part. The for the Advancement of Colored People: Negro masses, as Wilson saw it, would rise William Monroe Trotter, head of the Na­ gradually through education, vocational guid­ tional Equal Rights League and the era's ance, and improved economic opportunities. most tireless and outspoken advocate of But even here Wilson was inconsistent. While rights for black people; Bishop Alexander its president from 1902 to 1910, for example, Walters and J. Milton Waldron, prominent Wilson did nothing to change Princeton's Negro clergymen and supporters of the traditional hostility toward Negro students. NAACP. Primarily because of Republican No black man could enter the institution, apathy to the deteriorating social and politi­ making Princeton one of the few Northern cal conditions of black people between 1890 universities to retain such a policy. Wood- and 1912, but also to undo the political in­ row Wilson was simply not a man who fluence of Booker T. Washington, these men would allow even a moderate approach to urged Negroes to vote for Woodrow Wilson. the race issue to rock the boat or interfere Prior to the election, moreover, the Demo­ with the operations of duly established au­ cratic candidate had personally assured Trot­ thorities. Though he personally hoped to ter, Walters, and Waldron that his admin­ avoid the race issue, the new President — his istration would treat black men no worse implicit promises to black leaders notwith­ than had previous Republican ones. These standing — was not prepared to resist pres­ assurances made Wilson's subsequent support sures calling for federal segregation.^ of federal segregation all the more reprehen­ And there were pressures. Shortly after the sible in the eyes of black people.* new administration took office white railway postal clerks requested Postmaster General CEVERAL FACTORS proved decisive in Burleson to look into the horrible conditions ^ determining the racial policies of the Wil­ which they said confronted them. They com­ son Administration. First there was the Presi­ plained of the "indiscriminate mixing" of dent's own attitudes toward blacks. These Negro and white workers on mail trains. were complex: to interpret them as distinctly The group's spokesman bewailed the fact that

^Crisis, IV:216-217 (September, 1912), and V:29 ° Oswald Garrison Villard, Fighting Years: Mem- (November, 1912) ; W. E. B. Du Bois, Dusk of Dawn: oires of a Liberal Editor (New York, 1939), 240. An Essay Toward an Autobiography of a Race Con­ The best single analysis of Wilson's racial attitudes cept (New York, 1940), 234; Link, "The Negro as is Henry Blumenthal, "Woodrow Wilson and the a Factor in the Campaign of 1912," in Journal of Race Question," in the Journal of Negro History, Negro History, XXXII:81-99 (July, 1946). XLVin:l-2] (January, 1963).

32 SOSNA: THE SOUTH IN THE SADDLE white men had to share the same toilet fac­ f ••• ilities as their black co-workers, some of whom he said were criminals and the lowest elements of their race. Rather than "stay and i endure" such difficult straits the white work­ ers threatened to resign. At about the same time a group calling itself the National Democratic Fair Play Association appeared in Washington. This organization modeled itself as a white supremacist counterpart of the NAACP. It disseminated racist prop­ aganda and induced like-minded Congress­ men and government officials to take pro- scriptive measures against black people. A female member of the Fair Play Association S()Liet\ s iconographic Collections informed the press that her government job W. E. B. Dubois at his desk at Atlanta University. required her to work under the supervision of drunken octaroons and "dark-skinned wooly headed" Negroes. Not only did this separate working, eating, and toilet facilities; almost cause her to have a nervous break­ the government even installed screens around down, but, explained the woman, "I then felt black men when the nature of their duties if a human would ever be justified in ending made moving impractical. Segregation in the his existence I would then, for I was a South­ railway mail service meant Negroes got the ern woman, my father a distinguished officer hardest runs, night shifts, and totally in­ during the Civil War, and my mother a adequate toilet facilities. Wilson did nothing woman of greatest refinement." Finally there to prevent local postmasters and collectors of was the April, 1913, visit of President Wil­ internal revenue from lowering the rank of son's beloved first wife, Ellen, likewise a Negro civil servants or from dismissing them native of Georgia, to the Bureau of Printing altogether. By 1914, moreover, the Civil and Engraving. Finding black and white Service Commission required all applicants women sitting together in the lunchroom for jobs to submit photographs—a practice shocked the First Lady. Shortly thereafter a adopted to screen Negroes. The federal gov­ supervisor "requested" Negroes to use a ernment now treated black workers, accord­ separate section of the lunchroom. Some of ing to an NAACP investigation, "like the black women resisted this petty slight, lepers."^ whereupon a white woman told them: "Do you know that we Democrats are in power? If you people will go along and behave your­ ° Letter from Railway Postal Clerk to Albert S. selves and stay away from places where you Burleson, April 7, 1913, quoted in Crisis, VI:61 are not wanted, we may let you hold your (June, 1913); E. David Cronon (ed.), The Cabinet places."" Diaries of Josephus Daniels, 1913-1921 (University of Nebraska Press, Lincoln, 1963), 32-33; letter to New York Times, May 4, 1913; Washington Bee, When Wilson finally decided to act, the May 3, 1913. world of many black Americans fell apart. ' Kathleen Long Wolgemuth, "Woodrow Wilson and Federal Segregation," in the Journal of Negro Not since the days of the Fugitive Slave Act History, XLIV:161 (April, 1958) ; William Pickens, and the Dred Scott decision had the federal The New Negro: His Political, Civil and Mental Status and Relevant Essays (New York, 1915), 213; government so thoroughly humiliated black Blumenthal, "Woodrow Wilson and the Race Ques­ men. Between April and September, 1913, tion," 6; Hayes, The Negro Federal Government gradually, discreetly, and without official Worker, 55; Charles Flint Kellogg, NAACP: A History of the National Association for the Advance­ public orders, the Wilson Administration ment of Colored People: I, 1909-1920 (Johns Hop­ introduced wholesale segregation into federal kins Press, Baltimore, 1967), 181. For results of the NAACP investigation into federal segregation con­ departments. The Treasury, Post Office, and ducted by May Childs Nerney see Washington Bee, Navy departments assigned Negroes to November 22, 1913.

33 WISCONSIN M.AGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1970

Along with segregation, Wilson replaced Negro officeholders with white men. Blacks X • '•St Ki v - "V had anticipated the President's dismissal of Negro Republicans, but they counted on him to appoint Negro Democrats in their place. For Wilson to fill such traditional Negro M positions as Register of the Treasury. Re­ corder of the Deeds in Washington, Minister to Haiti, and Collector of Customs in Wash­ ington with white men was a clear breach Image of faith. While none of the Negro Democratic leaders expected the President to create new suppressed at jobs for deserving black men, by 1916 only eight of the thirty-one highest "Negro" offices request of of 1912 were still held by Negroes. Further­ more, the manner in which the administra­ copyright tion handled replacements chagrined black men. Wilson, shortly after assuming the owner Presidency, abolished the Assistant Attorney General office occupied by William H. Lewis, a Negro. According to Attorney General James C. McReynolds, Lewis' office, which handled Indian affairs, had finished its work. •pi ,M' ?V. A . >:- V- ' Yet a few weeks later McReynolds found enough work to hire an additional white assistant.* Distinctly and with much good reason, black people would be far ahead of other Americans in rejecting Wilsonian 1 „.., Ih.,LuaiJi.iu _1 tJi idealism. '^illiam Monroe Trotter, head of the National Equal The President's personal commitment to Rights League. federal segregation did not become generally known until November, 1914. Up to that time black protesters and their white sym­ even temperedly. Trotter had gained a hear­ pathizers had put the onus on Wilson's ing in the White House to discuss a huge Southern cabinet chiefs, counting on the Chief petition protesting federal segregation which Executive's sense of justice to reverse the he had submitted to Wilson in November, hated policy. At a protest rally in Baltimore 1913. The black editor asked if the President late in 1913, for example, Oswald Garrison had considered the demands forwarded in Viflard of the NAACP told blacks in attend­ the petition of a year ago, pointing out that ance that he still had "complete respect" for Afro-Americans still regarded segregation in the President's sincerity and that Wilson government departments as discriminatory. would eventually "do something big and fine Wilson replied that he had looked into the for the colored people. . . ."® But the con­ matter but felt that segregation benefitted frontation between Wilson and William Mon­ Negroes and avoided friction between the roe Trotter, black head of the National Equal races. The President said that black people Rights League, ended all such hopes. would regard segregation as humiliating only The meetine between the two men began if such organizations as the Equal Rights League told them it was. Trotter, growing more resolute, informed Wilson that his or­ ganization represented not "dependent wards "• Wolgemuth, "Woodrow Wilson's Appointment Policy and the Negro," in the Journal of Southern of the nation," but "full-fledged American History, XXIV:467-468 (November, 1958) ; Crisis, citizens, absolutely equal with all others. . . ." V:59 (December, 1912), VI:10, 177 (May, 1913). Trotter said it was untenable to argue that "Crisis, V1I:68 (December, 1913).

34 SOSNA: THE SOUTH IN THE SADDLE segregation avoided race friction because black government has taken an avowed stand in and white clerks had worked together peace­ racial affairs." Black people shuddered when fully for fifty years. These remarks made Wilson they thought of what would come next." indignant. The President said that Trotter's manner — "with its background of passion" 'T'HEY DID NOT have to wait long. If the — offended him, and told the other Equal -*- influence of Southern racists in the exe­ Rights League delegates present that if their cutive departments was bad enough, the situa­ organization desired another hearing they tion in Congress was even worse. Indeed, the would need a new spokesman. But Trotter likes of Senators Hoke Smith of Georgia, was not finished. "Two years ago," he said, Benjamin R. ("Pitchfork Ben") Tillman of "you were thought to be a second Abraham South Carolina, John Sharp Williams and Lincoln." Wilson interjected that personal­ James K. Vardaman of Mississippi, along with ities be left out of the discussion. Trotter a host of lesser lights in the House, made pressed on, pointing out that the black leaders McAdoo, Burleson, and Daniels seem like who had supported Wilson were now regarded apostles of racial justice and co-operation. as traitors to their race. The President, by And Southern congressional power was a now completely perturbed, interpreted this as force to be reckoned with. Men from below political blackmail. Wilson declared that he the Mason-Dixon Line accounted for more would act as he saw fit, spoke of the intoler­ than half of the Democratic majority in the able burdens of the Presidency, and said that Senate and two-fifths in the House. Also, anyone who sought the office was "a fool for twelve of the fourteen Senate committees were his pains." Finally, Wilson dismissed the now chairmanned by Southerners, as were Negro delegation.'" eleven out of thirteen in the House. With their power definitely waxing, between 1913 The Wilson-Trotter quarrel climaxed the and 1916 Southern Congressmen defiantly issue of federal segregation. The President's introduced bills to establish Jim Crow cars personal endorsement of the policy was a particularly bitter pill for black Americans and outlaw racial intermarriage in the Dis­ to swallow. Here for the first time since trict of Columbia, prohibit Negroes from slavery days the Negro's traditional and only enlisting in the armed forces, and — to add source of hope in a hostile white society — legislative insult to executive injury — pro­ the federal government — had turned against vided for segregation in all government de­ him. True, the federal government did not partments. That President Wilson required always come to his aid when it should have, the support of the Hoke Smiths and the as in lynching and disfranchisement, but it Vardamans for the enactment of tariff re­ had never before been the direct instrument form, banking and currency legislation, the of discrimination into which the Wilson Ad­ Clayton Anti-Trust Act, and the Federal ministration had clearly made it. A lone Trade Commission Act hardly consoled black friend lost, even if not a good friend, is people.'^ Priorities of reform may have pre- tragic and ominous, and this was how black people interpreted Wilson's actions. While federal segregation did not immediately affect " New York World, November 13, 1914; Indianap­ a great number of Negroes, it was, as the olis Freeman, August 9, 1913. New York World put it, "a small, mean, petty ''' Arthur Link has even asserted that Southerners were the prime movers behind reform legislation discrimination." Black people now feared that under the New Freedom. While Richard M. Abrams such discriminatory measures had become strongly doubts that this was the case, there is no question over the fact that Southern votes played official national policy. "For the first time a crucial role in the passage of Wilson's legislative in the history of Negroes as a free people," program. See Link's "The South and the 'New Free­ lamented one black newspaper editor, "the dom': An Interpretation," in the The American Scholar, XX:314-324 (Summer, 1951), and Abrams' "Woodrow Wilson and the Southern Congressmen, 1913-1916," in the Journal of Southern History, XXII:417-437 (November, 1956). George B. Tindall, '"New York Times, November 13, 1914; Crisis, The Emergence of the New South, 1913-1945 (Louisi­ IX:119-120 (January, 1915). Steven Fox, "William ana State University Press, Baton Rouge, 1967), Monroe Trotter" (Undergraduate Honors Thesis, 1-17 also documents the reinvigorated influence of Williams College, 1966), 157-158. the South in national politics.

35 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1970

This cartoon from the June, 1915, issue of Crisis bitterly satirizes Wilson's treatment of the National Equal Rights League's delegates during their White House interview. vented Wilson from doing anything to offend Chief" (he wore shoulder-length hair, dressed Negrophobic Southern legislators, but it was in white suits, and campaigned in wagons with sadness and outrage that Negro leaders pulled by a team of forty white oxen) the observed the hostile legislation which Con­ Mississippi Senator spoke freely. "I think," gress directed at their people. "Will the Sixty- he said, "the defeat of this appointment of third Congress," Crisis asked in 1915, "ad­ a Negro is of more importance than the journ without passing some measure of dis­ tariff bill and the enactment of currency crimination against the Negro?"'"' This ques­ reform. It rises like a mountain peak above tion clearly vexed many black men. Anti- all the questions of the day."'* Armed with Negro legislation had come before previous the racial pronunciamentos of Thomas Jeffer­ Congresses but never with the same intensity son, Alexis de Tocqueville, and Abraham which followed Wilson's inauguration. The Lincoln on how the two races could never South was, as the popular saying went, "in live together in peace unless one dominated the saddle." the other, Vardaman and his cohorts sought Supporters of the prescriptive bills made to extend into national politics what they it clear that the race issue was high on their believed would be the benefits of caste legisla­ list of priorities. The July, 1913, controversy tion. over the President's appointment of Adam Patterson, a black man, as Register of the Treasury aroused James K. Vardaman. '''Crisis, IX:246 (March, 1915). "Quoted in Carter Woodson (ed.). The Works of Known to his contemporaries as the "White- Francis J. Grimke (Washington, D.C, 1942), 1:505.

36 SOSNA: THE SOUTH IN THE SADDLE

Early in 1914 Representative James P. Defining persons with one-eighth or more Aswell of Louisiana, sponsor of a bill to African blood as "Negro," the act would segregate Negro civil servants, appeared furnish stiff penalties for violators: "Each before the House civil service reform com­ and every white and negro violating the mittee. Aswell testified that "the Almighty" provisions . . . shall, upon conviction, be Himself decreed that black men should be punished by a fine of not less than $1,000 subordinated to and separated from the white nor more than $5,000, by imprisonment at race. When a Northerner on the committee hard labor for not less than one nor more asked how Aswell knew that this was God's than five years, or by both such fine and intention, the Louisiana Congressman replied: imprisonment, in the discretion of the trial "History, experience, and first hand Knowl­ court." edge." The bill proposed by Charles G. A few Congressmen, like Martin B. Madden Edwards of Georgia even went beyond As- of Illinois, maintained that Negroes did not well's. Edwards did not want federal segrega­ generally desire to marry whites. James S. tion limited only to those Negroes who were Slayden of Texas declared that Madden was in the civil service; he favored the segrega­ wrong. "Some Negroes may oppose the tion of all black government workers — civil hybridization of their race," said Slayden. servants or otherwise. Although the Aswell "Many profess to oppose it, but usually in and Edwards bills never got beyond com­ a spirit of defiance or for political purposes." mittee, black men felt their sting. Archibald The bill passed the House by a wide margin H. Grimke, a Washington, D. C, Negro lead­ of 238 to 60. The Senate never considered the er who testified on behalf of the NAACP, measure.'^ declared that it was outrageous for Negroes The defeat of the anti-intermarriage bill to have to come before a committee and ask did not stop the Southern-dominated District that Congress not humiliate them. Grimke, of Columbia Committee from urging the like most black people during the Wilson House to enact other discriminatory legisla­ years, did not accept the popular assertion tion. In February, 1915, the committee sup­ that segregation differed from discrimination. ported a bill to segregate black people on "You can not separate the colored people in Washington streetcars. The reason given was the Government without humiliating them," the usual one — "constant friction and un­ he told his congressional inquisitors.'^ pleasant experiences between members of the Southerners by no means restricted their two races under conditions as they now recently achieved national influence to segre­ exist." The bill gave conductors and motor- gating the government; Congressmen from men police powers to enforce the act, pro­ below the Mason-Dixon Line attempted to vided for the punishment of streetcar enact additional discriminatory measures. companies failing to uphold the law, fined Other anti-Negro bills came nearer passage violators $100 and/or sentenced them to than did the ones on federal segregation. The thirty days in jail. The House failed to take House Committee on the District of Columbia any further action on the measure, but on reported favorably on Jim Crow car and February 11, 1916, six Washington Negroes, anti-intermarriage bills. In March, 1914, including Archibald Grimke and Professor Charles P. Coady of Maryland informed Kelley Miller of Howard University, testified Congress that the committee favored banning against Jim Crow cars and anti-intermarriage all marriages between whites and blacks in laws. Miller emphatically insisted that sep­ the District. This would, he said, brinff the arate accommodations for black people were nation's capital "in line with the general as unnecessary as they were unequal. He said sentiment" of the rest of the country. Early that he had ridden on Washington streetcars in 1915 the bill came before the House.

" Intermarriage of Whites and Negro Races within the District of Columbia (63 Congress, 2 session, " Hearings, Segregation of Clerks and Employees House Report 432, serial 6559, Washington, 1914), in the Civil Service, 63 Congress, 2 session (Washing­ 1; Congressional Record, 63 Congress, 3 session, ton, 1914), 7, 11, 18. 1362, 1,365.

37 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN. 1970 for over thirty years and had rarely seen any "crude conduct or misbehavior growing out of difference of race." Regarding inter­ marriage, all six witnesses argued that since white men would continue to have illicit relations with black women, laws against the marriage of whites and blacks would not prevent "admixture" of the races. Instead, they suggested that if a white man could legally marry a Negro woman, he would think twice before using her as his con­ cubine.'^ A tableau of respectable and intelligent Negroes pleading with Congress not to enact discriminatory legislation against their people was sorrowful and distressing, a reflection of the lamentable state of race relations during the progressive years. Though the prescrip­ tive bills never became laws, it is misleading to interpret their defeat as racial victories.'* The NAACP, for instance, had to assign paid agents in Washington just to keep up with all the pending anti-Negro legislation. Thus, instead of being able to fight against lynch­ Society's Iconographic Collections Oswald Garrison Villard, white chairman of the ing, disfranchisement, and existing segrega­ board of the NAACP. tion in accordance with its philosophy of a "new abolitionism," the Association found sounding board from which to air their racial itself battling new racial insults perpetrated views. By anti-Negro diatribes. Southern by Southern influence in the White House legislators reaped political hay at home with­ and Congress.'* While there was little else out offending anyone except black people the NAACP could do during these years, and the few white progressives committed to parrying left-jabs was not the best way to racial justice — groups such as the NAACP conduct an all-out fight. and Trotter's National Equal Rights League It did not greatly disturb the Southerners — who obviously did not count for much in who were enjoying their newly acquired na­ the Southern scheme of things. In May, 1914, tional influence and prestige that the NAACP for example. Senator Hoke Smith of Georgia had played an instrumental role in defeating wanted his opposition to President Wilson's their petty measures. Indeed, it mattered less renomination of a Negro, Robert H. Terrell, to the sponsors of discriminatory legislation to a District of Columbia municipal judge­ that their bills failed to become laws than the ship placed in the Congressional Record. fact that Congress provided a convenient (Senate votes on presidential appointments are made during executive session and gen­ erally not revealed to the public.) Yet in July of the same year Smith, who was up "Separate Accomodations in Streetcars for Whites and Negroes in the District of Columbia (63 Congress, for re-election, again went out of his way 3 session. House Report 1340, serial 6766, Washington, to place his opposition to Terrell's appoint­ 1915), 1-2; Hearings, Intermarriage of Whites and Negroes in the District of Columbia and Separate ment in the Record. As his reason the Senator Accommodations in Street Cars for Whites and said that political opponents back in Georgia Negroes in the District of Columbia, 64 Congress, had accused him of favoring the nomination 1 session (Washington, 1916), 20, 3-30, passim. " Rayford Logan takes the opposite view. The of a Negro over a white man. Smith simply Betrayal of the Negro: From Rutherford B. Hayes wanted to assure the folks back home that he to Woodrow Wilson (Collier Books, New York, 1965). would not let them down on the race issue. 364. "Kellogg, NAACP, 1:176. Ironically, no less a personage than Oswald

38 SOSNA: THE SOUTH IN THE SADDLE

Garrison Villard, white chairman of the board Congress only to be vetoed by Presidents of the NAACP and a leading defender of the by means of a literacy test had twice passed rights of black people, helped advance the Grover Cleveland and WiUiam Howard Taft. Georgia Senator's political fortunes by char­ But nativist sentiment remained rife; such acterizing Smith as one of the "reactionary leading figures in the Republican party as demagogues" who had risen on the backs of Senator Henry Cabot Lodge of Massachusetts Negroes. Villard's statements were passed lent their name and prestige to the movement around by Smith's campaign manager, and for immigration restriction. Many Southern they practically assured the Senator's re­ Democrats joined Lodge and his followers in election.^" favoring anti-immigrant legislation. By 1914 the situation reached a crisis point. In that A LTHOUGH, as in the case of Hoke Smith, year well over one million newcomers entered -^~*- the sponsors of anti-Negro legislation the country, the bulk of them coming from often found that their actions and verbiage central, eastern, and southern Europe. Sooner yielded political dividends, they also dis­ or later another attempt to institute the literacy covered that color consciousness was a double- test as a method for keeping these so-called edged sword. To the chagrin of Northerners as undesirables away from the United States' well as Southerners, congressional politics dur­ shores would come before Congress.^' ing the Wilson years did not restrict the role In early January, 1915, the Burnett literacy of race only to those measures which aimed test-restriction bill was open for amendment directly at black people. Like curling rings of in the Senate.^^ Senator Reed, hoping to kill smoke in a tightly packed room, the race ques­ the measure by replacing the literacy test with tion crept into areas which on the surface had a flat racial exclusionary policy, wanted the nothing whatever to do with Negroes. Among Burnett Act amended so as to exclude "all the areas affected by this pervasive racial aliens not of the Caucasian race." By inserting awareness were immigration restriction, this anti-Negro plank into the bill. Reed felt federal-state co-operative agricultural work, that the Burnett Act would become unpalatable and woman suffrage. Indeed, these three issues for many Republicans who generally favored resulted in more congressional debate about immigration restriction, and that they would race and the place of black citizens in Ameri­ be forced to vote against its enactment. South­ can life than did all the anti-Negro legislation ern Democrats, on the other hand, would find combined. the Burnett Act even more attractive if it con­ From anti-Oriental hysteria on the West tained an anti-Negro clause. Thus, through Coast to the Immigration Restriction League clever manipulation of the race issue, the of Boston, the omnipresence of color con­ Missouri Senator hoped to drive a wedge be­ sciousness during the progressive years was a tween the Northern and Southern sponsors of veritable fact of American life. Combined with immigration restriction. If successful, this the Southern preoccupation of keeping the nifty bit of parliamentary maneuvering could Negro in his place, this made the race issue a bring the Burnett Act down to defeat. Most convenient political football for those willing Senators, however, realized that, as worded, to exploit it. One such man was Senator James the Reed amendment jeopardized American- A. Reed of Missouri. A Democrat aware of his Japanese relations and the "gentleman's agree­ party's reliance upon ethnic voting blocs in ment" President Theodore Roosevelt had large industrial cities. Reed vociferously op­ worked out regarding Japanese immigrants to posed anti-immigrant legislation. Prior to the the West Coast. They rejected it 47 to 9. There­ Wilson Administration, bills to curb the influx upon Reed moved to change the terms of his of European immigrants into the United States

^ Most of these points are covered in John Higham, Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativ­ * Congressional Record, 63 Congress, 2 session, ism, 1860-1925 (Atheneum paperback edition. New 7621, 12003-12004; New York Times, May 6, 1914; York, 1966), 158-193. Dewey W. Grantham, Jr., Hoke Smith and the Poli­ ^ After John L. Burnett of Alabama, the chief tics of the New South (Baton Rouge, 1958), 272-273. sponsor of immigration restriction in the House.

39 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN. 1970

proposal so as to exclude "All members of the The House rejected the Reed amendment, African or black race."^ but not out of respect for the dignity of black The second Reed amendment immediately people. Supporters of the Burnett Act, many of struck a responsive chord in the Senate Cham­ whom were Southerners, realized that Reed ber; the Senator's strategy appeared to take had inserted the Negro exclusion plank pri­ effect. John Sharp Williams of Mississippi marily to alienate Republican support from the warned that the United States was beginning bill. The whole thing was a "parliamentary to receive some "very undesirable" black im­ trick" according to James L. Slayden of Texas. migrants from the West Indies. Williams, who He hoped that neither "political exigencies" had opposed the original Reed amendment nor "race prejudice" would force Southern because, in addition to the Japanese question, Congressmen to make it "a successful trick." he found the words "not of the Caucasian Representative Martin Dies, Sr., also from race" too vague for his liking, was now very Texas, admitted that he agreed with the philo­ much in favor of the Missouri Senator's pro­ sophy of the Reed amendment but greatly posal. "You already have a law whereby you feared that its adoption would defeat immigra­ exclude Chinese," he noted. "Chinese are as tion restriction and enable 300,000 European much superior to negroes as anyone can be, illiterates to enter the country and threaten almost." The Mississippi Senator also argued American institutions. Burnett, himself an that since racial intermarriage was more pre­ Alabamian, made it clear that he did not want valent in the West Indies than in the United to see the Reed amendment imperil ten long States, "every West Indian negro who comes years of his work.*^ to the South comes with that idea in mind. . . ." Nevertheless a few diehards in the House Support for the Reed amendment was not could not resist the opportunity which the confined to the South. Senator George Suther­ black exclusion amendment offered for race- land of Utah, when he became aware that only baiting. Defenders of the measure expressed 23 per cent of the 8,500 West Indian Negroes fear that, without the amendment, some thirty who had recently entered the country were or forty thousand West Indian Negroes then illiterate, acknowledged that a literacy test was working on the Panama Canal would, as one not enough. Since he did not want "the negro Texan explained, "drift into the United States, problem in this country added to," he too sup­ if permitted, and none of them will go to ported the Reed amendment. The black exclu­ Chicago or to Cape Cod." Leaving persuasion sion proposal passed by a vote of 29 to 25. aside, Percy Quinn of Mississippi tiraded: "Of Reed then tried to add "or Turks" to the all the barnacles that the civilization of the amendment, but the Senate turned this down United States has fastened to it, of all the leper 43 to 10.24 spots, of all the sores, of all the misfortune that The Reed amendment revolted all Negroes, the civilization of this republic has fastened to moderates and militants alike. The NAACP the body politic it is the African race which claimed it humiliated the pride of ten million stands out as the worst. . . . [0]f all the evils loyal citizens. Indeed, Booker T. Washington's that the American Republic is confronted unequivocal hostility to the measure led the with to-day it is this black race, this black Washington Bee to proclaim him as the fight­ death, this parasite of race destruction that ing champion of his race. "His great defense is fastened upon the Anglo-Saxon people. . .^'' of his people in the recent agitation of the A few dissident voices defended Negroes Immigration bill," this Negro newspaper noted and denounced using the race issue as a underneath a front page portrait of the political football. Martin B. Madden of Il­ Tuskegeean, "demonstrated the fact that Dr. linois, a vigorous opponent of immigration Booker T. Washington is manly."^^ restriction, said that he could not bring him­ self to support the Reed amendment as a

^ Congressional Record, 63 Congress, 3 session, 803-805. ^ Ibid., 805-807. ^ Congressional Record, 63 Congress, 3 session, "^ Crisis, IX:190 (February, 1915); Washington 1137-1138. Bee, January 16, 1915. ^ Ibid., 1136, 1134.

40 SOSNA: THE SOUTH IN THE SADDLE means for killing the Burnett Act. He de­ scribed the African exclusion provision as "the most drastic legislation I have ever seen proposed." Madden pointed out that there was a danger of an American Negro not being able to return to the United States if he happened to live abroad for a number of years. James L. Mann, also from Illinois and himself an opponent of immigration restric­ tion, agreed with Madden. Mann felt that with the Reed amendment the bill would be "as dead as last year's smelt"; however he too could not endorse a measure which, as he put it, "itself smells worse than last year's smelt."28 The combination of anti-immigrant and pro-Negro sentiment proved decisive. The House rejected the Reed amendment 253 to 74, and the joint House-Senate conference committee left it out of its final report on the Burnett bill. Senator Reed, however, re­ mained indignant to the end. "We prefer an African who can read to a Belgian who can not read," he disgustedly told his colleagues. Thus, by January 15, 1915, Congress had Crisis, Jan., 1914 passed an immigration restriction bill which Brutish figure evolved by a Crisis cartoonist to did not permanently exclude black men from symbolize white prejudice. coming to America. The NAACP hailed this meager triumph as a great victory. Two times to discuss anything that raises the weeks later President Wilson, following the [race] question even incidentally without precedents of his predecessors, vetoed the traversing much of this territory." As the Burnett Act.^" Reed amendment made strikingly clear. T^HE CONTROVERSY over the Reed Southerners too realized that the race issue -*- amendment exemplified how the race was not a faucet they could turn on and off issue seeped into nongermane areas. Thus one at their own convenience. During another begins to see that color consciousness on the racial controversy, for example, Vardaman — indirect level most affected national politics never one to deal with the subject obliquely during the progressive years. Depending upon — noted that it was "unfortunate . . . that their own feelings about black people, the when an economic or governmental question reaction of Congressmen to this situation is presented [,] the people of the South are ranged from annoyance to paranoia. For confronted at once with that overwhelming, Northerners it was frequently the former. monumental, Apenine [.sic], paramount prob­ During one of the recurrent racial discussions lem, the race question."''"' As the Mississippi which characterized the Sixty-Third Congress, Senator could interpret almost anything as Senator Lawrence Sherman of Illinois re­ a threat to Southern racial mores, his was marked that it was "almost impossible some- largely a self-fulfilling prophecy. Neverthe­ less, it remains to be shown exactly how and why that prophecy came true. The injection of the race issue into a bill 'Ubid., 1133, 1137. ''Ibid., 1138-1139, 1630, 1386; Crisis, IX:190 (February, 1915) ; Kellogg, NAACP, 1:176. Congress re-enacted the Burnett bill two years later and then '" Congressional Record, 63 Congress, 2 session, passed it over Wilson's veto. 5113, 4338.

41 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN. 1970 for federal-State co-operation in agricultural as the South stood to gain from a piece of extension work lucidly illustrated Vardaman's national legislation. This caused them no point. Though two Southerners, Hoke Smith little embarrassment; Congress witnessed the of Georgia and Asbury F. Lever of South strange spectacle of Northerners arguing for Carolina respectively sponsored this measure states' rights and Southerners defending fed­ in the Senate and House, the movement for eral action. In the House, Representative agricultural extension itself had nothing John J. Fitzgerald of New York City opposed whatsoever to do with race. By placing the the Smith-Lever Act. He said that educational latest methods of scientific farming at the matters were "of such vital importance to disposal of the average American farmer, the the States that that domain should not be proponents of extension assumed that the enroached upon by the Federal Government." economic fortunes of people who earned their Lever and Oscar Underwood of Alabama im­ living off the land could be improved. This mediately rallied to the defense of the bill. had been the spirit behind the Morrill Land In the Senate no less a Southerner than James Grant College Act of 1862, and the state K. Vardaman argued that the "great good" universities would still be the bulwark of the which would come from the bill overcame system. Subsequent federal legislation such his constitutional scruples about states' rights. as the Hatch Act of 1887 and the Adams Act Vardaman's about-face led Senator Frank B. of 1906 had aided the state schools by creat­ Brandegee of Connecticut to remark: "[W]e ing a system of experimental farm stations are going to continue, probably under the and providing United States Department of leadership of the party that formerly pro­ Agriculture funds for further research.^' But fessed to stand as strict constructionists of by 1914 a number of people believed that the Constitution, to engage in more of these the existing agricultural extension programs socialistic enterprises, probably urged by the of state colleges did not go far enough. While fact maintained by the Senator from Mis­ state agricultural schools distributed litera­ sissippi that great good may result from ture and ran the experimental farm stations, them. . . ."^2 Among other things, the Smith- advocates of extension felt that what the Lever Act demonstrated that the South relied farmer really needed was to have skilled upon states' rights to preserve the racial demonstrators come directly to him and show status quo rather than to defend constitu­ him proper agricultural techniques. The tional principles. Smith-Lever bill would provide federal funds On January 19, 1914, the co-operative from the USDA for this purpose. agricultural extension bill passed the House. The act allocated these federal funds on Ten days later it came before the Senate. the basis of each state's proportion of the The bill contained a provision which reflected total rural population of the United States. the concerns of its Southern sponsors. Funds This meant that Southern states would receive would come to state colleges from the De­ the bulk of the money. Thus, while many partment of Agriculture, but — and here was midwestern and western Congressmen sup­ the rub — provided that "in any State in ported farm demonstration work, some did which two or more such colleges have been not like the way the Smith-Lever plan or hereafter may be established, the ap­ financed the program. These men joined rep­ propriation hereinafter made to such State resentatives from urban areas in opposing shall be administered by such college or the biU. colleges as the legislature of such State may Southerners supported the Smith-Lever direct." Senator Porter J. McCumber of arrangement almost to a man. Their fears North Dakota, an agricultural state with a about the encroachment of federal authority small population, pointed out that such an upon the rights of states suddenly vanished arrangement meant that Negro land grant colleges in the South would not receive any

"^ These measures bear the names of Representative William H. Hatch of Missouri and Representative '' Congressional Record, 63 Congress, 2 session, Henry C. Adams of Wisconsin. 1914, 2574.

42 SOSNA: THE SOUTH IN THE SADDLE

disparity between Northern and Southern states. Said Williams: If the Senator [Cummins] was to take Iowa and compare it to Minnesota; if he were to take Kansas and compare it with Nebraska; if he were to take Alabama and compare it with Mississippi; if he were to take North Carolina and compare it with Georgia, so that there should be something comparable to something comparable, he would find that this basis fixed in the bill is fair enough. You cannot abolish a race fact in connection with this distribution. It would be an absolute shame to the white people of the State of Iowa if they had failed to produce twice as much per capita as the entire population of Georgia, with the colored race existing in Georgia. It is not at all astounding that a State with twice the white population of Georgia should produce twice as much as Georgia produces.

Vardaman then went into one of his polemics about the Negro's lack of capacity. Cummins could only say that he did not want "that old and difficult discussion" brought into the debate.^'' Society's Iconographic Collections EGROES ONCE AGAIN expressed shock Senator James K. Vardaman, the "White Chief." N and outrage at events in Congress. Black educators who leaned toward Booker T. Washington's emphasis on agricultural and federal money. This was grossly unfair, he manual education received a slap in the face. argued, especially since Southern Negroes N. B. Young, president of Florida A & M at would be counted when allocating federal Tallahassee, informed Senator Carrol S. Paige funds to the states.^^ The great race debate of Vermont that, unless forced to. Southern was on. legislatures would not give Negro colleges Smith answered McCumber by explaining any federal money. Said Young, "Only those that students in Negro colleges were not who are here know how hard it is to secure really interested in agriculture. It would be favorable legislation or any proposition look­ "utterly impossible" for Negro colleges to do ing toward the educational uplift of the demonstration work, said the Georgia Sena­ Negro people." The NAACP referred to the tor. "His own race would not accept his "sinister significance" of the Smith-Lever bill instructions nearly so quickly as they would and resolved to oppose the objectionable the instructions of a trained white man." On provision. Moorfield Storey, one of the white January 31, when the Senate again considered leaders of the Association, felt the bill "ought the Smith-Lever bill, Albert B. Cummins of to be fought at every point" and bemoaned Iowa insisted that federal funds should be the fact that enemies of black people "seem distributed to the states on the basis of agri­ to gain in audacity constantly."^^ cultural production rather than rural popula­ tion. Williams and Vardaman at once claimed that race alone accounted for any production "/6Jrf., 2651-2653. '•^ N. B. Young to Carrol S. Paige, February 4, 1913, quoted in ibid., 3119; Crisis, VII:247 (March, 1914) ; Moorfield Storey to May Childs Nernev, quoted in 'Ibid., 2519. Kellogg, NAACP, 1:191.

43 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN. 1970

With the help of the NAACP, Senator frankly what we will do. We will put it in Wesley L. Jones of Washington drafted an our white agricultural college. We would not amendment to guarantee Negro colleges a appropriate a dollar in Georgia to undertake fair share of the federal appropriations. to do extension work from the negro agricul­ Jones' proposal would deny Smith-Lever tural and mechanical school. It would be a money from any state which did not see that waste of money." Smith reasoned that since Negro agricultural schools received an equit­ white demonstrators would always be super­ able portion of the funds. This would be ior to black demonstrators, allowing Negro accomplished by requiring states with sep­ colleges to carry on any of the work would arate educational facilities for whites and actually be discriminatory. "Some of the blacks to submit periodic reports to the speeches delivered by Vardaman and his Secretary of Agriculture on the assignment sympathizers,' said a white Boston news­ of the appropriations. paper observing the Smith-Lever debate, The Jones amendment caused an immediate "read like extracts from the harrangues of uproar in the Senate. Vardaman stood up the secession Senators of 1860."'^^ and said that he was as anxious to help On February 7, with the Jones amendment Negroes as was Jones, spoke of the "peculiar­ still awaiting vote. Senator John F. Shafroth ities" of the African race, and said that the of Colorado introduced a compromise meas­ Senator from Washington should leave the ure. Shafroth's proposal took away the state Negro to be dealt with by those who knew legislatures' sole discretion in selecting him best, just as Congressmen from the West colleges to receive Smith-Lever funds. It did Coast dealt with the Japanese. Jones himself not, however, go nearly as far as the Jones was a japanophobe (they "are not citizens amendment in insuring a fair proportion of of this country and they never will be," he federal money for Negro schools. The Shaf­ said), and he and Vardaman quibbled over roth amendment merely provided that federal who was more inferior, Japanese or Negroes. funds would be administered "as the gov­ Vardaman then went into another of his ernor of such State and the Secretary of racist tirades, and, as applause from the Agriculture may from time to time direct." galleries rang in the Senate chamber, the Before a vote could be taken on Jones' white chief from Mississippi concluded: "I amendment, the Senate adopted Shafroth's speak as one who has lived with the negro without roll call. It then rejected the Jones all my life and who wishes him well, and who amendment 32 to 23. Senator Gilbert M. would make a greater sacrifice to-day to Hitchcock of Nebraska moved that the words preserve his right to life, liberty, the pursuit "without discrimination as to race" be in­ of happiness, and the enjoyment of the pro­ serted into the bill in order to make the ductivity of his own toil than some gentlemen intent of the Smith-Lever Act clear. This also who live at a long distance from him, who passed the Senate without roll call.^* love him as a race, but who despise him as The NAACP accepted the Shafroth amend­ an individual."^^ ment as better than nothing. It was not as Hoke Smith joined Vardaman in attacking fair as the Jones amendment, admitted the the Jones amendment. Since whites owned Crisis, "but an important point is gained in about 75 per cent of the land which Negroes that the Federal Government is given equal farmed, he maintained that they would find power with the States in deciding what it in their interest to make the black man a colleges shall administer the funds." Since better farmer. When Senator Moses Clapp the South did not want another fight over of Minnesota asked whether this meant that the race question, the Association thought it Negro agricultural schools in Smith's home had, as it put it, "every reason to believe state would receive federal funds, the Georgia that the Shafroth amendment will be in- Senator replied: "I will tell the Senator

"'Ibid., 2944-2946: Boston Evening Transcript, quoted in Crisis, VII:283 (April, 1914). ^ Congressional Record, 63 Congress, 2 session, ^ Congressional Record, 63 Congress, 2 session, 2929-2936. 3123-3124, 3129.

44 SOSNA: THE SOUTH IN THE SADDLE corporated in the bifl as finally passed."^® est impact. Arthur Link has noted that race This hope, like so many others, proved illu­ relations "was one of those problems, like sory. the liquor question and woman suffrage, that Since Southerners, led by Smith and Lever, Wilson would have preferred to ignore." dominated the conference committee, it was What Link has failed to point out, however, not surprising that the bill came out of con­ was that woman suffrage intimately involved ference minus the Shafroth amendment. Smith the race issue.*^ presented the conference report to the Senate Suffragettes themselves had long been on April 27, a day when many defenders of aware of this relationship. They knew that Negro colleges were absent. It was agreed to Southerners, having recently disfranchised without debate. Two days later Jones charged black people, looked askance upon any group the Georgia Senator with duplicity and spon­ which might in some way upset existing vot­ sored a motion to recall the bill from the ing requirements. Feminist leaders took this House. Senator Cummins concurred, noting factor into account and attempted to appease that the Senate adopted the conference report the South on this delicate matter. Some of under dubious circumstances. "I believe," he them hoped that woman suffrage could be said, "that it will create a vast volume of achieved without recourse to a federal con­ indignation when the country knows that an stitutional amendment — a measure absolute­ amendment which had created so much inter­ ly abhorrent to Southerners. From 1901 to est .. . is abandoned by the Senate without 1910 Kate M. Gordon, corresponding secre­ a word having been said in regard to it, and tary and later vice-president of the National without many Senators, at least, knowing American Woman Suffrage Association that the subject was before the Senate." (NAWSA), was an effective spokeswoman Smith replied that to recall the bill from the for such a policy. Herself a Southerner, Miss House at this late stage would kill it. The Gordon believed that the movement had to Georgia Senator denied any shifty maneuver­ take a state-by-state approach in order to ing on his own part, claiming that the House convince Southerners that woman suffrage "positively opposed" allowing anyone but the would not result in additional Negro suffrage. state legislature — "representing all the But from 1896 to 1910 not a single state people of the state" — to determine which adopted woman suffrage; the pattern was one colleges should receive federal funds.*" unsuccessful referendum after another.'*^ Smith succeeded in having the Senate table Women concluded that only concentrated na­ the motion of his opponents. On May 8, 1914, tional action could advance their cause. Miss the Smith-Lever Act became law, with the Gordon eventually left the NAWSA, and other state legislatures retaining sole voice in ad­ leaders of the Association continually ex­ ministering the money. The act did not even pressed displeasure in seeing the race issue contain Senator Hitchcock's amendment that linked to woman suffrage. "It does make me it be applied "without discrimination as to so cross to think they are always quoting race." As Senator Smith explained it, the the darky to us," one suffragette confided to conference committee regarded this provision as "unnecessary" and "confusing.'"" WTHILE THE Reed amendment and the ™™ Smith-Lever Act affirmed the omni­ "'Link, Wilson: The Road to the White House, presence of the color question during Wil­ 502. To a much lesser extent so did prohibition. son's first Congress, woman suffrage was the "Some Southerners were particularly sensitive, seeing in the prohibition amendment a serious blow to states popular issue upon which race had its great- rights and a precedent that could be used to justify federal intervention in behalf of the Negro." James H. Timberlake, Prohibition and the Progressive Movement, 1900-1920 (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1963), 178. *" Wyoming in 1890 and Utah in 1896 had both "^ Crisis, Vn:248 (March, 1914). come into the Union with woman suffrage planks in *" Congressional Record, 63 Congress, 2 session, their state constitutions. States adopting women 7416-7418, 7422. suffrage amendments were Colorado (1893), Idaho ''Ibid., 7645, 7494. (1896), Washington (1910), and California (1911).

45 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1970 a friend. "The colored question is [not] . . . fornia would plunge the country into war the question of suffragists. . . ."*'' before she would concede the right of this [Federal] Government to regulate her own Though by 1914 NAWSA stood for a na­ internal affairs."*^ tional woman suffrage amendment, it by no William E. Borah of Idaho, a man of means gave up its efforts to placate Southern strong independent mind, was the first Sena­ opposition. Spokeswomen for the organiza­ tor to connect openly the woman suffrage tion contended that a federal amendment resolution with broader questions of race. would neither upset white supremacy nor Since the federal government had failed to infringe upon states' rights. They emphati­ enforce it, Borah felt that the Fifteenth cally insisted that woman suffrage was not Amendment had been a mistake. Knowing related to any other issue, particularly race. that Southerners would deny the ballot to As Mrs. Pattie Ruffner Jacobs, a leader of Negro women, he did not want to see another the movement in Alabama, later explained "hypocritical clause" inserted into the Con­ to a congressional committee, a woman stitution. Said Borah: suffrage amendment would in no way inter­ fere with existing voting restrictions upon The question with me is whether or not blacks. In the South, according to Mrs. we are here to-day contemplating the Jacobs, the net result would be the enfran­ putting into the Constitution of another chisement of "a very large number of white provision which so far as race is concerned, will be the same thing exactly. I am a firm women" and only a minute percentage of believer in the proposition that whatever the black female population.'''' is in the Constitution should be obeyed and lived up to by us as a people. I hesitate In March, 1914, the woman suffrage to insert in it a provision which I know amendment finally came before the Senate. in advance will be ignored or defied. One of the greatest myths of American his­ tory is that men of the South opposed woman Referring to Borah's position, the Boston suffrage because of their traditionally cavalier Advertiser sarcastically remarked that some attitudes toward the opposite sex. Southerners Senators were arguing that "grandmother lagged behind other sections of the country clauses" would soon disfranchise Negro in supporting it, not because they believed women. Suffragettes, however, did not find more than anyone else that women would Borah's statements so amusing. Mrs. Medill lose their unsullied virtues if given the vote, McCormick of Chicago, head of the newly but because they felt that Congress' tamper­ formed Congressional Committee of the Na­ ing with the franchise would lead to Negro tional Woman's Suffrage Association, believed suffrage in their own states. Like their ante­ that the Idaho Senator had thrown "a mon­ bellum forefathers' attitude toward the slavery key wrench into the machinery." Besides question. Southern Congressmen during the that, she added, Borah's reasoning was Wilson years looked upon any federal action fallacious. According to Mrs. McCormick if which even remotely threatened to affect their Negroes deserved constitutional protection, local racial customs as a plague — a danger­ women — a larger and, as she described them, ous precedent which could lead to the event­ a "more intelligent body of American citi­ ual breakdown of the Jim Crow South. zenship" — merited similar guarantees.*'^ Indeed, the parallel between a Southerner opposed to Free Soil in 1850 and one opposed to woman suffrage in 1914 was so great that " Harriet Taylor Upton to Laura Clay, August 31, Senator Nathan P. Bryan of Florida even 1906, quoted in Aileen S. Kraditor, The Ideas of the invoked John C. Calhoun's old "concurrent Woman Suffrage Movement, 1890-1920 (New York, majority" arguments. Bryan vehemently de­ 1965), 173. Kraditor's chapter on "The 'Southern Question'" contains an excellent account of the fended the right of each section of the problems which the race issue caused for the woman country to determine its own "internal af­ suffrage movement. fairs." He noted that the South had a great "•Ibid., 195-196. " Congressional Record, 63 Congress, 2 session, many more Negroes than the western states 4198-4199. had Orientals. "Yet," added Bryan, "Cali­ "Ibid., 4195; Crisis, Vn:277 (April, 1914); New York Times, March 9, 1914.

46 SOSNA: THE SOUTH IN THE SADDLE

James K. Vardaman admitted that the woman suffrage amendment placed him in a "unique position." The white chief did not fear that enfranchising the fair sex would injure them, but he insisted that doing it by constitutional amendment would give the vote to Negro women who had, in his words, "no more conception of the importance or the significance of the elective franchise than the chimpanzee [had of] . . . comprehending or understanding the nebular hypothesis." To avoid such a calamity, Vardaman agreed to support the woman suffrage amendment on the condition that the Fifteenth first be re­ pealed. John Sharp Williams, Vardaman's colleague from Mississippi, expressed similar sentiments. If done in the right manner, Williams also had no objection to giving women the vote; he maintained that it would change neither womanhood nor government. However, outside states — whether it was three-fourths, seven-eighths, or the other Suci('t> s lcoiH).ii.iphic ("oll(>ctions forty-seven — had, according to Williams, no lohn Sharp Williams, Vardaman's fellow Senator right to tell Mississippi what to do. The from. Mississippi. Senator described the Fifteenth Amendment as "one mistake of that sort already." Senator possess property in his own state. Francis G. Morris Sheppard of Texas likewise believed Newlands of Nevada was even blunter. He that women should possess the right to vote believed that Negroes threatened American but was "not yet convinced that the question institutions "from within," just as Malays, of suffrage is a proper subject for Federal Orientals, and Hindus menaced them "from jurisdiction."*** without." Newlands would give the vote to Several western Senators, professedly con­ white women and deny it from "the people cerned about the "yellow peril" in their own of any other race but the white race.'"*^ part of the country, made it known that they On March 19, 1914, the day of reckoning would not let the South down even if it meant for woman suffrage in the Senate, Vardaman resisting local sentiment in favor of the and Williams again led Southern opposition woman suffrage amendment. Senator Key to the amendment. The white chief spoke Pittman of Nevada confessed: first. Asserting that no Senator disagreed with "the fact" that the Fifteenth Amend­ [W]e are faced with just as serious a prob­ ment was a disastrous mistake, and once lem [the Japanese] as the people of the again quoting Abraham Lincoln and Thomas South. I do not want to place myself in Jefferson on how the two races could not live the position, as a representative of my state, that when we are faced with such together in peace unless one ruled over the evils that I can not come to the Representa­ other, Vardaman declared that love would tives and Senators of the South and say solve the color problem as soon as everyone to them, "We trusted these questions to recognized the superiority of the white race. you, and we ask you to trust these ques­ Once under way the Mississippian could tions to us." hardly contain himself: Borah also noted that he would be derelict in his duty to the Pacific slope if he helped establish precedents whereby the federal gov­ '" Congressional Record, 63 Congress, 2 session, 4338^339, 4214, 5091. ernment could some day determine who could '"Ibid., 5102, 4962, 5103.

47 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1970

We of the South endeavored to maintain a Of the Senators from the eleven ex-Con­ government by sharing sovereignty with federate states, three voted in favor of the the negro after the [Civil] war. But he is amendment, thirteen rejected it, and six did peculiar. He would not permit it. If you not cast any vote.^^ Since the amendment give the negro an inch, he will take an ell, needed a two-thirds majority of both houses and he will take the country there with him. Under his savage rule we saw the before it could be referred back to the states public domain squandered; we saw the for ratification, woman suffrage would have public treasury looted; we saw the civiliza­ to wait. Yet, as the New York Times noted, tion reared by our forefathers, glorified by "If so many of the Southern Senators were their genius, and consecrated with their not unalterably opposed to an increase in blood vanishing from the earth. What was the number of colored persons having a left for us to do? Nothing but invoke the Constitutional right to vote, the woman suff­ law of self-preservation, which we did, and rage resolution might have passed the by means . . . not as I would have them, but sufficient, the white man rose in the Senate."53 might of his superiority, and drove the Proponents of woman suffrage hoped that scalawag and negro from power. the amendment would stand a better chance of passage in the House. They were wrong. The woman suffrage amendment, argued The same reason which blocked it in the Vardaman, threatened to undo all this great Senate killed it in the House. Southern Con­ work.^" gressmen ably supplemented what their The senior Senator from Mississippi was colleagues in the Senate had already eluci­ never far behind the white chief when it came dated. Representative Robert L. Henry of to anti-Negro verbiage. Williams wanted to Texas was particularly candid. "If you sub­ insert the word "white" into the woman suff­ mit to this amendment," he said, "the next rage amendment. This was necessary, he request will be for a law to prohibit the believed, because race determined human na­ States from passing 'Jim Crow' laws, sep­ ture. "The nigger in Louisiana," said Wil­ arate-coach laws, separate schools, [and] liams, was "a good deal like the nigger in separate churches. . . . The next demand will Africa"; just as white men along the Thames be to place a Federal ban on the States where were much the same as white men along the the intermarriage of the white and black Mississippi. Williams dared any man in the races is prohibited."^'' Senate to proclaim black people the equals of whites, arguing that to call a man a bro­ ther meant that one had to be willing to ac­ "••Ibid., 5108. cept blood relations with him. The Mississippi ''''New York Times, March 22, 1914. Senator pressed on with tenacious logic: "' Congressional Record, 63 Congress, 3 session, 1449. Considering the events of subsequent years, You can not have any real liberty without Representative Henry's fear was not an unwarranted one. Supreme Court decisions, federal legislation, real equality, and you can not have any and executive actions have made the Texas Congress­ real equality between races which in poten­ man's predictions come true—at least in law if not tiality, at any rate, do not intermarry. . . . in fact. Beginning in the 1940's in such cases as If you are not going to call him [the Mitchell V. United States (1941) and Morgan v. Virginia (1946) the Supreme Court undercut state Negro] "brother," you are not going to laws affecting separate accomodations for Negroes cafl him "equal," and if you are not going engaged in interstate travel. Segregation on munici­ to call him "equal," you are not going to pal public transportation was outlawed by federal call him "free"; or if you do, you are court orders following the 1955 bus boycott led by Martin Luther King, Jr., in Montgomery, Alabama. hypocrites, because you do not mean it.^' The public accomodations section of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 declared illegal all forms of segregation W^ HEN THE SENATE finafly voted on the in public facilities, and in The Heart of Atlanta ' ' woman suffrage amendment, the results Motel v. United States decision of that same year the Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of were not surprising. Thirty-five Senators the law. Regarding separate schools for blacks, the voted for the measure; thirty-four against. .'Supreme Court began eroding the "separate but equal" doctrine as early as 1938 in such cases as Missouri ex. rel. Gaines v. Canada and finally did '"°Ibid., 5104-5105. away with legal school segregation in the 1954 land­ " Ibid., 5104-5105. mark case of Brown v. Board of Education. While

48 SOSNA: THE SOUTH IN THE SADDLE

On January 12, 1915, the House rejected knew otherwise. During the great legislative the woman suffrage amendment 204 to 174. furor which characterized Woodrow Wilson's The ex-Confederate states had a total of 104 first administration color consciousness had Representatives, and Southern Congressmen raised its pernicious head frequently, often outdid their fellow Senators in opposing the embarrassingly. Whether viewed directly in resolution. Ninety of them voted against the the form of measures inimical to the interests amendment, six endorsed it, and eight failed of the black people or indirectly in the way to vote. "The surprising thing about the other issues got caught in a racial morass, vote," commented the New York Times, "was color consciousness was a reality unto itself that outside of the South only one state — a central theme of the progressive era. voted solidly against it." Foreign observers That it operated on two different and distinct had difficulty comprehending why this should levels must be considered by anyone attempt­ be the case. Christabel Pankhurst, the noted ing to relate the race issue to the reform English feminist, said that she understood spirit which engulfed America during these that states' rights had a great affect on the years. With this in mind it is easier to under­ congressional vote. "That is too bad," she stand the 1911 lament of the progressive said. "It seems to me that matters like weekly magazine. Independent: "It is provok­ suffrage should be taken up by the nation ing that whatever we want to do the Negro as a whole."^^ should be everlastingly putting himself in the Miss Pankhurst obviously did not grasp way to bother us. In the most unexpected ways the pervasiveness of race in American politi­ and places he bobs up, stumbles in where he cal life. People in the United States, however. is not wanted and sets agley the wisest plans of statesmen. One has to look out for him always. If some new scheme of public reform some integration of religious institutions has resulted is proposed, the first thought is ^Cherchez le from the merging of some of the Protestant churches, negre.' "^^ the federal courts and Congress have been relatively silent on this issue. In 1967, however, in the case of Loving v. Virginia, the Supreme Court affirmed Representative Henry's worst fears about a federal "'Ibid., 1484; New York Times, January 13, 14, ban on anti-intermarriage laws by voiding a state 1915. statute which prohibited marriages between whites °° "Look for the black." "The Everlasting Negro," and blacks. Independent, LXX:417 (February 23, 1911).

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49 FREDERICK JACKSON TURNER

A Note on the Intellectual and the Professional

By BURTON J. BLEDSTEIN

nPHE IMAGE OF THE FRONTIER has proaches American history with an attitude -*- proved to be as rich as that of the White taken over from the sciences. Indeed, no one Whale. Unlike Herman Melville, however, could have been more offhanded in dismiss­ Frederick Jackson Turner failed to elaborate ing romantic folderol about frontiers of the upon his intellectual insight. Turner's inabil­ Golden West." ity to publish continues to interest the his­ It does seem paradoxical that Jacobs has torical guild. In The Historical World of muffled the "Turner thesis" in order to re­ Frederick Jackson Turner, Wilbur R. Jacobs cover Turner from the blows of his urban- has collected some of Turner's often hastily oriented liberal critics. Most often these men written, and less than distinguished letters have belonged to that generation and a half, to friends, teachers, colleagues, and students. coming of age in the 1920's and the 1930's, This new volume contributes to the interest which responded directly against their men­ in Turner. It is a well-organized collection, tors, the Progressives. containing all the better-known letters, along The paradox, in part, is Turner himself. with helpful comments and a bibliographic Throughout the letters, the majority written essay. for professional reasons after 1900, Turner Jacobs emphasizes the latter-day Turner, emerges as a modern and even urbane man, the modern man, a twentieth-century profes­ "with good sense and balanced judgment," sional masterfully guiding graduate students as Jacobs puts it. Judiciousness and original­ into interdisciplinary and comparative stud­ ity are seldom found in the same man, and ies. He does not depict the rare scholar Turner is no exception. He presents himself possessed by a singular and distinctive idea. as genteel in taste, civilized in response, a "Possibly the theories expounded in his writ­ mugwump-style Progressive serving the ing are the less enduring, less significant part established society well, especially in World of his life work; more important perhaps War I as a member of the National Board for were his contributions to historical methodol­ Historical Service. Turner appears as a ogy, his insistence on the need for a more recognized professional scholar, seeking precise, more scientific, and restricted ap­ middle-class comforts and sensibilities, in­ proach to research than that practiced by cluding the rewards of professional recogni­ earlier historians." In the letters, Jacobs sees tion. With considerable earnestness, he found "a very modern historian: not a literary man "one advantage" in a scholar's "outside" financial interests: "They keep the man from at all. but a thorough professional who ap­

50 BLEDSTEIN: FREDERICK JACKSON TURNER

Society's Iconographic Collections Burlesque sketch of Turner and his course on The West which he taught at Harvard. being a closet scholar; and, by bringing him ern private university (and the private into contact with life, they enhance his use­ foundation) responsive to the privileged fulness. Perhaps the main difference between wants of the new academic intelligentsia; the traditional college professor, supposed to from history as the unfolding national self- be impractical, visionary, and out of touch consciousness to history as usable case studies with the world about him, and the professor informing Americans on current problems; of the present time, lies in just this tendency from the act of writing history to the meth­ of the modern professor to mix up with the ods of accumulating it; from the forests of life of his fellowmen and to do his share of Wisconsin, where the cake of custom was the work of the world while he does his teach­ broken, to the gardens of the Huntington ing and research." Library, where the cake of custom was The letters document well Turner's journey conserved. into the twentieth century. He was no simple Turner's letters, together with his later midwestern agrarian, no crude antagonist of writings, correct the hyperbole of his more technology, no anti-institutional individualist, strenuous critics. The liberal critics of Turner no obsessed primitive or militant populist. have often spoken from the perspective of With noteworthy grace. Turner moved from an urban, collectivist, corporate, and tech­ the romantic individualism of the formative nological society — "the new industrial state." years surrounding his 1893 address to the They have charged that Turner had "no liberal individualism of the Progressive world intellectual apparatus for taking account of after 1900. Turner's vision of society shifted the industrial revolution"; that in an inter­ from an organic whole to a pluralistic and national, institutional, and industrial century, mechanical balance of regions and interests; he was a man without a theoretical orienta­ from the state university reflecting the tion; that by wedding democracy to free "socialist" needs of the "people" to the east­ land and natural simplicity, Turner was in-

51 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1970 exorably led by his own useless ideology industrial age. The new professional histor­ "to the conclusion that democracy was ians felt that anti-institutional individualism, doomed." In contrast the liberal critic's com­ preindustrial nostalgia, and Utopian idealism mitted themselves to the "end of ideology": — harmful "survivals" from an earlier day — the end of innocence, the end of individual­ lived to plague contemporary civilization. ism, the end of myth and romance. These historians found that explanations for the travail, the reaction, the "paranoid style" 'X'HE CRITICAL LIBERALS traced their in politics, the self-righteous crusading, the -*- origins to eastern institutions after brutality, the tragedy, the irony were more World War I. Disillusioned with public opin­ convincingly traced to the excesses of nine­ ion in a democracy, these sons of the Pro­ teenth-century democracy than to the short­ gressive Era began to take seriously Nietz­ comings of the twentieth century. In the last sche's aristocrat, Freud's repressed Victorian, generation, the historian's criticism fell much and the "moron" who had appeared in army harder upon the supposed absence of institu­ testing. The maturing critical liberal revolted tions in the past than upon failures within against the sanguine flavor of the older Pro­ the abundant institutions in the present. gressivism and Pragmatism. Sophisticated In a rich outpouring of writing, critical beyond their fathers, the son's stressed pro­ liberal scholars refined the original Progres­ fessional credentials; liberation from the sive dichotomies into their own polarities. middle class; respect for organizations, plan­ The latter-day liberal reading of American ning, and testing; concern with form, struc­ history was more lean and literal, more ture, order, social science, and leadership. structured and reduced — more decisive, Accentuating their disinterest and impartial­ more antagonistic, more destructive — than ity, they belonged to an emerging scientific the earlier liberal reading. In an absolute meritocracy, an academic estate, a value-free way, the critics said, primitivism subverted intelligentsia. And they strongly, even polemi­ civilization, myth impoverished history, cally, disassociated themselves from the romantic idealism retarded realistic reform. earlier eastern mugwump liberals who had The nineteenth century, and Turner, has taught Social Darwinism. served the twentieth too well, at times as a The new professionals defined themselves punching bag. Richard Hofstadter, for exam­ best against nonprofessional types: the Puri­ ple, wrote in his Pulitzer-prize-winning vol­ tan and the Philistine in the twenties, the ume that "anti-intellectualism is founded in Pioneer in the thirties, the Fascist and the the [Jacksonian] democratic institutions and Communist in the forties; the Populist in the the egalitarian sentiments of this country." fifties. The types easily blended, allowing Speaking for the intellectual meritocracy in fascism, for example, to enter Populism. the university world, Hofstadter would return Moreover, taken together, the attacks on the to a traditional and political definition of Philistine, the Pioneer, and the Populist democracy, classical in spirit and low in reflected the critical liberals' attitudes towards expectations. He clarified his premise, notable an entire century — the nineteenth. Twen­ for what it excluded, in an essay critical of tieth-century corporate America had found Turner. "Most of us today are disposed to a "usable past" in the previous century — a define democracy as a system of parliamen­ past that helped explain the violence that tary government in which there is a universal persisted in modern life despite institutions, or nearly universal base of suffrage, in which education, government, and affluence. officeholding is not restricted to a limited class, in which criticism of the policies of Turner's critics saw that the fantasies the government is tolerated and takes an Americans harbored in the early period — institutional form in an opposition party or the virgin paradise, the bower of Adam, the parties, and in which there are adequate arcadian republic — posed a cultural con­ formal legal sanctions to protect such critic­ tradiction in American history. By relishing ism. Turner did not show a systematic inter­ the fruits of a progressive technology, Ameri­ est in the development of democracy in this cans successfully blinded themselves to their sense, but rather in the history of certain social and institutional responsibilities in an

52 BLEDSTEIN: FREDERICK JACKSON TURNER attitudes and issues that reinforced the spirit corresponded. In his mind's eye. Turner em­ of egalitarianism." braced both the creating intellectual and the conserving professional, the "adult powers" 'yURNER'S LETTERS speak to the critics. which the nation now required — the perspec­ Compared to dissenters Charles A. Beard tive of history, the patience of experience, and Vernon L. Parrington, Turner was com­ and educated methods to confront its prob­ fortable, adjusted, and accommodating in the lems. Turner contained within himself the modern age, far surpassing his colleagues as end of horizontal space and the beginning a spokesman for professional discipline. of vertical time; the end of America's unique Turner welcomed the stability, caution, and growth and the beginning of her normal one; corporate capitalism of modern America. He the end of the organic tone and the beginning advocated liberal Progressive themes: the of the analytic one. social role of the expert, political reforms, For Turner the American character was the public responsibility of the university, set, and the future would consolidate the recognition of the "new history" and the egalitarian expectations of the past within an academic guild. The twentieth-century Turner institutional setting. The era of grand themes, was reflective. He built historical hedges moral confrontations, and the quest for around a bygone frontier heritage; he con­ democracy's meaning was over. The era of tained, insulated, explained, and tamed it in professional efficiency, pragmatic institutions, the structure of a textbook and a file drawer. scholarly detachment, the trained intelligence, Turner skillfully extracted a great deal from and good citizenship had arrived. The frontier his early work: personal recognition from thesis had the effect of freeing Turner for a the profession, propaganda for the war effort, pragmatic role, for a hard, unsentimental profit from the publishers. His grasp of the approach to America's liberal institutions as twentieth century was neither apocalyptic nor new means for realizing its values. The next irrelevant. Nor was it divorced from his century would be one of process, planning, understanding of the continuous movement and distribution, a century of technical in­ of American history. novation and expanding well-being. It would Turner stood as a middlebrow scholar in not need new ideals. Turner did not roman­ the emerging "collective" age. He succeeded ticize institutions and industrialism, nor did not despite the cultural tools of the frontier he seriously speak for class conflict in Ameri­ thesis, but because of those tools. A review can history. And his voice has persisted, as of his educational career, notes, and writings Beard's and Parrington's have not, to be before 1893 suggests that "The Significance echoed again and again by American his­ of the Frontier in American History" was torians teaching "consensus," the "end of Turner's own statement of the "end of ideology," and the return to European ideology." liberalism. With the end of the frontier, the end of The critics of Turner might well look at America's formative period, and the end of him as an example of their own limitation. the all-important questions of "character" Scholars who announce the end of ideology formation and identity associated with youth. come dangerously close to the end of ideas, Turner saw himself as the first inature and just as scholars who announce the end of reflective spokesman for American history. innocence may well herald the beginning of Before Turner Americans had looked for­ innocence. Before the academic critics ward : spontaneous, exuberant, unreflective, reached him. Turner victimized himself as possessed by all the energetic, explosive his own most destructive agent. Although he powers of a generously endowed youth. As reduced frontier studies into a manageable a young academic Turner looked backward, sociology for graduate students. Turner failed and realized that he stood at the fall line of to practice successfully in his own writing the American self-consciousness. In an un­ the professional techniques he taught. More­ usual moment, history and biography, event over, those professional skills applied with and man, became one. America's maturity, rigor discredited many exaggerated claims its "know thyself," and Turner's maturity for Turner's West. Indeed, even Turner's

53 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1970 sympathetic students unknowingly depreciated human existence." Such sentiments send the Turner thesis. "Some of Turner's students tremors through graduate advisers, but they have, I am afraid, missed the point entirely," cannot be ignored. Carl Becker wrote in 1944; "Turner's use of More than his colleagues, and more than the term 'West' has led some of them to any other twentieth-century historian. Turner suppose that if they made an exhaustive embodied the enduring schism that has con­ statistical inquiry into, for example, the tinually irritated the historical profession. A development of corn and hogs in Iowa, or man torn, Turner attempted as an intellectual some other Western state, they would be and as a professional historian to unite both applying Turner's 'method.' Turner was meaning and method in one complete, in­ never himself 'provincial,' but too many of divisible act. As both a participant and a his students have been." spectator, he attempted to view American institutional development from the nineteenth- W;^ILL TURNER continue to engage century "observable past." Turner had eaten '~ American historians? The critical lib­ from the tree of knowledge, and he neither eral historian has read Turner retrospec­ lost the intellectual feeling of grandeur nor tively, from the twentieth century to the could he repeat the experience professionally nineteenth. And Turner fades away, as a poet in later years. As he himself indicated, his of history who could not master its prose. strength and weakness became one: "My More sympathetic liberal scholars who have strength, or weakness, lies in interpretation, approached Turner from his nineteenth- correlation, elucidation of large tendencies to century origins have focused on his early bring out new points of view and in giving exposure to the new sciences and evolution. a new setting." Between the general idea and Yet this sympathy has suffered, for it binds the act of publication. Turner stood both the frontier thesis to the frail and antiquated intoxicated and paralyzed. "My methods of science it rested upon. The latter-day Turner- work," he wrote in 1897, "require me to see ian is left commending a comfortable and how I wish to organize the field as an en­ conservative Turner, the "generous critic" tirety before working out the details." His and beloved teacher, training his students in Western studies were forcing him frequently professional methods — methods the master, to reconsider his "general view of American having once tasted originality, never con­ history. The subject is growing as a whole, vincingly embraced himself. and is just now in so formative a condition Turner's spiritual death has often been in my mind that I find it impossible to proclaimed, and perhaps he is best laid to crystallize any particular portion." Turner rest. Nevertheless, he haunts the generation well knew that a creative act of synthesis that came of age in the thirties and guides required both tension and passion. "I must the historical profession today. And Turner write passionately if I do it well and ori­ may yet achieve unanticipated recognition ginally," he wrote, as his passion was failing from their successors. Men of ideas in Ameri­ him, and with it, his originality. ca are too few to be easily discarded. "I At moments Turner's consciousness did remember you said once," Becker wrote expand, perhaps even to the tragic. Com­ Turner, "that it was all very well to poke menting with considerable admiration on fun at the Philosophy of history, but that Henry Adams's Education and the Adams after all it was impossible not to have some family heritage. Turner wrote in 1919: kind of a Philosophy of history, the vital "There is a love of the whimsical, of the point being only whether one's Philosophy clever thrust, the ironic and cynical, in your amounted to anything." Turner had given unadulterated Bostonian Yankee. He must be Carl Becker much more than methodology, original and speak from a higher altitude as the appreciative student acknowledged: toward his fellows: idiosyncrasy is an es­ "To me, nothing can be duller than historical sential element of distinction here." The facts; nothing more interesting than the crusty Brahmin proclaimed himself a failure, service they can be made to render in the but the gentle midwestern academic could effort to solve the everlasting riddle of not sustain such an energy-releasing

54 BLEDSTEIN: FREDERICK JACKSON TURNER idiosyncrasy — the wit born of what Turner quired to legitimize their existence by a cited as that "healthy spirit of pessimism.^' democratic creed as well as by an environ­ Turner praised Adams: "His attitude helped mental function. save history teaching from being pedagogic, The Turner thesis implied that American uninspiring, unrelated to the criticism of history would defy Marx's prediction. Wealth life." and success in a land of abundance would not satisfy the American's expectations. ASA CULTURAL HISTORIAN standing Developed resources would not necessarily -'-^ at the close of the romantic era. Turner create the conditions in which a secure people deserves reconsideration. His intellectual would be socially motivated to behave tol­ development in the postwar decades sug­ erantly, generously, and sympathetically. gests that what William James called the Increasing wealth would stoke the American "dramatic richness of the concrete world" promise, expanding the perception of need. fathered the frontier thesis. Turner penetrated Abundance would inflate the American's good the problems of identity, confidence, melan­ opinion of his accomplishment and the prom­ choly, and maturity in American society. ise of his future. It would also nurture his Despite its abundant frailties, the thesis did suspicion of the foreign and the different. describe historical tensions within American Affluence would encourage Americans to be life deeper, more enduring — and more desperate, defensive, and destructive; apol­ destructive — than capitalism or class. ogetic and self-serving. Turner's nineteenth-century experiences The frontier thesis emerged from an his­ compelled him to enter into the American torical moment of emotional insight, against democracy. The frontier thesis was an attempt which the hopeful, patriotic Turner sheltered to describe the American experience from the himself. He retreated from the darkness, the inside. Turner had touched upon the raw ironies, and the idealism within. Nevertheless, nerve of American life, the anxiety born of as stated in the social turmoil of the tortured existential expectations. He preferred the 1890's. the frontier thesis in its fullness may elemental response to calculated interest, have interpretive value to the generation of choice, and common sense as an explanation historians maturing in the 1970's — a genera­ for personal or national behavior. Turner tion lacking faith in the liberal social vision took physical geography and raised it to the built upon ethnicity, pluralism, and con­ level of an historical idea. In Turner's sensus; a generation disillusioned with the America, a man identified most profoundly pragmatic claims for the ameliorative and neither with the past nor with a class but the accommodating influence of twentieth- with himself. A human being deserved century social institutions; a generation that dignity and personal worth; and he measured appears to be concerned with the implications his manhood by his aspirations, both material of democracy as equality of person beyond and moral. democracy as equality of opportunity; a In the democratic society every historical generation again concerned with the content act became a cultural event, with meaning in addition to the conditions of a democratic beyond the moment. The Turner thesis ideal; a generation nourishing a more touched upon the politics of polarization in desperate instinct for intellectual survival America, where the middle vanished when than the critical liberals. issues were raised. The thesis described the lack of communication between Americans who related to each other on the basis of their human prospect. It embraced violence as an irreducible quality in democratic life. EDITOR'S NOTE: The book referred to in this It recorded the toil of society in a nation essay is Wilbur R. Jacobs, editor. The Histori­ of aggressive, irritable, and frightened men cal World of Frederick Jackson Turner: With who desperately needed to believe both in Selections from His Correspondence (Yale their decency and in their good will. It sug­ University Press, New Haven, 1968. Pp. xxii, gested that American institutions were re­ 289. .SIO.OO).

55 REVIEWS

STATE AND REGIONAL mother of Winston and Jack Churchill saw to it that her sons were exposed to the intel­ lectual companionship and conversation of England's establishment rulers. Father Bob Adventure in Politics: The Memoirs of Philip and Mother Belle Case did the same thing La Follette. Edited by DONALD YOUNG. (Holt, for Young Bob and Phil thoughout their Rinehart, Winston, 1970. Pp. xvii, 283. Fore­ youth. Phil's book gives new details of the word, illustrations, editor's notes, epilogue, influence this had on his and Bob's political postcript by Isabel Bacon La Follette, biblio­ careers. graphy, sources, index. $7.95.) For the casual or uninformed reader, this book probably is the best brief portrait of The memoirs of Wisconsin's former gov­ the La Follette family and the Progressive ernor are an important and often interesting movement that has been written. It traces the addition to the massive, and still growing, careers of father and sons simply and clearly. documentary record of this state's best-known For the serious scholar who wants to dig and colorful political family and political deeply into the local, state, and national movement. scene, it is thin, and offers only new anecdote As an independent entity, the Progressive and character to previously published ma­ party was but a fragile segment of the na­ terial. It lacks names and details of people tional picture. As a lineal descendant of the and events which one needs to fully under­ Grangers, Farmers Alliancemen, and Pop­ stand the phenomenon. It fails to list many ulists (as Russel Nye contends), and ad­ of the supporting cast that so often made justed to the new urban industrial conditions the movement effective. by the La Follettes, the Progressives made a Tribute is paid to men like William T. tremendous impact on American government Evjue and Harry Sauthoff as party leaders, for nearly half a century. but there is no mention of their break with What any member of the ruling family Phil and Bob over the issues of World War has to say about himself, and the events in II. Nothing is said of Morris Rubin and his which he participated, is worth putting in editorship of the Progressive magazine, and the record. Phil's contribution is a useful the rift that later developed between him and one. the boys. The account of his life as a boy in Madison Every book, either by omission or commis­ and on the Maple Bluff farm is human, often sion, unconsciously reveals things abo"ut its amusing, sometimes important. Important, author. This is no exception. because it reports the training the Senior The name of Thomas E. Coleman will not Robert M. La Follette gave his sons in the be found in it. Yet Coleman, a man of dig­ art of politics and the science of government. nity, decency, and high purpose, was the This, more than any other education or Reoublican leader, the nemesis of the La experience they received, prepared them for Follettes for many years. He vowed to drive the arena. them from public office, and he was the An interesting corollary is found in Jennie, strongest single instrument in that accom­ a biography of Lady Randolph Churchill. plishment. His role should have been ex­ Ignored by their father, the lively American plained.

56 BOOK REVIEWS

The Memoirs reveal another flaw in the job had a "boss" suggested they slant their practical political philosophy of the Progres­ news stories. An old professional like Phil sives, in fact, in the entire liberal movement. La Follette should have known that the It often leads to destruction. There is no answer to his question might have been a "loyal opposition." There is only an enemy white lie to avoid giving an embarrassing who must be sought out, hated, fought, van­ answer. quished. All of the "good guys" are on our The Memoirs often overstates the record team. The opposition are all "bad guys." of achievement. Governor Phil did play a Any political craftsman knows this is not strong hand in trying to solve depression true. There are honest men and rascals on difficulties. Some of his programs were effec­ both sides. There are people of high principle tive; some of dubious value. Economists and in the opposition who might become friends tax experts still argue over the privilege on other issues if such strong hatreds were dividend tax. This placed a compulsory and not created during the heat of battle. deductible tax on the dividends of already- I know of such a case. The Wisconsin State taxed corporations. It irritated out-of-state Journal had long opposed the Progressives. stockholders, and discouraged foreign in­ Publisher A. M. Brayton had founded the vestors from entering the Wisconsin security La Crosse Tribune as a liberal paper and market. had supported Old Bob up until World War One can quarrel, too, with Phil's complete I, when they parted company. But he ad­ devotion to the Frederick Jackson Turner mired Young Phil La Follette. He liked his thesis on the importance of the frontier, and dash and daring. The State Journal often his attempt to fit it into today's world. Turner supported him during his district attorney died before the full story of the homesteader years. When Phil announced his candidacy was told. I believe he would have recognized for governor in 1928, Colonel Brayton some of its imperfections. Phil La Follette, seriously considered endorsing him. There who had ample opportunity to observe, ig­ were many conferences on the subject. It was nores the flaws and offers the philosophy as an undecided question when Brayton went a cure-all for national economic ills. to La Crosse to hear one of Phil's early The pioneers who "got there fust" and campaign speeches. Phil attacked the Stal­ homesteaded the rich bottom lands prospered. warts, the Brayton newspapers, the publisher Many equally worthy who came later and himself. The die was cast. Personal pride took up their 160 acres on arid benchlands forced the newspaper into the opposition or prairies and tried to farm them as they camp. had in Wisconsin, Iowa, or Illinois, quickly The La Follettes did not understand, or went broke. Thousands of them were victims misinterpreted, the machinery, the techniques, of an oversold boom, and were not the "lazy" and often the motives, of the Stalwart press or "dissipated" people that the author dis­ that opposed them. At a governor's press misses. conference, Phil once asked capitol reporters The Memoirs reveal the old evidence, why they wrote the "stuff about me" that reported so many times by other authors and they did. An unnamed reporter is supposed even other members of the family, that Old to have answered that they "wrote what their Bob was the giant. His was the creative politi­ bosses told them to." cal genius. He knew how to lose battles and The Wisconsin press of that era had its win wars. Robert, Jr., and Philip, the sons, faults. There may have been a few reporters were above average in intelligence, dedica­ who tailored their copy to fit their paper's tion, industry, but they never quite matched policies. But the answer libels a fine group their sire. Perhaps they blossomed too soon of able, completely honest craftsmen, who and plateaued. Neither was able to recover covered the news as they saw it take place, jhysically or emotionally from the defeats and left the field of opinion to editorial landed them by Joe McCarthy and Julius writers and publishers. Willard Smith, of Heil, and this autobiography discloses that United Press; Craig Ralston and Con Eklund, unhappy fact. Father would have taken either of the Milwaukee Journal; Carson Lyman, pigmy in his stride. Morris Rubin, Lawrence Fitzpatrick of the On the whole. Adventure in Politics is wefl Wisconsin State Journal; John Wyngaard, done and worth reading. Phil La Follette political columnist for a number of state spoke brilliantly, wrote effectively. Un­ papers, all wrote straight and honest reports. fortunately, he died before the book was Any one of them would have walked off the finished, but Editor Donald Young finished

57 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN. 1970 the job with competence and scholarship. His on "Lincoln and New Salem." Other prom­ analysis of the decline of the Wisconsin inent names included in this recycling of Progressive party, and of the disagreement history are James Alton James, Paul W. between Bob and Phil over the latter's enter­ Gates, David Donald, Allan Nevins, Harvey ing the service in World War II, and the Wish, and Walter Trohan. The last named former's neglect of his constituents is of was a longtime correspondent for the Chicago historical importance. Tribune. Much of this story remains to be told. Still, with all of this horsepower, the book Isabel La FoUette's memoirs must be pub­ doesn't seem to come off right. It is possible lished. She influenced and supported Phil that the problem lies in the fact that, in all throughout his career. Her version is im­ but a few cases, the articles are watered down portant. Some day someone will write an versions of major texts written by the au­ objective and nonpartisan account. I would thors; books written long ago, and read by like to see Donald Young attempt it. the general public in a broader context. There are many papers and articles which DON ANDERSON might have served a reader's wishes better, Madison but Mr. Walton's purpose less. One is re­ minded of Leander Stillwell's poignant but (Mr. Anderson is the emeritus publisher colorful descriptions of Civil War battles, or of the Madison Wisconsin State Journal.) of Gershom Flagg's letters on life in early Illinois. But Walton's original assignment seems to have been to show that some of the nation's leading historians had, from time An Ulinois Reader. Edited by CLYDE WALTON. to time, been connected with the Illinois State (Northern Illinois University Press, DeKalb. Historical Society. And that really makes him 1970. Pp. xi, 469. Maps, index, $7.50.) a collector rather than an editor, doesn't it?

One of the publishing fads of the last VICTOR HICKEN decade has been the collection of essays upon Western Illinois University a specific subject, all by different authors, into one large volume. All the editor or col­ lector is called upon to do is to choose the articles, write some little squib about the LABOR HISTORY various contributing authors, contribute an introduction and an index, and then to for­ Sit-Dowti: The General Motors Strike of 1936- ward the material to his publisher. Voild! Another book is added to the editor's survival 1937. By SIDNEY FINE. (University of Michi­ kit in this publish-or-perish world. gan Press, Ann Arbor, 1969. Pp. ix, 448. Illustrations, notes, bibliography, index. In this particular case, the editor invoked $12.50.) the spirit of an idea which has been floating about the ranks of the Illinois State Historical Society for years. With the financial support Professor Fine's interest in the General of the Illinois Sesquicentennial Commission, Motors sit-down strike flowed naturally from Mr. Walton has culled a series of papers his previous excellent study. The Automobile written for the Transactions of the Ulinois under the Blue Eagle, which appeared in 1963. State Historical Society (no longer pub­ In April, 1965, he published his first analysis lished), the Papers in Illinois History, and of the great strike in the American Historical for the Journal of the Illinois State Historical Review, pointing out that "the relevant manu­ Society. Mr. Walton assures his readers that script collections now available, and especially his choices are "personal" ones, but one can the recently opened Frank Murphy Papers, do be assured that they are eminently politic as permit one to speak about some aspects of the well. strike with a greater degree of certainty than Some very significant names have been was heretofore possible." Now we have the full associated with the Illinois State Historical product of this investigation of these and Society from time to time, and many of these many other sources, and the result is un­ are included in this volume. Ray A. Billing- doubtedly the definitive study of what Fine ton's "The Frontier in Illinois History" holds correctly calls "the most significant American a prominent spot in the book, as does Ben­ labor conflict in the twentieth century." jamin P. Thomas's brilliantly written piece Though concentrating on the sit-down, the

58 BOOK REVIEWS book gives us much more than the dramatic into its corporate structure but because of the events of the forty-four days from December militancy, unity, and solidarity of the auto 30, 1936, to February 11, 1937. We obtain a workers. In the end, it was not simply the detailed picture of the emergence of the auto negotiating table, nor even the part played by industry in Detroit and Flint, the nature of Governor Murphy, which caused GM to re­ a company-dominated auto town, the impact treat. "The corporation's automotive produc­ of the Depression on the auto workers, the tion," Fine writes, "was approaching zero — terrible effect of speed-up and the undemo­ GM produced only 151 cars in the United cratic techniques devised by the company to States during the first ten days of February — combat auto unionism. We also get a clear and it must have appeared to GM negotia­ picture of the evolution of the sit-down tech­ tors . . . that . . . the sit-downers were simply nique here and abroad, and an analysis of not going to be dislodged from the corpora­ the reasons why workers found the sit-down to tion's plants in the near future and that its have many advantages over the traditional automotive production, at a time when the forms of a strike. Finally, the book makes clear outlook for profits was encouraging would not the enormous immediate effects of the victory be resumed until an agreement with the UAW in the General Motors strike, and demonstrates was reached." conclusively that it was the most important I hesitate to close the review of this excellent single factor in spurring the unionization of book on a note of criticism. But having written the mass production industries. of the early campaigns to unionize the auto workers waged by the I.W.W. in 1913-1914, It is one of the many virtues of Fine's treat­ I was somewhat surprised that Professor Fine ment of the strike itself that he acknowledges makes no mention of these pioneer activities. the important contributions of the Communists For while the I.W.W. organizing drive did not and their close associates, and documents the produce lasting results, it did pave the way fact that the main initiative and leadership of for the eventual rise of industrial unionism the struggle came from them. He clearly agrees in the auto industry. with Wyndam Mortimer, vice-president of the PHILIP S. FONER UAW and the most important leader of the Lincoln University strike, that " 'the main strategy of the sitdown strike itself was conducted by the Com­ munists,' " and that they had " 'a lot to do with running the strike.' " But he also points out that "it would be a mistake to interpret the strike as a Communist plot or to assume Bread and Roses Too: Studies of the Wobblies. that the Communists and their friends pursued By JOSEPH ROBERT CONLIN. {Contributions in policies that conflicted importantly with the American History, No. 1, Stanley I. Kutler, organizational interests of the UAW." Indeed, series ed. Greenwood Publishing Corporation, Fine makes it quite clear that the Communists Westport, Connecticut, 1969. Pp. xv, 165. Fore­ actually did very little to politicalize the work­ word, preface, introduction, notes, note on ers on broader issues during the strike, and sources, index. $8.50.) he concludes rather wryly that the "principal contribution" of the Communists and their The current historical interest in the Indus­ allies was in assisting to build a powerful trial Workers of the World comes as no sur­ union that would eventually drive them from prise. During the past decade New Left scholars its ranks. have been combing the American past seeking The advocates of the theory, rather popular to uncover a viable, indigenous, radical tradi­ among revisionist labor historians — that the tion. Although the flamhoyant, revolutionary acceptance of industrial unionism during the Wobblies have always been good copy, be­ New Deal Era resulted from an understanding ginning notably with Paul F. Brissenden's between labor leaders and sophisticated em­ seminal study in 1919, they have been "ill- ployers that labor deserved a place within a treated by history and government," as Melvyn corporate capitalist economic structure — Dubofsky has pointed out. Some revisionism would do well to read Fine's meticulous ac­ has been in order, and the recent studies by count of the strike. For what clearly emerges Philip S. Foner, Patrick Renshaw, and Robert from the book is that the powerful GM corpora­ L. T)der are in this direction. Now, in Bread tion finally capitulated not because of any and Roses Too Joseph Conlin promises to sophisticated policy of incorporating the union supplement these narratives with several es-

59 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1970 says "structured around the central problems Finally, there is no excuse for the number with which the IWW confronts historians." of factual errors, however minor, in quota­ tions and citations. In his note on sources, for The author's purpose is clearly revisionist, example, Conlin cites Tyler's work as both as he has already indicated in several articles published and unpublished, and surely David and in his Big Bill Haywood and the Radical Shannon (who contributed a graceful fore­ Union Movement. Thus, he argues that the word) deserves better than to have his history IWW was not only revolutionary but also con­ of American socialism consistently mistitled. ventional; it was not part of a European syn­ Fortunately, however, historians eager to learn dicalist movement; it believed more in "supple­ more about the IWW can dip into Melvyn mentary" than in "dual" unions; it was non- Dubofsky's We Shall Be All (also published in political rather than antipolitical; its faction­ 1969), which nicely combines narrative and alism from 1905 to 1913 stemmed not from analysis and which all but renders Bread and ideological differences but from struggles for Roses Too superfluous. power; IWW leadership was mostly native American; the free speech crusade between 1909 and 1916 "was civil disobedience of the RICHARD T. RUETTEN sort made famous by the civil rights demon­ San Diego State College strators of the early 1960s"; the Wobblies "proved willing and often adept at negotiation and compromise"; they were not contemptuous of society but eagerly cultivated "a favorable public opinion"; they supported prohibition; Industrial Slavery in the Old South. By ROBERT the IWW "was founded with the idea of union­ S. STAROBIN. (Oxford University Press, New ism rather than revolution most clearly in York, 1970. Pp. xiv, 320. Notes, bibliography, mind" (while elsewhere he notes that the IWW index. $7.95.) "was revolutionary, first of all") ; the Wob­ blies were "nonviolent almost to a point of principle"; the First World War destroyed the This monograph is the first systematic study of nonagricultural slavery in the antebellum IWW (although he later concedes that the South. Based upon intense and laborious re­ "transformation and decline . . . began even search in manuscript collections all over the before the war"). In short, the Wobblies "were United States and in even the most obscure in reality more like than unlike their conven­ Southern periodicals and travel accounts, it is tional contemporaries"; the organization an important addition to the scholarly litera­ "moved with the American mainstream at least ture on slavery. Professor Starobin's book as regularly as it bucked the current." focuses on the 5 per cent of the slave popula­ If it is the nature of the revisionist to exag­ tion (between 160,000 and 200,000 persons gerate and to indulge in special pleading, Con­ during the 1850's) who were employed in lin is no exception. Where the evidence con­ industrial enterprises — a term the author flicts, he is prone to accept Wobbly sources, defines loosely, so as to include not merely as in his oversimplified explanation for the factories and foundries but sugar-milling, min­ political decline of Butte socialism. Moreover, ing, and fishing. A doctoral student of Pro­ the "respectability" of Conlin's Wobblies pro­ fessor Kenneth M. Stampp's, Starobin has vokes some bewilderment as to why they organized his study so as to parallel his men­ received fearful and sometimes violent recep­ tor's The Peculiar Institution, which deals tions from many of their contemporaries. But primarily with plantation slavery. The four he has an answer for that too. The IWW got central chapters of Industrial Slavery in the Old South analyze the living and working con­ its "bloody reputation" because of its "ene­ ditions of nonagricultural slaves; the patterns mies," those contemporaries who "knew that of resistance among blacks and of repression it was a labor union which they were attack­ from the whites; the hiring of industrial slaves ing." This simplistic conclusion is possible and the conversion of Southern industries from only if one minimizes Wobbly rhetoric, which free to slave labor; and the profits made in was often revolutionary and inflammatory. Al­ such enterprises. though Conlin admits that the IWW "cannot be exonerated from responsibility for the In a broad sense, Starobin's conclusions occasional violent utterances of its Western confirm those of Stampp. The plight of in­ members," he refuses to recognize that "verbal dustrial slaves was "barely tolerable at best," overkill" may have terrified the general public. for they suffered from "long hours, hazardous

60 BOOK REVIEWS work, subsistence living levels, sickness, and wondering why if industrial slavery was so inadequate medical care." Like slaves in the remunerative the whole South did not become fields, industrial slaves often resisted their a network of cities and factories. masters through "negligence, slow-down, The least satisfactory part of Starobin's feigned sickness, outright refusal to work, and study is, as he himself recognizes, his account pilferage"; yet entrepreneurs were usually of how black men themselves felt about in­ able to maintain discipline and keep a stable dustrial slavery. Since few slaves kept written labor force "by means of sophisticated incen­ records, their "emotions, intentions, and tives, by creating divisions within the slave personalities" have to be inferred "from the group, and, when necessary, by brutal repres­ records of their masters, that slave testimony sion." Just as Stampp found plantation slavery which has survived, and the blacks' overt ac­ profitable, so Starobin concludes that "most tivity." This process of inference is beset by industrial entrepreneurs employing slave labor methodological dangers. Take, for instance, enjoyed highly satisfactory rates of return on the full summary Starobin gives of occasions their investments." when industrial slaves resisted their masters, But Starobin's book does a great deal more whether through outright rebellion or quiet than reinforce a widely accepted interpreta­ slow-down and sabotage. His chronicle of these tion of American Negro slavery; it both settles episodes is somewhat like the list of atrocities some basic, troubling questions about the against slaves that Theodore Dwight Weld peculiar institution and raises some important compiled in Slavery As It Is; if each occur­ new ones. For me, Starobin's most weighty rence is unquestionably authentic, we still do conclusion is his answer to the perennial prob­ not know whether such actions were frequent lem as to whether slavery would have persisted or exceptional. But I am not persuaded that after a diversification of the Southern eco­ all Starobin's cases are authentic, for most nomy. With overwhelming documentation he were reported by Southern whites, who, then shows that during the 1850's slaves were al­ as now, were paranoid and blamed every dis­ ready employed in a variety of nonagricultural aster, from the breaking of a china cup to the employments, from goldmining to textilemak- burning of a cotton gin, upon a Negro con­ ing, and he convincingly argues that there is spiracy. Even where slaves were clearly no reason to believe that Southern internal responsible, I am not sure how to interpret economic pressures alone would ever have some of the instances that Starobin labels ended Negro slavery. Equally persuasive is "resistance." Take, for example, his story of Starobin's refutation of historians like Clement the two slave railroad workers who "hurriedly Eaton and Richard B. Morris who have argued jumped off their hand car, failing to warn their that slavehiring, especially in Southern cities, overseer riding with them that a locomotive was gradually transforming the peculiar in­ was unexpectedly approaching." Was their stitution. Such hiring practices, Starobin negligence an expression of their conscious demonstrates, had been regularly practiced resentment against the slave system? Was it since the 1790's without visibly undermining the result of their unconscious hostilities? Did slavery; it is a mistake to equate urban slavery it reveal their animosity toward this particular with industrial slavery, since only about 25,000 overseer? Or was there simply no time to call of the industrial bondsmen lived in cities; and, out? finally, slavehiring, far from upsetting the I raise these questions not to attack Staro­ Southern social system, "extended the benefits bin's book, which is both learned and valuable, of bondage to the non-slaveowners and thereby if somewhat mechanical in organization and strenghtened the institution of slavery as a arid in style, but to warn of an inherent danger whole." in writing the history of the inarticulate. The Starobin's argument about the profitability historian generally tends to re-create the un­ of industrial slavery strikes me as less con­ lettered men of the past in his own image. It vincing, partly, no doubt, because I am not an is, I think, very dangerous to assume that the economist, but chiefly because I long ago grew Negro industrial slave of the 1850's thought bored with this particular problem. I do not just like the white college professor of the mean to belittle the seriousness of Starobin's 1970's. work or the significance of his findings, yet his account of the enormous profits reaped by DAVID DONALD those who worked slaves in factories reminded me of nothing so much as the proslavery argu­ Center for Advanced Study in the ment of the 1850's. In my innocence I kept Behavioral Sciences

61 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1970

problem is that many Democrats who refused to join the new Republican party—Stephen CIVIL WAR HISTORY A. Douglas, for example — seemed to rep­ resent the dynamic spirit of Northern enter­ prise as much as most Republicans did, and believed that future economic development Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men: The Ideol­ depended precisely on avoiding agitation over ogy of the Republican Party before the Civil the touchy question of slavery. I suspect that War. By ERIC FONER. (Oxford University the principal reason Foner is somewhat less Press, New York, 1970. Pp. xii, 353. Notes, successful than Genovese in relating ideology bibliography, index. $8.50.) to social system is that antebellum Southern society was much more cohesive than Northern. The study and interpretation of ideology Most articulate Southern whites were united is one of the most difficult tasks for the enough in their defense of slavery to make historian, primarily because the relationship convincing a linking of the proslavery view­ between what men say and what they do is point with the plantation system. Northerners, often obscure. It is therefore an impressive however, were less uniformly and ardently achievement for Eric Foner to have written antislavery, so the connection between anti- such a distinguished book as this on a subject slavery thought and Northern capitalism is less so previously neglected. Nor does it detract clear and in need of more qualifications. from his accomplishment if one adds that his work does not entirely resolve all of the Although in his opening and final chapters methodological problems involved in writing Foner portrays political antislavery as an this kind of history. expression of the material interests of the In some ways Foner's book is for the North, he does not consistently pursue this North what Eugene Genovese's The Political theme throughout the rest of the book. The Economy of Slavery was for the South. In central portion of the volume consists of a his first, most broadly interpretive and pro­ series of perceptive and informative analyses vocative chapter, Foner establishes the early of the various components of the Republican Republican party as the political expression party, with a chapter devoted to each of of the "free labor" ideology which was a Salmon P. Chase, the Radicals, the Demo­ product of the bustling Northern capitalism cratic Republicans, and the Conservatives of the eighteen forties and fifties. By that and Moderates. Foner finds it possible to time a system of values incorporating the discuss most of these factions in terms of dignity of labor, economic progress, social pure ideals divorced from any social back­ mobility, equality of opportunity, and a ground. "Principles, then, were what made boundless faith in the ability of all to improve the radicals adhere to the Republican party," their condition through hard work, permeated he informs us. It is certainly refreshing to Northern society. Much as Genovese argued hear a defense of radical antislavery men that the plantation system set the tone for all against recent charges that their opposition of Southern life and that the plantation to slavery stemmed largely from their racism. ideology dominated Southern society, so But if principles were what made these men Foner sees the triumphant Republican free adhere to the Republican party, one wonders labor ideology as reflecting "the world view what made them adhere to their principles. of the northern middle class." "Political anti-slavery . . . ," he writes, "was an afirma- Foner, himself, is somewhat ambivalent on tion of the superiority of the social system the relationship of ideology to interest. In of the North—a dynamic, expanding his introduction he warns us that "Ideology capitalist society. ..." Ultimately, the represents much more than the convenient forward-looking free-labor outlook of the rationalization of material interests." No North was incompatible with the static, pro- doubt it does, but how much more, and what? slavery philosophy of the South, and war Foner never satisfactorily resolves to what between the two sections was inevitable. extent he accepts the views expressed by What, then, one might ask, of the Demo­ public figures on their own terms, and to crats? If Republican ideology represented the what extent he regards them as expressions world view of Northern caoitalism, are we of underlying personal or social interests. to conclude that those who opposed the His effort to do both at once is admirable, Republicans opposed — or at least were un­ but too often he wavers instead, as if un­ concerned about — Northern capitalism? The decided, producing at times a materialist

62 BOOK REVIEWS

interpretation and at other times an idealist many correspondents, it was believed; and one. anyway Southern readers were more interested This is, then, a sophisticated, informative, in editorials than in news. It was known that and interesting volume, based upon extensive during the war some special correspondents research. It touches on a broad range of represented certain papers, but it was thought subjects, ranging from the efficacy of political that most journals relied on volunteer cor­ action to the causes of the Civil War. At its respondents, men in the army who had an itch best it explains Republican doctrine as a to write and composed dispatches when they subtle blend of "personal and sectional inter­ could. est with morality," and describes a complex Now we learn that most of our assumptions interaction in which a social system creates were unfounded. J. Cutler Andrews, who wrote an ideology which then in turn reacts upon one of the best of the earlier books, The North the society that called it into being. It is an Reports the Civil War, has done a similar job important book which, like most important for the South. He demonstrates that the war books, will create new controversies as well brought about many of the same changes in as shed light on old ones. Southern newspaper practice that it occasioned in the North—changes in makeup leading to PETER KOLCHIN more prominent headlines; an increasing em­ University of Wisconsin phasis on news, especially telegraphic reports; the evolution of a co-operative news-gathering service, the Press Association; and the use of special correspondents. Andrews tells a story of development and then, for a time, of retrogression. The ravages of war affected the newspapers as they did everything in the South. The South Reports the Civil War. By J. CUTLER Cities were captured, paper and other supplies ANDREWS. (Princeton University Press, Prin­ were exhausted, telegraph lines were destroyed, ceton, 1970. Pp. xiii, 611. Illustrations, notes, until at the end only a handful of journals maps, appendices, bibliography, index. $15.) were publishing. Andrews discusses various aspects of Con­ During the mid-1950's, almost simultane­ federate journalism—government relations ously four books appeared dealing with North­ with the press, censorship, the influence of ern journalism in the Civil War but emphasiz­ newspapers on opinion and morale—but he is ing the role of the military correspondents who mainly interested in the army correspondents reported the battles and campaigns to an eager and their reports of military events and life. public. He has identified over one hundred correspon­ The authors agreed that during these years dents (fewer than the number representing a revolution in communications had occurred, Northern papers, but many more than has been one which was under way before the war, be­ supposed), and in an appendix he lists their ginning in the popular interest in the sec­ names and, when they had them, their pseu­ tional troubles and coming to a climax in the donyms. He evaluates two of them as great war. Suddenly reader interest shifted from reporters, comparable with the best in the editorials to news. People wanted to know North: Peter W. Alexander, who represented what had happened and to know it as soon primarily the Savannah Republican, and Felix after the event as possible. The newspapers Gregory de Fontaine of the Charleston Courier. were able to meet the need. The telegraph made The stories of these correspondents, like possible the almost instant transmission of those of their Northern counterparts, have news, and the metropolitan dailies employed value as historical sources but also limitations. special correspondents who reported news They often relate interesting bits about gen­ from the spot, "bloody" Kansas before the erals, camp scenes, and battle incidents. But war, the bloodier fields in the war. as battle pieces they are partial, sometimes Similar studies of Southern journalism did inaccurate, and often slanted. Their value is not appear. It was the assumption of most that they enable us to see how the war was scholars of the period, including probably the presented to the Southern public, and in seeing authors of the Northern books, that a com­ this we gain a new perspective on the war. mensurate revolution in news did not take place Professor Andrews has handled his mass of in the South. The newspapers of the few cities materials with skill and perception, and his in the South did not have the money to employ book is a first-rate contribution to the litera-

63 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1970

ture of the Civil War, a reminder, if we concerting, particularly in those chapters needed one, that the story of this great episode where Martin hardly makes an appearance. in our history still offers opportunities for The most serious shortcoming is the unabashed investigation. bias of the authors. For Clarkson and Jett, T. HARRY WILLIAMS Martin is a client maligned when alive and Louisiana State University largely forgotten when dead. Acting as his attorneys, they make the best possible defense of his career they can. In the process they gloss over his failings, portray his enemies as knaves or worse, and generally ignore unfavor­ able evidence. Clarkson and Jett have suc­ GENERAL HISTORY ceeded in re-emphasizing Luther Martin's im­ portance, but it is doubtful their work will be the final word on the man Jefferson dubbed "the Bulldog of Federalism." Luther Martin of Maryland. By PAUL S. FRANK A. CASSELL CLARKSON and R. SAMUEL JETT. (The Johns University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee Hopkins University Press. Baltimore, 1970. Pp. 336. $12.)

Renowned for his drinking capacity, hated by his political enemies, and admired for his awesome knowledge of the law, Luther Martin Politics and Policies of the Truman Admin­ of Maryland stood in the first rank of Ameri­ istration. Edited by BARTON J. BERNSTEIN. can lawyers for over five decades. Within (Quadrangle Books, Chicago, 1970. Pp. 330. Maryland, Martin served as attorney general Index. $10.00.) for thirty-five years, yet maintained a prodigi­ ous private practice. Rarely did he lose a case This is not a complete history of the Truman either as prosecutor or defense attorney. But Administration. Most of the book deals with Martin is better known for his activities out­ foreign policy, and most of the foreign policy side of his own state. A representative to the portion of the book focuses on Europe from Constitutional Convention in 1787, he strong­ 1945 to 1950. Latin America receives much ly opposed efforts to reduce the power of the more space than Asia, in spite of the greater small states in the proposed government. With­ significance of the latter in the Truman years. in a few years, Martin drifted into the evolving Although slightly more than 100 pages are Federalist party and fully participated in the concerned with domestic affairs, they are bitter partisan struggles of the 1790's. The limited almost entirely to civil liberties and Marylander reached the peak of his career civil rights. Little is written about economic during Jefferson's presidency. In 1805 Martin and social welfare policies and party politics. was the chief defense lawyer in the impeach­ Nevertheless, the book is very valuable. The ment trial of Supreme Court Justice Samuel authors attempt only to offer an introduction Chase, and two years later he appeared on to the "revisionist" interpretation of the Tru­ behalf of Aaron Burr at the New Yorker's man Administration, and they provide the best treason trial in Richmond. On both occasions introduction to this important subject that we he succeeded in winning his clients' cases. have. Although those who have read the earlier Those interested in the history of the early works written from this point of view will find national period will find this volume valuable much that is familiar, no serious student of mainly because it is the first biography at­ the recent period should ignore this book. tempted about this important and fascinating This brand of revisionism, which has roots man. Both Clarkson and Jett are experienced in the work of William Appleman Williams lawyers, and those portions of the book dealing in the 1950's, has been developing rapidly in with Martin's legal career are the best. But the the past five years. It challenges highly favor­ study suffers from many faults. The authors' able interpretations of Truman's Presidency research is limited and excludes much of the that had emerged by the early 1960's, rated pertinent and excellent material published in Truman a great or near-great President, ex­ the last decade. Some readers may find the pressed enthusiasm for his foreign policy, and excessive amount of background material dis­ blamed most of his failures at home on the

64 BOOK REVIEWS difficulties in his situation. Cabell Phillips' position after concluding that he had moved The Truman Presidency (1966) is a major beyond his limits. representative of the established interpreta­ RICHARD S. KIRKENDALL tion. University of Missouri Two themes distinguish the revisionist school. One concerns the large role of Ameri­ can ideology, especially American theories of economics and politics, in the origins of the Cold War. In this book, Bernstein, Thomas G. Paterson, Lloyd C. Gardner, and David Green Black Exodus: Black Nationalist and Back-to- illustrate this theme. The other theme empha­ Africa Movements, 1890-1910. By EDWIN S. sizes the responsibility of Truman and his ad­ REDKEY. (Yale University Press, New Haven, ministration for his problems and failures at 1969. Pp. xi, 319. Illustrations, notes, biblio­ home. In this book, Athan Theoharis sees graphical notes, index. $10.00, cloth; $2.45, Truman and his aides as contributing signifi­ paper.) cantly to the rise of McCarthyism, and Bern­ stein criticizes Truman for failing to push Mr. Redkey's intent is, first, to reveal the hard enough on behalf of civil rights. full extent of black nationalism by filling the This new interpretation has emerged as a gap in the historical literature between studies consequence of changes in the situation and of the American Colonization Society and the in research opportunities. These historians are two black nationalist movements of the twen­ looking at old subjects from a point of view tieth century—Garveyism and the Black that owes much to the war in Indochina and Muslims. The author's secondary purpose is to our domestic crisis, and discerns sources of demonstrate that black nationalism, which he our present difficulties in the Truman years. defines as "a rejection of white society," But the authors also know much more about flourished in the final decades of the nine­ the old subjects because new sources have be­ teenth century, although the accommodating come available. They enable scholars to probe philosophy of Booker T. Washington "domi­ deeper and farther. This book draws heavily nated the Afro-American scene." upon recent additions to the Foreign Relations The years covered by this study can cer­ Series, the papers of Truman and others avail­ tainly be viewed as one of the "watersheds" in able in the Truman Library, and the papers the history of black Americans. On the na­ of Henry L. Stimson, Joseph Grew, William tional level the era witnessed America's sud­ Leahy, Bernard Baruch, William Clayton, den rise to the status of a colonial power. Such James Forrestal, and John Foster Dulles that expansion could not help but bring the ques­ can be explored in other research centers. tion of race to prominence as Americans de­ The book is successful in many ways. Much bated the wisdom of taking up the white man's that one finds in Phillips, for example, must burden. At the local level these years saw the now be discarded. These authors know more equally sudden transition from de facto to de about the causes and consequences of the jure segregation throughout the South. North events of the Truman period than earlier his­ of Mason's and Dixon's line black Americans torians could. watched as the color line emerged in much The appraisal of Truman, however, has bolder relief. defects. The authors fail to grapple with as­ Blacks who hoped to escape the heavy hand sumptions involved in their appraisal. They of white society faced the choice of either assume that he was free to behave very dif-. internal or external migration. As it became ferently and that other ways of behaving would abundantly clear that life "north of slavery" have had much better results. I, at least, have was no haven, Negroes began to turn in other doubts about the theory of the political and directions. The great exodus of 1879 which historical processes that surfaces frequently in saw thousands of blacks migrate to Kansas and the volume. The book also provides a confus­ the Indian Territory was the most notable ing picture of Truman. He appears to be de­ example of internal migration. Some blacks manding and doctrinaire in foreign affairs, attempted to establish all-Negro communities timid and pragmatic at home. Actually, on in the West. both sides of his presidential career he was Although the author acknowledges these guided by his sense of realities as well as by internal movements, he gives them brief atten­ his doctrines. He recognized that his power tion and instead focuses primarily on the back- was limited, and he often retreated from a to-Africa movement. While his theme is cer-

65 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1970 tainly important, it is apparent that it is only of the South and drew little support from one aspect of the idea of black nationalism. urban blacks or those Negroes who had man­ Surely the Negro leaders who hoped to estab­ aged to acquire some material prosperity. The lish towns in the West were as steeped in their black nationalsim and back-to-Africa ideas of belief of black nationalism as an alternative the late nineteenth and early twentieth cen­ to the segregated and discriminatory world of turies were more symptoms than successes. white America as were those men who believed But if Liberia never became a reality for the that only in Africa could black men obtain majority of American Negroes, it remained a freedom and equality. symbol as an alternative to the racist society Mr. Redkey focuses most of his attention on of America. Despite the efforts of Bishop one man and one organization: Bishop Henry Turner and the various migration groups, McNeal Turner and the venerated but decrepit Redkey's book left this reviewer depressed. American Colonization Society. Clearly Bishop For regardless of the positive aspects of black Turner was a "black Moses" who devoted nationalism or the back-to-Africa idea these much of his life and energy to helping lead phenomena cannot be ignored for what they his people out of bondage in America. He really are: the desperate effort of black men traveled widely to spread his gospel, used his to forge identities for themselves by abandon­ position in the church to preach his beliefs, ing a society or leaving a country which had and allied with the white-dominated Coloniza­ denied them their history, manhood, and free­ tion Society to enable more blacks to emigrate dom. to Africa. TOM PHILLIPS The author has done an excellent job in University of Wisconsin—Milwaukee relating the decline and final collapse of the American Colonization Society. That organi­ zation had long stood in the vanguard of the back-to-Africa movement, and while Redkey acknowledges that the Society's leaders cannot Wilderness Defender: Horace M. Albright and be called black nationalists, their efforts did Conservation. By DONALD C. SWAIN. (Univer­ much to fertilize the idea of black nationalism. sity of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1970. Pp. xii, Never able to send more than a handful of 347. Illustrations, notes, bibliography, index. blacks to Africa each year, the Society still $10.75.) continued to operate, although crippled by a lack of funds, poor organization, and an aged On picking up this attractive book one's and often incompetent leadership. first reaction is why write three hundred pages The author also provides an account of the about Horace Marden Albright. The man was operations of the International Migration neither a profound thinker nor a distinguished Society, the most successful of the migration writer. His role in the conservation movement, groups, which actually managed to transport chiefly in connection with the National Park and settle several hundred American Negroes Service which he helped establish in 1916 and in Africa during the late 1890's. In the end served as director from 1929 to 1933, could unsound business practices and managerial in­ be matched in historical importance by that efficiency also doomed this effort. of many others. So could his career in private This reviewer found Redkey's description business with the United States Potash Com­ of the conditions in Africa one of the most pany. As for the general public, the name "Al­ interesting portions of the book. The disease- bright" was and is unknown. Professor Donald ridden coastal lands of Liberia, a new diet and Swain's wisdom is to recognize these realities. unfamiliar crops and farming methods all took Consequently, he has written the only kind of their toll among the American migrants. Some book about Horace Albright worth writing— did manage to prosper in their "native" home, a life and times. Swain weaves his subject's but Redkey points out that an alarmingly large story into many of the main themes of twen­ number packed up after a short stay and made tieth-century conservation and politics in the their way back to America. United States. The author also does an excellent job in Swain has also taken pains to write an determining which blacks were most respon­ interesting book. As a writer he has relaxed sive to the back-to-Africa call and which were considerably since his first book, Federal Con­ most opposed. Not surprisingly, the movement servation Policy, 1921-1933 (1963). His style had its greatest appeal among the rural Negroes has taken on a light, anecdotal, wryly humor-

66 BOOK REVIEWS ous quality that carries the account through the 100 Days, Teapot Dome, the CCC. Wild­ some rather tedious topics. This is not to say erness Defender proves again that biography at all that Wilderness Defender is other than is an excellent way to write history. a thoroughly professional work. Swain is a master at the patient unravelling of political RODERICK NASH history, and his ample documentation gives University of California, Santa Barbara evidence of long and careful research. One of the central themes in this book is the tension between various definitions of "con­ servation." An obvious conflict is that between the utilitarianism of Gifford Pinchot and the United States Forest Service, and the preserva­ The New York Police: Colonial Times to 1901. tion inclinations of the National Park Service. By JAMES F. RICHARDSON. {Urban Life in But the preservationists themselves often dis­ America Series. Oxford University Press, New agreed. Were national parks to be managed York, 1970. Pp. xii, 332. $8.50.) primarily as attractions for the growing masses of motorized tourists? Or was their Professor Richardson undertook an ambiti­ primary purpose the protection of spectacular ous task when he determined to write a volume natural environments from alteration by civili­ that encompassed such a broad span of time. zation? According to Swain, Albright took a In attempting to write a history of the New middle course on this issue. Following his York police up to 1901 the author tried to do mentor and the first director of the National too much and failed to treat adequately any Park Service, Stephen T. Mather, Albright aspect of police development. Ostensibly, the realized that the political viability of the parks book is supposed to demonstrate the develop­ depended on their popularity. The number of ment of the New York police, "showing how visitors, then, became crucial. If that number it changed to meet the changing needs of the could be raised by better roads, bigger hotels, metropolis." But Richardson failed in his basic and staged feedings of bears in garbage pits objective since he did not indicate significant (as in Yellowstone National Park during Al­ changes during the period 1844-19C)1. Sup­ bright's tenure as superintendent), so much posedly this volume is an "analysis of the role the better. But Albright also understood that of the police in American life," but in fact it wildness, after all, was the chief attraction of is devoid of analysis. The book lacks concep­ the parks—what distinguished them, for in­ tualization, is unfocused, vague, and is honey­ stance, from zoos. He steadfastly resisted at­ combed with generalizations that lack support­ tempts to alter the wild backcountry of the ing evidence. Richardson frequently accepts parks. newspaper rhetoric as gospel and really does Still another controversy centered on the not understand the police and their predica­ question of whether the federal government ment during this period. or local landowners were the best custodians Actually this work is a social history of New of scenery. Here the stormy thirty-year history York superimposed upon a superstructure of of the establishment of Grand Teton National the law enforcement function of the police. In Park is central. Swain tells it in detail because regard to this police function Richardson Albright was involved in every phase. The should have focused on the divergence between Teton episode reveals Albright at his best: the police view of their role as maintainors of promoting, politicking, pushing, compromis­ order and the mugwumps conception of the ing for an ideal. police as law enforcers, especially in regard to Knowing that Swain secured the personal blue laws. Since the author devotes so much co-operation of Albright in preparing this of his book to the question of vice, he might book, I examined it closely for suggestions of have focused on the divergence of the police bias. There are none. The author gives Al­ and mugwumps on this very problem as it was bright his due but refrains from eulogy. In­ the root of the conflict between them. deed, Swain does not hesitate to point out that Richardson presents a complete narrative of Albright's attraction to undercover conserva­ the development of the police as an institution tion gamesmanship sometimes aroused public until 1870, although he does not significantly suspicion and even conflict of interest charges. add to the contribution of Augustine E. Cos- A fascinating kaleidoscope of men and tello, who wrote Our Police Protectors in 1885. events runs through these pages: Herbert Thereafter Richardson is unable to deal with Hoover, Harold Ickes. Franklin D. Roosevelt. the problems of institutional change; his "con-

67 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1970 cern has been a narrower one, focusing on the response of the police to attempted reduc­ crime, vice, and disorder." He acknowledges tions in salaries spearheaded by economy- that the police were corrupt, that they pro­ minded reformers. Richardson did not utilize tected vice for monetary considerations from the available data. In addition, he barely men- the beginning and were still doing this in lions police political activities. On page 227 the 1901. This is not a significant change. Al­ author declares, "There were fewer conflicts though the author apologizes for the breadth between the mayors and the [police] commis­ of his work and rationalizes that "it is needed sioners in the 1880's than there had been in to gain perspective and delineate patterns," the previous decade." We never find out why he loses the reader in his narrative about this was the case. These examples are but a police-protected vice. When he ventures out of sample. the sphere of vice, Richardson introduces Richardson agrees that the historian's func­ material about events, yet never explains why tion is to examine change over time, but he events take place. In short, the police are does not indicate what these changes were, if treated in a vacuum. Richardson tries to relate any. The author more or less concluded that the police to the political machine but never the police were victims of their circumstances explains the mechanics of the political system and since there were conflicting and contradic­ and the place of the police within the system. tory demands made on them their performance The author sees only the surface manifesta­ was indicative of these cross-pressures. How­ tions of the police problem but never focuses ever, a more thorough treatment suggests that on the relationship of the police, political dynamic changes had occurred during the organizations, and the public in the political period 1870-1901 which ushered in a profes­ process, although he makes an attempt to dis­ sionalized police bureaucracy. If Richardson cuss all three in sporadic fashion. was looking for changes over time, these are Although Richardson treats some police some of the changes that did occur. The evi­ leaders in his narrative, rarely do we find out dence for these contentions exists. Professor about the rank and file. How did they react Richardson evidently did not discover it. to control by politicians and attack by reform­ ers? For example, on page 173 Richardson talks JERALD E. LEVINE about police salaries and yet fails to indicate Uni sity of Wisconsin

BOOK REVIEWS:

Andrews, The South Reports the Civil War, re­ Redkey, Black Exodus: Black Nationalist and Back- viewed by T. Harry Williams 63 to-Africa Movements, 1890-1910, reviewed by Bernstein (ed.). Politics and Policies of the Tru­ Tom Phillips - ._ -- - 65 man Administration, reviewed by Richard S. Richardson, The New York Police: Colonial Times Kirkendall - 64 to 1901, reviewed by lerald E. Levine --. 67 Clarkson and Jett, Luther Martin of Maryland, Starobin, Industrial Slavery in the Old South, re­ reviewed by Frank A. Cassell .- 64 viewed by David Donald 60 Conlin, Bread and Roses Too: Studies of the Woh- Swain, Wilderness Defender; Horace M. Albright hlies, reviewed by Richard T. Ruetten ...- 59 and Conservation, reviewed by Roderick Nash 66 Fine, Sit-Down; The General Motors Strike of Walton (ed.), An Illinois Reader, reviewed by 1936-1937, reviewed by Philip S. Foner 58 Victor Hicken ._ ___ 58 Foner, Eric, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men: The Young (ed.), Adventure in Politics: The Memoirs Ideology of the Republican Party before the of Philip La Follette, reviewed by Don Ander­ Civil War, reviewed by Peter Kolchin 62 son ..- - - 56

68 Proceedings of the One Hundred and Twenty-fourth Annual Business Meeting of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin

Director's Report 1969-70

It is both a pleasure and a relief to be Act of 1966, appointed by Governor Warren able to report that the remodeling of the Knowles in the spring of 1969, has been Society's building in Madison is now sub­ organized with Howard Mead as chairman, stantially complete and that most of the new and has held three meetings this year. We equipment and furniture have been ordered. have started the required statewide survey Hopefully by autumn the air conditioning of historic sites; the first five nominations will be working properly, the remaining of sites for the National Register of Historic minor work will be finished, and the past Places have been accepted by the National eighteen months of distraction and disrup­ Park Service, and several others are being tion will be only a dusty memory. prepared by the staff for submission. Those During the last summer and fall the Assist­ accepted are Cotton House, Hazelwood, and ant Director and I spent a great deal of our Tank Cottage in Green Bay, the First Capitol time on legislative matters. While the bud­ in Belmont, and Stonefield near Cassville. getary results were most disappointing, it Two new units were completed this year should be pointed out that other state agencies in the 1890 village at Stonefield. The photo­ fared no better than did the Society. Even grapher's studio, the gift of the Wisconsin so there were some bright spots in our ex­ Professional Photographers Association, was perience: the Board on Government Opera­ dedicated last August. Mr. George Banta, tions provided funds to purchase the old who has been so continuously generous to Ringling Car Shops property in Baraboo for the Society, provided the village railroad the Circus World Museum; and the State depot and was instrumental in securing two Building Commission has approved all our beautifully restored railroad cars to stand on requests for the funding of projects to be the siding near the depot. carried out at the Society and at its historic Perhaps the most significant development sites. The most important of these under­ with regard to the sites operated by the takings are a new card catalog and the provi­ Society was the completion of the long-range sion for additional student carrels in the sites planning committee report which has library, the purchase of storage equipment been approved by the Board of Curators. for the museum, the installation of fire- This report constitutes the most comprehen­ sprinkler systems in three buildings at the sive plan we have ever had for the develop­ Circus World Museum, and the renovation ment of the sites program. of the Astor Fur Warehouse and the con­ In addition to its normal workload, the struction of a new parking lot at the Villa library staff has nearly completed the re- Louis in Prairie du Chien. cataloging of the entire genealogical collec­ Notable progress has been made concern­ tion from the cumbersome and out-moded ing the preservation and development of Cutter system into the Library of Congress historic sites. The State Consulting Commit­ system of classification. This amounted to tee for the National Historic Preservation recataloging 6,400 volumes this year alone,

69 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1970 which is equivalent to the number of new a result of patient and persistent work in and out-of-print titles and periodicals we the Field Services Division, aided occasional­ receive in a normal year. Furthermore, the ly by other staff and members of the Board library has made about 7,000 catalog cards of Curators who had special contacts or op­ required to list in our library catalog many portunities. Documentation of Wisconsin materials available to Society patrons on agriculture was enriched by acquisition of loan from the Center for Research Libraries records of the Wisconsin Farm Bureau in Chicago. This will do much to extend the Federation, Wisconsin Federation of Co­ range of resources available to all those who operatives (recently formed by the merger use our library. of the Wisconsin Council of Agricultural Co­ The library continues to work on prepar­ operatives and the Wisconsin Association of ing a list of serials currently received, which Cooperatives). Collections important to the we hope to issue as a publication; it furnished history of business in Wisconsin came from books and journals to several reprinting com­ the Milwaukee Grain Exchange and the panies; and the filming of our card catalog Madison Bus Company. Students of the state's for publication in book form by the Green­ political scene will be interested in the wood Press will be completed in another Thomas E. Coleman Papers and the papers week. The newspaper microfilming project of seven former or present Wisconsin legisla­ will soon complete all the Wisconsin titles tors, which were brought in this year. In scheduled for filming. addition. Governor Warren P. Knowles has committed his papers to the Society, and a The Society's library has long been noted larn;e proportion of them are already in the for collecting and preserving ephemeral, fugi­ building with the remainder to follow after tive items that other libraries thought un­ the end of his term of office. The Associated important at the time, and our collection of Press Managing Editors Association chose underground newspapers is the most recent the Society as the repository for its archives. example of this kind of foresightedness. By This is only a small sampling of the nearly arransjement with the Micro Photo Company 1,000 gifts of manuscripts, artifacts, books, of Wooster, Ohio, this collection has been and other materials accessioned this year by placed on microfilm for sale to other libraries. field services. The Society's network of Area Research More than that of any other division, the Centers at seven state universities and the work of the museum was disrupted by the University of Wisconsin — Milwaukee seems remodeling. Preparation of the new galleries to be coming of age. Use of the centers has was slowed by the extra cleaning and moving grown rapidly, and this spring in co-opera­ of the existing galleries affected by the re­ tion with the center at La Crosse, we held modeling of the first floor. Nevertheless, the a very successful conference for curators of historymobile went on the road with a new the several centers, university archivists and exhibit on water pollution; a decorative arts librarians, and history professors. gallery, in which the first exhibit will be of The Division of Archives and Manuscripts chairs, will open in August; work on the completed two microfilm projects funded by black history exhibit is under way with the the National Historical Publications Com­ opening scheduled for November; and re­ mission, and we have recently received ap­ search and planning for other exhibits and proval of our application for $27,000 to galleries has moved along steadily. In addi­ microfilm the Robert M. La Follette, Sr., tion, the museum was responsible for special papers. exhibits both inside and outside the Society The Society of American Archivists met building: the Women's Auxiliary series on in Madison last fall and Society staff mem­ Famous Wisconsin Women: the centennial bers held key positions on the program and exhibits of the Wisconsin Academy of local arrangements committees for this na­ Sciences, Arts, and Letters; an exhibit of tional meeting of nearly 400 professional toys; a display of papers and memorabilia archivists from the United States and Canada. in conjunction with the opening of the Philip During the year the following major col­ F. La Follette Papers, and several others. lections were opened to researchers: Senator Museum Education has initiated a highly Alexander Wiley Papers; Alexander Meikle- effective and popular in-service program on iohn Papers; records of the International local history for teachers which was given Brotherhood of Teamsters; and the Philip F. twice this year, attended by forty teachers La Follette Papers. Several other important each time: the reception has been so en­ new collections also came to the Society as thusiastic that the class limit has been raised

70 PROCEEDINGS: 1969-1970

to eighty for next fall and reservations are appreciation to the staff, whose diligence and already filled. Four new issues of Badger dedication have carried the Society through History, each with a teacher supplement, this year of transition. I have had to delegate were issued, and museum attendance held up many additional tasks to division heads well despite the campus unrest this spring. whose many and varied contributions defy Last fall the Office of Local History intro­ brief description except under the heading duced a new format for the Annual Institute of "indispensable". for Local History—a technique which Now, on behalf of the staff, I welcome our focuses on the substance of history as well new Director, James Morton Smith, to our as the methods of its presentation. ranks. We all look forward to his active The Research Division has been absorbed leadership, and trust that we shall enjoy in work on the six-volume history of Wis­ many years of pleasant and productive as­ consin. Four of the authors are in various sociation. We are confident that together we stages of writing their individual volumes, shall add new lustre to this Society's proud and we anticipate publication of one or more and distinguished heritage. of these volumes in 1972. In addition to the quarterly issues of the Wisconsin Magazine of Respectfully submitted, History, the Editorial Division has seen eight books through the press, including two guides for the manuscripts collections microfilmed by RICHARD A. ERNEY, the Division of Archives and Manuscripts. I want to conclude with a special word of Acting Director

Statistical Appendix

LIBRARY

Acquisitions

1963-64 1964-65 1965-66 1966-67 1967-68 1968-69 1969-70 Bound Volumes 5,078 5,976 5,001 5,641 6,820 6,904 5,165 Pamphlets 1,689 1,806 2,346 1,469 4,002 4,636 2,952 Government Documents (items) 8,704' 11,280 2,175 Reels of Microfilm 2,508 3,837 4,172 5,421 7,772 7,055 5,841 Sheet Microformats 12,126 14,451 16,398 18,257 16,856 17,409 14,341 "Counted previously under "Bound Volumes" and "Pamphlets.'

Persons Served Stack and carrel admissions 40,468 37,265 38,583 41,442 40,396 .36,676 34,358 Reading room service -_ 14,714 15,674 13,7.36 15,285 10,948 8,056 8,925 Vlicroforms reading room 9,147* 11,168 11,389 Borrowed for home use 19,253 19,790 20,0.53 18,452 19,649 21,649 17,256 Correspondence --- 1,513 1,522 1,670 1,699 1,770 1,791 1,848 Total ______75,948 74,251 74,042 76,878 81,910 79,340 73,776 'Counted previously tinder "Reading Room.'

Circulation Statistics—Books and Reels of Microfilm Reading room use _ 37,182 39,554 35,840 37,779 .55,974 68,176 63,905 Home use _ 36,436 37,147 38,986 .36,191 42,034 43,273 .37,905 Total _ 73,618 76,701 74,826 73,970 98,008 111,449 101,810

71 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1970

MUSEUM Historymobile 1967-68' 1968-69' 1969-70' Cities visited . . - 73 94 86 No. operating days 233 200 205 No. hours open 1,923 1,742 1,703 Mileage traveled 2,071 2,531 2,268 Attendance: Adults 59,027 30,698 30,936 Children __ 115,965 77,201 97,325 'Central third of Wisconsin ^Western third 'Eastern third

ARCHIVES AND MANUSCRIPTS Total Manuscript Collections—Processed 1967-68 1968-69 1969-70 Unbound pieces 11,064,200* 11,476,200 13,449,550 Volumes _. 14,034" 14,587 14,834 "Reflects the incorporation of the McCormick Collection, estimated at 2,000,000 unbound pieces and 2,000 bound volumes.

Patronage: Annual Registration by Locality Wisconsin 985 1,008 985 Other States 257 284 265 Foreign _ _ 23 9 11 Total ____ 1,265 1,301 1,261

Patronage: Persons Served MaiuLscripts 3,167 3,192 3,207 Maps ______625 427 568 Archives .__._ _ 748 552 455 Correspondence (Manuscripts) 1,036 1,130 1,185

Archives—Reference Requests By Types 1966-67 1967-68 1968-69 1969-70 Administrative 202 346 316 364 Scholarly Research __ _ 492 342 367 382 Legal Research 50 69 33 69 Genealogy _ 306 170 172 193 Miscellaneous 5 15 19 20 Total 1,055 942 907 1,028

HISTORIC SITES

Attendance 1967 1968 1969 Stonefield 28,989 38,397 41,625 Old Wade House 30,772 45,798' 36,567 Villa Louis 45,227 50,115 49,139 Madeline Island 12,331 'Carriage Museum opened to public on July 5, 1968.

72 PROCEEDINGS: 1969-1970

Digest of Board Action

At Madison, October 3-4, 1969 • Approved a 50 per cent discount on sites • Accepted gifts and bequests totaling admissions for members of the Society in $114,833.96 for the period January 1 to lieu of free admission; June 30, 1969; • Adopted the recommendation of the Port­ • Voted to keep the historic sites open to age Canal Committee to withdraw im­ November 1, effecting every possible eco­ mediately from any further participation nomy consistent with their safe and effec­ in the planning or implementation of the tive operation, and recommended that the Portage Canal projects, and also recom­ Historic Sites Committee be requested to mended that the Society should, within the make a thorough study of the financial limits of its capabilities, provide consulta­ condition of the sites as quickly as possible tive services if requested by any govern­ and make recommendations to the Board; mental or private organization which might • Requested that policy statements on com­ wish to proceed with all or part of the mercial use of the historic sites and of the proposed development; iconographic collections be drafted for the • Voted to extend a vote of confidence and Committee's consideration; express its appreciation to the acting direc­ • Adopted the report of the Awards Com­ tor, Richard A. Erney, and to the entire mittee for the following awards to be staff for the capable way in which they are presented at the Annual Institute for Local handling the Society's affairs during this History: The Reuben Gold Thwaites time of financial problems and social con­ Trophy to the Ozaukee County Historical flict. Society; Certificate of Commendation to the South Wood County Historical Society; At Milwaukee, January 31, 1970 and Local Awards of Merit to Earle S. • Accepted gifts and grants totaling Holman, Antigo; Ruhl Kluczinske, Mani­ $28,255.92 for the period July 1 to Decem­ towoc; and Mrs. Mary Ellen Wietczykowski ber 31, 1969; and Miss Virginia Palmer (joint award), • Approved action empowering a committee Milwaukee; representing the Board to work with the • Approved the lease-management agreement University to clarify the Society's authority between the Society and the Historic Sites and responsibility in connection with Uni­ Foundation, Inc., for the operation of the versity collections which are housed in the Circus World Museum for 1970; Approved Society's facilities, specifically the United the restated articles of incorporation for Artists collection; the West Allis Historical Society, Green • Approved nominations for the following County Historical Society, and the Jeffer­ Historical Markers: Tomahawk Lake, son Historical Society; Lake Tomahawk; Caddie Woodlawn Home, • Voted to request the Building Commission Dunn County; Saint Joseph Basilica, Mil­ to allocate up to $5,000 from unallocated waukee; and Headwaters of the Wolf River, public funds for a land-use study of the Forest County; Villa Louis area, to be completed before • Voted to accept the Historic Sites Com­ other projects are started at the Villa Louis mittee's recommendation that the Blanding site; site in Polk County be transferred to the • Approved revised membership rates as fol­ local society and that the state society act lows: annual, $7.50; library, $10.00; only in an advisory capacity in the site's family, $10.00; contributing, $25.00; preservation; business and professional, $50.00; sustain­ • Adopted the Historic Sites Committee's ing, $100 to $499.00; patron, $500 and recommendation that the Society encourage over; the Department of Transportation in its

73 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1970

proposal to acquire the Finnish Windmill the operations ol universities, museums, site in Douglas County and that the Society libraries, and similar repositories, in that staff co-operate with the Douglas County income tax deductions based on fair market Society and the Department of Transporta­ value, formerly allowed for charitable con­ tion on a consulting basis for the presenta­ tribution of papers and manuscripts by tion of the site to the public; their creators, have now been eliminated. • Authorized the staff to proceed with the following projects, using available state At Beloit, June 18-19,1970 building trust funds: erection of a cream­ ery building, doctor's office, an 1890 farm­ • Adopted the Investment Committee's re­ house, and the installation of exhibits in port, resulting in a change of policy re­ the agricultural museum, all at Stonefield; garding investments; Wade House visitors' center; installation • Approved the following Awards of Merit of a sprinkler system at the Circus World recommended by the Awards Committee, Museum; and restoration of the Astor fur to be presented at the annual meeting: warehouse at Prairie du Chien; Sterling North for his juvenile book. The • Approved a revised schedule of admission Wolfling: Edward H. Beardsley for his rates for Old Wade House and the Carriage adult book, Harry L. Russell and Agricul­ Museum, Stonefield, Villa Louis, and the tural Science in Wisconsin; and Organiza­ Madeline Island Historical Museum; tion Awards of Merit to the Connor Foundation and Connor Forest Industries • Approved restated articles of incorporation of Wausau and Laona, and the Green for the Wisconsin Archeological Survey; Bay-De Pere Antiquarian Society; • Approved applications for affiliation of the Franklin Historical Society and the Rich­ • Approved the Selection Committee's choice land County Historical Society; of Dr. James Morton Smith to become • Referred back to the Membership Commit­ the eighth director in the Society's 124- tee a recommendation for joint member­ year history; ship for local society members, for recon­ • Approved the application of affiliation of sideration at the January 1971 meeting; the Chippewa County Historical Society; • Adopted a resolution urging the repeal of • Adopted a resolution of appreciation to Section 514 of the 1969 Tax Reform Act Mr. George Banta, Jr., and the Green Bay which contains provisions detrimental to & Western, Soo Line, and Burlington Northern railroads for their help in the construction and equipping of the depot at Stonefield; • Adopted the report of the Long-Range Sites Planning Committee; • Voted a resolution of appreciation to the German group which had invited repres­ entatives of the Society to attend the Pom- mern-Treffen at Kiel, West Germany ; • Authorized the staff to work with the Legislative Committee to the end that legis­ lation on historic preservation be developed this year, and to work with other groups interested specifically in the Madison area, as well as with the League of Wisconsin Municipalities; • Elected the following officers for a three- year term: E. David Cronon, Madison, President; Howard W. Mead, Madison, Second Vice-President; and re-elected John C. Geilfuss, Milwaukee, First Vice-Presi­ dent, and E. E. Homstad, Black River Falls, Justin M. Schmiedeke Treasurer; • Adopted resolutions of appreciation to Thomas H. Barland, retiring President, University art students sketching examples of nine­ and Clifford D. Swanson, retiring Second teenth-century chairs in the Museum's current ex­ hibition. Vice-President.

74 PROCEEDINGS: 1969-1970

Minutes of the Annual Meeting

HE annual business meeting was held at There being no further nominations from T the Sheraton Motor Inn, Beloit, June 20, the floor, Mr. Risser moved and Mr. Swanton 1970. E. David Cronon, president-elect, pre­ seconded that the requirements for a written sided in the absence of President Thomas H. ballot be waived and that the secretary be Barland. Approximately seventy-five mem­ instructed to cast an unanimous ballot for bers and guests were present. the slate presented. The motion was accepted Mr. Homstad presented the treasurer's and the slate declared elected. report, which was accepted and ordered filed. Mr. Mead, at Mr. Cronon's request, read Mr. Erney summarized the highlights of the a resolution of appreciation for the con­ year's programs and activities and expressed structive manner in which Richard A. Erney his appreciation for the help and co-operation had filled the post of Acting Director of the of the Board and the staff during this period Society since June 1969, whereupon the re­ in which he had served as acting director. solution was unanimously adopted and Mr. He pointed out that his formal report, as is Erney was accorded a standing ovation. customary, would appear in the autumn issue Since there was no further business to be of the Wisconsin Magazine of History. brought before the membership, the meeting Mr. Cronon, after paying tribute to the was adjourned at 1:45 P.M. presidency of Judge Barland, reported on his Respectfully submitted, recent trip abroad with Assemblymen Harold V. Froehlich and Ernest C. Keppler and RICHARD A. ERNEY Architect Richard W. E. Perrin of Milwau­ Acting Secretary kee to attend, as guests of the West German government, a convocation of Pomeranians in exile in Kiel. This group, members of which had become interested in the Old World Wis­ consin project on a recent visit to the state, has expressed interest in an international effort to implement the project. In the absence of Mr. William Stark, chair­ man of the Nominating Committee, Mr. Cronon called on Mrs. Emily Baldwin to present the following slate of nominees for the Board of Curators: For re-election for a three-year term ending in 1973: Thomas H. Barland, Eau Claire Jim Dan Hill, Middleton E. E. Homstad, Black River Falls Mrs. Edward C. Jones, Fort Atkinson Mrs. Raj'mond J. Koltes, Madison Charles R. McCallum, Hubertus Jubtm M. Schmiedeke Howard W. Mead, Madison One of two railroad cars donated by the Greenbay Frederick I. Olson, Wauwatosa & Western Railroad, Soo Line, and the Burlington F. Harwood Orbison, Appleton Northern Railroad being moved by a truck and road grader into Stonefield Village from the station Donald C. Slichter, Milwaukee at nearby Cassville. Mr. George Banta, Jr., donated Dr. Louis C. Smith, Lancaster the new village railroad station and the tracks on Robert S. Zigman, Milwaukee which the cars will be displayed.

75 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1970 The Staff*

Office of the Director RICHARD A. ERNEY, Acting Director WILLIAM H. APPLEGATE, Assistant Director BERNADETTE WILHELM, Administrative Assistant Division of Administrative Services M. JAMES SEVERA, Administrative Services JUSTIN M. SCHMIEDEKE, Public Information Officer

Business Office Maintenance LEONARD W. BEHNKE, Comptroller ANTHONY W. SCHAEFFER, Supervisor DONNA J. BURGETTE, Accountant RICHARD C. ANDERSON^ Lots 1. ELSENER, Assistant to Comptroller DWIGHT W. BAUMGARTNER ROTH E. HAYES, Purchasing Agent VERNE J. BRUMM^ MONICA J. STAEDTLER' MARVIN W. CLARK FLORENCE J. COLLETTI THOMAS A. CRIMMINS Clerical Section JAMES A. CULVER GEORGE DOCKERY MARY C. MCCANN, Sales Supervisor ELMER DUFF KATHLEEN A. BOTHUM JOHN D. FOUST'' MARGIE A. BEAN K. SCOTT FREY VERA E. FRIEND GREGORY A. GMEINDER ELDEEN J. MAYNE LuiE J. HALLER MARY E. PALTZ STEPHEN H. KEMPEN ROBERT F. SYVRUD LESLIE H. SARBACHEH B. JAMES TSCHUDY LOREN J. STUCKEY loNE J. VAN SCHOYCK MILD J. SWENSON WILLIE JO WALKER Secretaries ROY T. WINCH'

DELORES C. PROSSER, Supervisor Receptionists DIANE E. DAMBACH^ ELIZABETH J. S. LORING** RITA ANN DENEEN SANDRA L. O'BRIEN JANE E. ROTH GRACE B. TODHUNTER RUTH ANN JOHNSON'' PATRICIA A. VARDIN* Division of Archives and Manuscripts F. GERALD HAM, State Archivist Archives Section Manuscripts Section JACK K. JALLINGS, Assistant State Archivist E. DENNIS ROWLEY', Manuscripts Curator CHERI B. CARBON MARGARET R, HAFSTAD'^ JERRY V. CASWELL KAREN J. BAUMANN DAVID J. DELGADO'" ELEANOR M. NIERMANN FRANCIS A. DELOUGHERY PATRICK M. QUINN CLAIRE CONE ROBERTSON'^ Archives-Manuscripts Search Room JOSEPHINE L. HARPER, Manuscripts Curator Iconographic Collections KATHERINE S. THOMPSON PAUL VANDERBILT, Curator ELISE W. HALL National Historical Publications JUDITH A. TOPAZ'* Commission Microfilm Project CAROLE SUE WARMBRODT, AssiHant Editor''^ "Resigned March 3, 1970 *As of June 30, 1970. This listing includes only ''Resigned July 7, 1969 full-time, permanent staff members and does not include research assistants, part-time student assist­ ^'Resigned September 24, 1969 ants, guides, etc. ''Resigned September 20, 1969 '°Resigned October 31, 1969 'Retired August 31, 1969 "Resigned September 10, 1969 ^Resigned October 2, 1969 ^Resigned July 5, 1969 '^Retired October 31, 1969 ^Resigned September 12, 1969 '^Resigned July 4, 1969 •''Deceased lanuary 27, 1970 "Resigned September 5, 1969

76 PROCEEDINGS: 1969-1970

Research Division WILLIAM FLETCHER THOMPSON, JR., Director ALICE E. SMITH'''

Museum Division THURMAN O. FOX, Director KAREN S. BREMER, Receptionist

Exhibits and Research Education DAVID W. MCN.AMARA Supervisor DORIS H. PLATT, Supervisor R(3BERT W. DEWITT ANDREA H. DINOLT'" RICHARD A. HORN HOWARD W. KANETZKE CH.ARLES H. KNOX LANCE M. NECKAR RONALD D. LOFMAN JUDITH A. PATENAUDE WALTER W. WHITNEY MARY K. WELTER" Office of Local History Anthropology WILLIAM J. SCHERECK, Supervisor JOAN E. FREEMAN, Curator JOHN R. HALSEY' Historymobile General Collections PATRICIA M. BRODHAGEN ROBERT J. BRODHAGEN JAMES S. WATSON, Curator IVAN L. KAUKL'^ JOAN L. SEVERA, Curator, Decorative Arts MARGARET M. KAUKL"

Library Division CHARLES W. SHETLER, Librarian

Acquisitions Section Circulation Section GERALD R. EGGLESTON, Acquisitions Librarian ELLEN BURKE, Service Librarian NANCY M. ANDERSON KARREN W. AKEY CAROL S. GILLESPIE GWEN S. ARGERSINGER CONSTANCE M. SPRING Catalog Section Reference Section HERBERT J. TEPPER, Catalog Librarian MARY L. HESS MARGARET GLEASON, Reference Librarian PHYLLIS L. YOUNG Documents-Serials Section Photoduplication Section JOHN A. PETERS, Documents-Serials Librarian W. ROBERT AUSTIN, Supervisor ALICE M. ALDERMAN DWIGHT E. KELSEY JUDITH A. FABER SHARON R. REED^° JUNE E. JOHNSON PAUL RUNKLE BIAGINO M. MARONE LAWRENCE S. SCHEIN JEANNETTE R. REDDICK JAMES N. WYSOCKI GERTRUDE V. WAGENER

Division of Field Services BARBARA J. KAISER, Director

DIANNE M. AGRESTA Mass Communications History Center CH.A.RLES C. BOWDEN^' BARBARA J. KAISER, Director JANICE L. O'CONNELL JOHN W. WINN JANICE L. O'CONNELL '^Resigned August 2, 1969 '^Emeritus '^Resigned August 2, 1969 '•'Resigned August 29, 1969 ^"Resigned July 25, 1969 ''Resigned August 8, 1969 ^'Resigned August 29, 1969

77 WISCONSIN MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AUTUMN, 1970

Editorial Division WILLIAM C. HAYGOOD, Director GRACE ARGALL, Administrative Assistant

Society Press Wisconsin Magazine of History PAUL H. HASS, Editor WILLIAM C. HAYGOOD, Editor WILLIAM C. MARTEN, Assistant Editor WILLIAM C. MARTEN, Associate Editor

Publications Office JUDITH M. KLEINMAIER, Supervisor BONNIE A. MITCHELL^^ VICTORIA L. F. RETTENMUND, Graphic Artist

Division of Sites and Markers RAYMOND S. SIVESIND, Director DONALD N. ANDERSON

Villa Louis Stonefield Wade House ROBERT K. SEAHLES,^^ Curator EDWARD D. CARPENTER, Curator FAY S. DOOLEY, Curator GEORGE H. ADNEY, Custodian MELVIN L. HOUGHTON HERMAN C. THOMAS, Custodian HARRY E. HAMANN LYLE C. KIENITZ, Custodian EDITH I. WEBB HOPE A. LOVELAND

^Re-signed August 29, 1969 ••'Resigned April 30, 1970

The Society's staff, 1969-1970.

78 PROCEEDINGS: 1969-1970 PRIVATE FUNDS (20.245—132 & 141. Trust Funds) Special Projects — July 1, 1969 to June 30,1970

Balance Balance FUNDS 7-1-69 Income Expenditures 6-30-70

Athenaean Fund $ 395.13 $ 41.00 354.13 Howard K. Beale Memorial Fund 659.84 659.84 Bibliographic Project 1,000.00 1,000.00 Charles E. Brown Memorial Fund 245.60 245.60 Building Addition Fund 10.00 10.00 Bush Award ....._ 8.87 8.87 Carriage Museum — Wade House Park 7,393.81 7,393.81 Circus Museum 171.66 171.66 Columbia Power Plant Survey 1,500.00 944.16 555.84 Cut-Over Country Fund 161.78 78.14 83.64 Data Recovery Fund (-3,889.08) (-3,889.08) Desmond Collection 200.00 200.00 Director's Fund 1,791.92 S,000.00 9,791.92 Equipment and Furnishings 5.00 5.00 Martin A. Fladoes Memorial Fund 95.00 27.92 67.08 Fort Winnebago (- 87.79) 87.79) George I. Haight Fund 518.23 89.50 428.73 C. L. Harrington Memorial Fund 768.50 768.50 Haskell of Gettysburg 3,180.47 3,180.47 Highway Salvage (-5,429.20) .542.50 3,072.27 (-7,958.97) Historic Sites Survey 1,364.90 1,364.90 History of Wisconsin (-17,143.05) 36,428.98 39,837.11 (-20,551.18) Historymobile Fund 2,670.00 2,670.00 Iconographic Fund 1,010.00 50.00 960.00 Jackson Bequest 246.06 246.06 Kaltenborn Fund 4,113.01 4,113.01 LaFarge Reservoir Excavation 1,320.56 (-1,320.56) Local History Fund 5.00 5.00 Map Fund 33.80 33.80 Mass Communications History Center 19.84 19.84 McCormick Collection (- 2.38) 1,443.67 3,857.39 (-2,416.10) McCormick Fund — Books 983.64 54.94 928.70 Microfilming Project 6,632.01 6,081.44 550.57 Miscellaneous Unrestricted Funds (-2,451.04) 7,696.00 167.54 5,077.42 Arthur H. Muenk Bequest 1,492.00 784.79 2,276.79 Museum Funds 4,934.57 1,359.44 18.00 6,276.01 National Endowment for Humanities (-6,401.86) 14,535.88 14,812.81 (--6,678.79) National Science Foundation Grant 518.01 518.01 ORAP 200 Fund 42.00 42.00 Painting Restoration 5.96 5.96 Christina B. Phelps Fund 500.00 380.00 120.00 Doris H. Platt Education Fund 1,096.52 168.48 232.56 1,032.44 Rare Books 155.75 100.00 255.75 RE —K (- 390.34) (- 390.34) Research Fund 10.00 10.00 Waldo E. Rosebush Memorial Fund 100.00 100.00 School Services 36.71 85.00 121.71 School Services Awards Fund 18.95 18.95 Schwarztrauber Biography Fund 3,500.00 3,500.00 Stonefield Development Fund 1,447.06 600.00 1,381.19 665.87 Bank 282.31 40.79 241.52 Blacksmith Shop 35.00 35.00 Chee.se Factory 25.00 25.00 Creamery 6,023.58 200.00 6,223.58 Dewey House 326.85 200.00 343.22 183.63 Honey House 398.90 40.00 438.90 Jewelry Shop 5.00 5.00 Railroad Depot 208.60 186.33 22.27 Saloon 500.00 500.00 Uhrig Fund 3,671.68 848.20 1,159.49 3,360.39 Villa Louis - 25.00 25.00 Wade House 45.00 45.00 Wisconsin Society for Jewish Learning 365.15 365.15 $19,443.93 !,747.94 $71,764.39 $26,427.48

79 PRIVATE FUNDS (20.245—132. Trust Funds) Endowment Funds—July 1, 1969 to June 30, 1970 CAPITAL PRINCIPAL GAINS INCOME Balance Balance FUNDS 7-1-69 Income Expenditures 6-30-70 Mary Adams Art Fund $ 14,000.00 576.10 $ 7,072.48 $ 550.48 $ 610.60 $ 7,012.36 Burrows Fund 374,784.83 15,194.89 8,552.88 16,517.18 16,461.98 8,608.08 Draper Fund 18,745.00 771.36 (- 9,856.02) 4,098.05 5,860.65 (-11,618.62) Mary Stuart Foster Fund 128,883.39 5,304.56 11,066.33 5,067.69 6,945.75 9,188.27 Miscellaneous .Funds 119,846.34 4,932.68 10,471.29 4,712.35 6,950.85 8,232.79 Hollister Pharm. Lib. Fund 53,431.81 2,157.17 27,877.53 1,034.14 11.59 28,900.08 Emily House Bequest 1,200.00 49.38 1,316.45 47.18 .27 1,363.36 Maud L. Hurson Bequest 23,594.69 970.92 3,480.31 927.74 1,384.61 3,023.44 Besse D. Koen Bequest 31,194.95 1,283.98 1,838.58 1,226.58 1,421.86 1,643.30 The John Thomas Lee Fund 20,000.00 823.00 1,097.72 786.40 671.66 1,212.46 Madeline Island Hist. Museum 34,246.19 1,409.23 1,203.15 1,346.56 1,053.46 1,496.25 Mills Editorial Fund 29,428.00 1,210.97 2,646.79 1,157.10 2,006.78 1,797.11 E. B. Bowles Bequest .-. 800.00 32.92 99.27 31.45 12.67 118.05 Anna R. Sheldon Mem. Fund 2,700.00 111.11 656.06 106.16 79.07 683.15 Steenbock Fund 55,650.00 2,291.00 743.95 2,188.15 55.11 2,876.99 R. G. Thwaites Bequest 15,100.00 621.37 2,541.35 593.73 670.02 2,465.06 $923,605.20 $37,740.64 $70,808.12 $40,390.94 $44,196.93 $67,002.13

REVOLVING FUNDS (20.245—131. Non-Trust) July 1, 1969 to June 30, 1970 FUNDS Balance Balance 7-1-69 Income Expenditures 6-30-70 Contingency Fund $ 4,311.12 $ 175.00 $ $ 4,486.12 League of Women Voters Building __ 887.33 600.00 638.35 848.98 Life Membership Fund ..- 5,338.00 .5,338.00 Miscellaneous Funds 53,754.25 103,282.54 114,180.47 42,856.32 Monches 3,531.92 1,800.00 356.61 4,975.31 Publication Fund 67,120.54 119,988.81 125,313.93 61,795.42 Travel Fund _ .571.78 25.00 40.20 ,556.58 Visual Aids Fund 3,261..50 42.29 3,303.79 Historic Sites Fund (—59,330.07) 175,346.50 174,288.71 (—58,272.28) $79,446.37 $401,260.14 $414,818.27 $65,888.24 REVOLVING FUNDS (20.245—131. Non-Trust) July 1, 1969 to June 30, 1970 Historic Sites Fund (Detail) fj ^ I ^ Tl C^f^ Balance FUNDS 7-1-69 Income Expenditures 6-30-70 Circus Museum—Reserve (2%%) $ $ 5,957.30 $ 5,957.30 Historic Sites Devel. & Reseri^e Fd 24,362.65 11,944.84 738.18 35,569.31 Stonefield—Operations - (—35,739.67) 61,083.70 62,503.80 (—37,159.77) Villa Louis—Operations (—16,250.12) 48,408.44 51,399.26 (—19,240.94) Wade House—Operations (—31,426.26) 43,932.22 55,808.60 (—43,302.64) Madeline Island—Operations (— 276.67) 4,020.00 3,838.87 (_ 95.54) $(—59,330.07) $175,346.50 $174,288.71 $(—58,272.28) PUBLIC FUNDS STATEMENT—July 1, 1969 to June 30, 1970 Statute Legislative Balance APPROPRIATION Niunber Appropriation Expenditures 6-30-70 General Program Operations 20.245 — 101 $1,254,509,001 $1,196,692.64 $57,816.36' Fringe Benefits (Sum-Sufficient) 20.245 — 101 136,450.05 136,450.05 Printing Archeological Society Quarterly .. 20.245—102 800.00 800.00 Heat (Sum-Sufficient) 20.245 — 103 10,504.30 10,504.30 $1,402,263.35 $1,344,446.99 $57,816.36

' Prior Year Continuing Balances $ 5,366.00 Cash in Lieu of Vacation $ 142.00 Pay Plan and Cost of Living Circus Museum — Train Shed Adjustments $34,600.00 Property $32,000.00 2 Lapsed to State General Fund $51,287.26 Continuing Balances $ 6,529.10

80 PROCEEDINGS: 1969-1970

Sustaining Members 1969-1970

Allis-Chalmers Manufacturing Company, Kohler Company, Kohler Milwaukee Mr. and Mrs. Raymond J. Koltes, Madison Ambrosia Chocolate Company, Milwaukee Mary Lester of Southeastern Wisconsin, American Can Company, Neenah Incorporated, Milwaukee American Exchange Bank, Madison The Leyhe Foundation, Incorporated, Oshkosh American Family Mutual Insurance Mr. and Mrs. Charles McCallum, Hubertus Company, Madison The Marine Foundation, Incorporated, Appleton Coated Paper Company, Appleton Milwaukee Appleton Mills Foundation, Appleton Miller Brewing Company, Milwaukee Appleton Wire Works, Appleton Milwaukee Journal, Milwaukee Applied Power Industries, Milwaukee Modine Manufacturing Company, Racine Mr. H. M. Benstead, Racine Nasco Industries, Incorporated, Fort Atkinson Bergstrom Paper Company, Neenah National Historical Fire Foundation, Chicago Brotz Family Foundation, Sheboygan Nelson Muffler Corporation, Stoughton Bucyrus-Erie Foundation, Incorporated, Nordberg Manufacturing Company, South Milwaukee Milwaukee Mr. and Mrs. Walter R. Buell, Sturgeon Bay Parker Pen Company, Janesville Capital Times, Madison Mrs. Robert Pierce, Menomonie Connor Foundation, Wausau Rahr Foundation, Manitowoc Consolidated's Civic Foundation, Red Arrow Sales Corporation, Madison Incorporated, Wisconsin Rapids Mr. and Mrs. Frederic E. Risser, Madison Mr. and Mrs. E. David Cronon, Madison Roddis (Hamilton) Foundation, Employers Insurance of Wausau, Wausau Incorporated, Marshfield Evinrude Motors, Milwaukee Saint Regis Paper Company, Rhinelander The Falk Corporation, Milwaukee Schlitz Foundation, Incorporated, Milwaukee First National Bank of Appleton, Appleton Sentry Insurance Company, Stevens Point First Wisconsin Foundation, Incorporated, Mr. and Mrs. S. F. Shattuck, Neenah Milwaukee Mr. and Mrs. Donald C. Slichter, Milwaukee First Wisconsin Trust Company, Milwaukee Charles R. Smith Foundation of Menasha Mr. and Mrs. W. Norman FitzGerald, Corporation, Neenah Milwatbkee Mrs. William H. L. Smythe, Milwaukee Mrs. Robert E. Friend, Hartland Sta-Rite Products, Incorporated, Delavan Fromm Brothers, Incorporated, Hamburg Howard B. Stark Company, Peivaukee Gateway Transportation Company, La Crosse Thilmany Pulp and Paper Company, Mr. and Mrs. John C. Geilfuss, Milwaukee Kaukauna General Telephone Company of Wisconsin, Twin Disc, Incorporated, Racine Madison Voight Charitable Foundation, Racine Gilbert Paper Company, Menasha The Vollrath Company, Sheboygan Gisholt John A. Johnson Foundation, Wausau Paper Mills Company, Brokaw Madison Webcrafters Foundation, Incorporated, Mr. John T. Harrington, Milwaukee Madison The Heil Company, Milwaukee West Bend Company, West Bend Highsmith Company, Incorporated, Western Publishing Company, Incorporated, Fort Atkinson Racine Mrs. Frank P. Hixon, Lake Forest, III. Wisconsin Electric Power Company, Mrs. and Mrs. W. D. Hoard, Jr., Milwaukee Fort Atkinson The Wisconsin Life Insurance Company, Mr. Wayne J. Hood, La Crosse Madison International Harvester Company, Chicago Wisconsin Power and Light Company, .lackson County Bank, Black River Falls Madison Mrs. Edward Cole Jones, Fort Atkinson Wisconsin State Journal, Madison Jones of Fort Atkinson Foundation, Wisconsin Telephone Company, Mihvaukee Incorporated, Fort Atkinson Mr. Robert S. Zigman, Milwaukee Kearney & Trecker Corporation, Milwaukee Zigman Joseph Associates, Milwaukee

81 Map showing the geographic distribution of the 765 donors to the Society in 1969-1970. Forty-three states, the District of Columbia, and three foreign countries—England, Scotland, and Jamaica—are represented. Uncircled num­ bers indicate donors to the Mass Communications History Center.

Lillian Krueger, who generations of readers of Society publications and especially of the Magazine of History will remember with gratitude, died September 4, 1970, in a nurs­ ing home in her native Milwaukee. A 1928 graduate of the University of Wisconsin's School of Journalism, Miss Krueger began her long and productive career in 1929 as a research and editorial assistant to Joseph Schafer, the first of the three Society Direc­ tors under whom she was to serve. Between 1929 and 1948 she edited the Society's books, compiled the Proceedings, and in 1942 was named assistant editor of the Magazine, pro­ gressing to associate editor in 1945 and to managing editor in 1949, a position she held until her retirement in 1956. On her competent shoulders fell the onerous but essential task of preparing the annual and the first three cumulative indexes to the Magazine. In addi­ tion, over the years she found time to write numerous articles and book reviews for the Magazine, as well as for other historical journals and various newspapers. She was Lillian Krueger. also the author of Motherhood on the Frontier and of A Centennial History of the First Evangelical United Brethren Church of Madi­ son, 1855-1955.

82 Staff Retirees Honored

T THE BANQUET culminating the Society's one hundred and twenty- A fourth annual meeting, held June 18-20, 1970, at Beloit, five recently retired or soon to be retired staff members were honored with certificates of appreciation for what, in aggregate, represents more than one hundred and four years of dedicated personal furtherance of the Society's objec­ tives. Shown above (left to right) are Paul Vanderbilt, cited for distin­ guished service as curator of the iconographic collections, 1954-1970; Ruth H. Davis, cited for distinguished service as reference, government publications, and public service librarian, 1931-1967; Mrs. Esther Nelson, cited for distinguished service as a newspaper and serials librarian, 194.5- 1967; Mrs. Margaret Hafstad, cited for distinguished service as curator of manuscripts, 1958—1969; and Monica J. Staedtler, cited for distinguished service in the library and administrative services, 1928—1969. At far right, is Acting Director Richard A. Erney, who in presenting the certificates, read individual testimonials citing in particular terms the individual contributions which each of the five recipients has made to the Society over the years. (Photo by Justin M. Schmiedeke.)

83 Contributors consin in 1964 and 1967 respectively. He is now assistant professor of history at the Uni­ THOMAS E. HACHEY, associate versity of Georgia. His Ph.D. dissertation won professor of history at Mar­ the Frederick Jackson Turner Award of the quette University, is a special­ Organization of American Historians, and ist in Anglo-American rela­ under the title. The Politics of Fear: Joseph tions in the twentieth century. R. McCarthy and the Senate, has just been His several research trips to published by the University of Kentucky England to examine recently Press. Currently Mr. Griffith is continuing his opened archives in the Public Record Office research into the history of the United States in London furnished the material for his since 1945. article in this issue. An earlier article on a British journalist's confidential dispatch con­ cerning American politics in 1920 appeared in the Winter, 1969-1970, issue of the BURTON J. BLEDSTEIN, a native Magazine, wherein additional biographical of Los Angeles, has taught at information about Mr. Hachey may be found. Princeton, the University of Illinois, and is currently as­ MORTON SOSNA, born April sistant professor of history at 26, 1945, in Chicago, attended the University of Illinois, Chi­ the public schools of that city cago Circle. He received his f ^ before entering the University B.A. in philosophy from the University of ^^^^ of Illinois, Chicago Circle California, Los Angeles, in 1959 and his M.A. llh T^M Campus, where Professor Gil­ and Ph.D. in history from Princeton in 1963 bert Osofsky first stimulated and 1969. His doctoral dissertation, dealing his interest in Afro-American history, and with the idea of the university in the context from which institution he received his B.A. of nineteenth-century social thought, is being in 1967. In the fall of the same year he began prepared for publication. He is also at work his graduate studies in history at the Univer­ on a book-length essay on the idea of profes­ sity of Wisconsin and received his M.A. in sionalism in twentieth-century liberal thought. 1968. The article which appears in this issue In 1964-1965 Mr. Bledstein was a Social is drawn from his master's thesis, "Negroes Science Research Council Fellow. and the Wilson Years, 1912-1916: The Politics of Race During the Progressive Era." Mr. Sosna, who has been student assistant to the editors of the Magazine since 1969, with the chief responsibility of handling the book re­ The Pennsylvania State University, with view section, is currently a Ford Fellow and, the endorsement of the National Historical under the direction of Professor E. David Publications Commission, has undertaken a Cronon, is working on a doctoral dissertation project to locate and record correspondence about white racial liberalism in the South. and other manuscript writings of former President Martin Van Buren. The final objec­ ROBERT GRIFFITH was born in tive is the publication of a letterpress edition Atlanta, Georgia, in 1940, and of the Van Buren material. grew up in southern Indiana. Persons with pertinent information should He received his B.A. degree write to Walter L. Ferree, editor. The Pennsyl­ from De Pauw University in vania State University, Department of History, Ogontz Campus, 1600 Woodland Road, Abing- ^ 1962 and his M.A. and Ph.D. from the University of Wis- ton, Pennsylvania 19001.

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^*>^ Working-class children In a Chicago slum apartment, c. 1890. 'Photo courtesy of Jane Addams' Memorial Collection, University ot Ulinois Library at Chicago Circle Campus.

"WHEN JANE ADDAMS WAS BORN, Abraham Lincoln was running for the presidency. When she founded Hull House, Grover Cleveland was beginning his second term in office and the Sherman Antitrust Act was under consideration in Congress. When she died in 1935, the New Deal had moved beyond disaster relief to major reforms. ... She thus saw the great transformation of America from rural and agricul­ tural to urban and industrial, from laissez-faire to general welfare state. It is the thesis of this book that she was an importarrt moving force in this transition." So begins Professor Daniel Levine in Jane Addams and the Liberal Tra­ dition, an important new study of an archetypal American radical, to be published by the Society Press in May, 1971. Pp. xviii + 286. $8.50. All books published by the State Historical Society of Wisconsin are discounted 10% to members. To promote a wider appreciation of the American heritage The Purpose with particular emphasis on the collection, advancement, of this and dissemination of knowledge of the history of Wisconsin Society shall he and of the Middle West.

State Histdrital Society of Wistonsin 8ir. State Street Seici:id-ila« |'osta(;e paid at Madison, Wisionsin 'I'llUh Matiison. Wistonsin, atut at Return Requested aildilionai mailing offices.