Middle States Geographer, 1995, 28:45-52

BElWEEN A CORAL REEF AND A HARD PLACE: THE POLITICS OF COASTAL MANAGEMENT IN

Karen Nichols Department of Geography Rutgers University New Brunswick, NJ 08903

ABSTRACT: This paper addresses political participation problems associated with environmental intervention in the Third World, and specifically explores policy discourse behind Sri Lanka's intemationally backed coastal management program. I examine the close relationship between environmental policy and national development strat~gies and argue that despite highly publicized participatory democracy discourse coastal management policy, pamcularly the recent "Special Area Management Planning" (SAMP) initiative, the policies favor enclosure of resources for development and systematically disenfranchises competing resource interests. Community disillusionment with questionably democratic politics is fueling countennovements - signalling inherent weaknesses in SAMP as applied in Sri Lanka and environmental interventions throughout the Third World.

INTRODUCTION observe that interventionists can create erroneous interpretations of degradation to serve their interests in sustaining demand for their services. The prevailing view of international This distortion of knowledge can have enduring environmental interventions depicts conservation negative effects if it diverts attention from the true and development agencies as global biodiversity origins and gravity of environmental and socio­ footsoldiers providing necessary utilitarian political issues (Watts, 1989). protection services in inappropriately developed thus The social, economic and ecological precarious Third World ecozones (UNCED, 1993). dilemmas faced by many small coastal communities While, indeed because environmental degradation is in southwest Sri Lanka are largely the product of a serious issue that threatens the livelihoods and environmental degradation and environmental survival of many communities and should not be intervention processes as both originate from the trivialized, this prevailing depiction of the merits of same political-economic apparatus (Premaratne, environmental interventions has been subject to 1991; Tampoe, 1988). Much degradation - coastal many recent critical inspections. Some analyses of erosion, pollution, and species loss - can be intervention projects have suggested that they can attributed to the national economic development serve as a cover for specific development interests strategies pursued since liberalization in 1978, and because of their generally intense local focus particularly an emphasis on coastal industry and have unprecedented ability to manipulate socio­ development (Tampoe, 1988). Rather than political and spatial relationships (Escobar, 1995; providing a forum for alternative visions of coastal Ferguson, 1990; Neumann, 1995; Schroeder, 1995; development or alternatives to development, the Wije, 1990). Ferguson's (1990) study of the environmental intervention structure implemented expansive development agency conglomerate in to solve degradation problems is largely an Lesotho, is mirrored in different contexts by Peluso extension of central government economic agendas (1993) and Rich (1994), who show how international (Wije, 1990). The coastal management policy funding agencies can project a-political discourses framework born in the late 1980s and early 1990s yet align with political actors who support out of the joint US Agency for International ecologically and socially oppressive development Development (USAID)/Sri Lanka Coast ideologies. Leach and Fairhead (1994) further Conservation Department (CCD), Coastal

45 The Politics of Coastal Management in Sri Lanko

Resources Management Project (CRMP), engages defense of established shoreline structures. a discourse of sustainable development, particularly Investment embraced a network of groynes, sustainable eco-tourism development, that some seawalls, and breakwaters, creating a fmancial and critics suggest may be inherently unattainable geomorphological nightmare (Wije et al., 1993) In (Miller and Auyong, 1991; Selin, 1994). This paper response, the 1980s witnessed what might be termed scrutinizes the implications of the new coastal zone a paradigm shift as it became clear that shoreline policy tool known as "Special Area Management fortification was short-term, cost prohibitive, and far Planning" (SAMP) for the southwest coast resort from a utilitarian erosion solution or holistic town of . It focuses on the management approach. institutionalization of a discourse that has The question that launches this paper's disenfranchised some groups and strongly dictated analysis is whether Sri Lanka's new coastal the town's spatial, environmental, and economic management strategy of Special Area Management dynamics. Planning (SAMP) is progressive and engaging of local-level participation in planning from beginning to end as suggested by the project literature; or AND CONTEXT OF simply a revised discourse that continues to exclude COASTAL ZONE community participation at crucial points in the MANAGEMENT planning process and therefore continues to exacerbate resource conflicts and ecological problems. Preliminary observations made during a recent visit to Hikkaduwa suggest that the SAMP Sri Lanka is an island nation that is heavily model, which is built on the "protected area" dependent on the health and availability of coastal blueprint of prominent conservation and resources. Most of the 18 million inhabitants and development agencies (d. Wells and Brandon, almost all of the major transportation and industrial 1993), may be an inadvertant ecoprospecting tool infrastructure are concentrated along the coast of that serves to conserve biodiversity for tourists and this former British colony. Sri Lanka also has a others who can afford to consume it at the expense national economy with a growing dependence upon of broader popular use and the survival of tourism as a means of relieving substantial traditional livelihoods. These possibilities must be international debt. In 1992 tourism accounted for further explored in the Hikkaduwa arena as this is 8% of the total foreign exchange earnings, third a test site for broader Third World SAMP after industrial and "major" (agricultural) products implementation. (Tantrigama, 1994). Since independence in 1948, most tourism development has concentrated along the west and southwest coasts, and the capacity to POLITICAL ECOLOGY OF house visitors has doubled since 1982 (CRMP, 1992). In light of the economic importance of COASTAL STABILIZATION coastal development such as tourism, industry and urban infrastructure, problems oferosion, ecosystem health and resource availability, have been subjects Driving Interests Behind Coastal Stabilization of concern since the 1970s. Policy In the late 1970s this concern escalated into a call for a formal coastal resource management Near-shore areas in Sri Lanka are highly body and created a space for increased utilized public spaces. A profile of a beachfront environmental intervention by foreign development community on the west or southwest coast might agencies, most notably USAID. In conjunction with include people waiting for the train, railside US and other Western agencies, initial efforts of the squatters, fIshermen unfurling their nets to dry, nascent Sri Lanka Coast Conservation Department shell, coral and hawkers, people collecting (CCD) continued a previous strategy of coral and shells, local men and tourists swimming, technological mitigation of coastal erosion in hotels and guest houses, restaurants, and so on.

46 Middle States Geographer, 1995, 28:45-52

Most parties are somehow connected to the coastal eco-tourism demands for a "stable" beach and a tourism industry, their presence reflecting two steady supply of amenity resources have merged to decades of sporadic growth within the industry. It influence both a policy definition of coastal is consistent that two decades of coastal stabilization degradation and a vision of appropriate solutions. policies formulated by external aid agencies and the As the following discourse analysis reveals, the CCD also reflect dominant economic interests. evolution of this coastal stabilization framework has Between 1978 (the commencement of been achieved through the selective emphasis of formal economic liberalization) and 1987, degradation causes. expenditures on coastal fortification structures to "protect" against erosion increased by a factor of Discursive Framing or Coastal Degradation and eleven, despite the growing national awareness of Repair the physical limitations of this strategy (Sri Lanka CCD, 1990). Clearly, tourism development played a The language of post-structural coastal strong role in influencing this program because of resource management policy, particularly the most its importance as a foreign exchange earner. Such recent SAMP policy, appears to have been an extensive demand for structural fortification is by constructed by the CRMP team to convey a clear some accounts attributable to a pattern of locating sense of who is responsible for environmental resorts on the immediate shoreline (Tampoe, 1988; degradation and of the optimal solutions to the Wije et al., 1993). The existence of immobile problem. Ultimately policy documents reflect the structures upon an inherently dynamic beach following unstated goals: i) Diversion of blame for exacerbates long term erosion problems by coastal problems (i.e., erosion, pollution and interfering with sand transfer processes. The strong resource extraction) away from critical national wave action of the Indian Ocean and sea level rise economic interests, particularly tourism; ii) have certainly contributed to erosion, but the Provision for continued structural protection for presence of edifices in a geomorphologically active tourism facilities and other economic development zone is a more important contributor to localized infrastructure; and iii) Removal of resource conflicts erosion and thus the demand for protection (Wije or interference with dominant development et al., 1993). Although the embrace of coastal interest(s), while maintaining broader public fortification is loosened in new generations of "post­ legitimacy. structural" coastal policy and nearshore The post-structural policy-making process developments are regulated by the Coastal Erosion has evolved over the past ten years and has involved Management Plan (Sri Lanka CCD, 1986), extensive input by a dynamic international allowances have been made for construction in new apparatus, most visibly the USAID advisory team tourism spots along the southern coast. from the University of Rhode Island Coastal Coastal protection structure expansion is Resources Center. Athough the Coast Conservation only one of several coastal stabilization policies Department is the Sri Lankan national management implemented to protect tourism development. body through which policies have been formally Resource conservation projects are another expressed, it does not appear to have been as important component that emerged in the 1980s and influential in orienting the discourse as the foreign have consolidated in the 1990s coincident with the consultants who have initiated much of the policy. rise in tourism and, particularly eco-tourism. Created in concept by the Coast Conservation Act Ideally, coastal eco-tourism demands a beach and of 1981, and physically established a few years later, an environmental preservation strategy designed to the CCD remains a small unit today, maintaining a protect valuable amenity resources, such as coral planning staff of a few individuals and, possessing reefs, shells, and tropical fish. The question is, little power to express views contradictory to protection from whom? From those who engage in national economic agendas or the international the centuries-old practices of sand and coral agencies which facilitate them. The objectives laid extraction for conversion into construction materials, out above, and associated discourse, should then be and from those who mine tropical fish to feed the considered the voice of the larger CRMP apparatus. accelerating export demand (CRMP, 1992). The

47 The Politics of Coastal Management in Sri Lanka

Evidence of how stabilization policy coincides with the objectives outlined above, setting discourse fulfills the three underlying objectives the stage for a solution involving disenfranchisement identified above is apparent in primary policy of local industries that compete with dominant sources such as the de facto master policy for tourism interests for space and resources. coastal zone management, Coastal2000 (CRMP, In fitting the erosion solution to the 1992), and supporting documents. In the interest of problem, the CRMP policy body mandates a manageability, the analysis language primarily campaign against the subjects of disproportionate considers the construction of causes and solutions to blame. Under the fmal heading "Major Issues and beach erosion rather than to the broad range of Opportunities to be Addressed in the Coastal environmental degradation issues in the coastal Region," Coastal 2000 presents a fmal vision of zone. The following quote appears to be an coastal development, including an essential objective depiction of the sources of coastal erosion: statement about the overall degradation problem. The solution: ·Coastal erosion is a severe problem in Sri Lanka that results in damage to or loss of houses, hotels and other coastal "is a combination of restrictions and incentives that promote the structures...contributes to the loss or degradation of valuable improvement of local economies through appropriate industrial land and disrupts , shipping and other activities....Coastal development and the promotion of tourism· (CRMP, 1992,53). erosion ...results from the natural action of waves and currents and from a variety of human activities and most notably ill­ designed coastal structures, the construction of hotels and other This vision is supported by a full page color close­ buildings too near the shoreline, and sand and coral mining...• up of a partially clad, grinning coral miner hauling (Lowry and Wickremeratne, 1987, 9-10). away a basket of dead coral fingers and branches. The photo caption reads: There are several key implications of this quote. First, it suggests continued use (albeit modified) of "Coral mining has been difficult to stop because it provides a hard engineering structures, precluding lucrative livelihood for some coastal inhabitants· (CRMP, 1992, consideration of land use modifications or retreat as 52), a response to erosion. The de-stabilizing effect of these structures is explained as a consequence of ·ill implying, perhaps, that an element of greed is design," an explanation that trivializes a fundamental involved in the pursuit of a non-utilitarian activity. question of whether humans should interfere with This visual and caption captures the ongoing bias dynamic coastal geomorphology. Second, the against certain economic activities - livelihoods that passage appears to objectively defme the causes of have already endured ten years of zoning coastal erosion, including criticism of a variety of restrictions, illegalization and other oppressive activities. However, a bias is apparent in the space tactics at the hands of the CCD/CRMP allocated in the Lowry and Wickremeratne report to (Premaratne, 1991). discussion of these causes. The role of "ill-designed" Resistance to repressive resource control structures, coral/sand extraction, and hotel location, measures threatened the legitimacy of the CCD in takes up three, five, and less than one paragraph the mid-to late-1980s, forcing the CRMP team to respectively. In short, this passage and subsequent add an element of participatory democracy paragraphs succeed in continuing to promote discourse to the rational-technical jargon of policy expensive "better designed" structural fortification documents (Premaratne, 1991). A prospectus and in directing negative attention toward document iqtroducing the newest coastal approximately 10,000 people who are engaged in management strategy (Special Area Management some aspect of coral and sand processing. Finally, Planning) reads: and most importantly, the discourse downplays the effect of hotels and other shoreline tourism-related "Resource management programs succeed when people affected feel they have been empowered to exert some control over their facilities in creating and exacerbating erosion environment. Public education and local participation in the through interference with sediment transport formulation of management strategies are therefore keystones (Premaratne, 1991; Wije et al., 1993). In essence, for any integrated resource management process· (AID/URI, the discourse frames a degradation problem that 1987,4).

48 Middle States Geographer, 1995, 28:45-52

/--+------100 N

Colombo

t Hikkaduwa N Indian 07ean

Figure 1. Hikkaduwa, Sri Lanka

This language reflects a broader tendency in recent with project consultants and community members international development discourse to embrace has revealed the perception that basic agenda­ public input in "sustainable development" projects setting has been pre-established by upper-level (Wells and Brandon, 1992). Just as the agendas of policy-makers long before local individuals enter the this literature have been questioned (d. Sachs, decision-making process. This ordering of party 1993), so too should those of SAMP to ascertain involvement essentially determines SAMP objectives whether the model is truly democratic or simply a and restricts levels of public empowerment. refined development advocacy tool. Analysis of one Further analysis reveals questionable aspects of this of two Sri Lankan SAMP projects approaches an protected area model. answer. Hikkaduwa is located about 100 kIn south of the capital city, (Figure 1). It is one of Rhetorical Participation: SAMP in Hikkaduwa the oldest tourism resorts in the country and is severely affected by pollution and coastal erosion In 1993 CRMP introduced "Special Area (Nakatani et al., 1994; Tampoe, 1988). Most Management Planning" (SAMP) in the resort town waterfront hotels have virtually no remaining beach of Hikkaduwa. Conceptually, SAMP purports to be and almost daily, wave action contributes to the a democratic process of resource management that incremental undermining of the town's main road will ensure relative success in environmental (and principle national highway) which is "protected" protection by concentrating upon small, well-defined by a mosaic of beach and offshore structures. The geographical units. According to the model's community faces serious ecological problems and a principles, local parties with interests in the zone, declining tourism economy (Seneviratne, 1993). including previously disenfranchised individuals, Those resources that remain, including some beach would become empowered to decide how resources area, a declining fish population, and a coral reef and space should be utilized. In theory, the complex, are the focus of intense conflict as process should reduce environmentally destructive hoteliers, fishermen, coral and shell miners, tropical activities and fairly mediate resource conflicts. fish miners and others stake their claims. SAMP However, after the frrst two years of the Hikkaduwa has played a critical role in determining how pilot project it has become apparent that model remaining space and resources are allocated and, rhetoric is contradicted by fundamentally inequitable therefore, who prospers. aspects of the policy-making process. Discussions

49 The Politics of Coastal Management in Sri Lanka

A small coral reef sanctuary, recently short then, many who work closely within the established and maintained under the jurisdiction of SAMP framework have expressed a feeling that this the Sri Lanka Department of Wildlife Conservation model enables economic favoritism and fails to (with the CCD playing a coordinating role) now serve broad community interests. doubles as the focal point of the approximately 405 In response to SAMP's ineffectiveness in ha (1000 acre) SAMP zone (Nakatani et al., 1994). carrying out the participatory democracy featured in As established by CRMP officials, the main policy discourse some local individuals have taken it objective at this approximately 50 ha sanctuary is to upon themselves to monitor hotel sewage and conserve ecological and physical amenities, including chlorinated water discharge (important factors in sand, ornamental and edible fish, open space, and, coral reef decline), and explicit coral and tropical most notably, coral reefs, which serve both as a fISh mining. Interestingly, fIShermen who illegally natural erosion barrier and as an attraction for anchor boats in the sanctuary and damage shallow snorkelers and other eco-minded tourists reefs are not perceived antagonistically, rather they (Tantrigama and White, 1994). Although the are considered victims of a tourism development sanctuary is divided into several use zones, the that has monopolized the shore (Samarakoon, restrictive size of the most flexible use zone, which 1994). Tourism interests, particularly large hotels is about one third of the total area, inhibits any (as opposed to family-run guest houses), are signifIcant use of space or resources for non-tourism perceived as carelessly destructive of the ecosystem endeavors, such as traditional fIShing activities. The upon which the community depends. fact that the pre-set objective of the project It is apparent that many locals, particularly precludes previously acceptable resource uses (i.e. families that run informal (unregistered) guest anchoring fIShing boats, and collecting shells, sand, houses (accounting for 88 % of all guest house and washed up coral for sale or construction rooms in Hikkaduwa) and those who sell food, materials), many of which were necessary to souvenirs, and incidental services to tourists, are community livelihoods prior to sanctuary dependent upon the industry for income (Nakatani establishment, is a sore point in the process. et al., 1994). Therefore, they have some interest in Indeed, in defiance of SAMP zoning, area fIShermen the SAMP discourse which urges conservation of continue to anchor their boats in the vicinity of resources for tourism uses. However, their concern fragile coral reefs because, according to interviews for the ecological health of the sanctuary and the with local individuals and a former CRMP broader environment differs in a distinct temporal consultant, they feel they have no acceptable sense from that of the large hotel and the "formal" alternative (Samarakoon, 1994). guest house investors, at least 50% of whom are An additional point of contention is the from Colombo or are internationally based administration of the site by two coastal planners (Tantrigama and White, 1994). Most locals have a associated with the Colombo office of the Coastal long-term investment in the quality of the coastal Resources Management Project. While the environment. Livelihoods and survival are "outsider" character of these planners has appeared dependent on the health of the beach, habitat, and to affect their legitimacy, their actions have other resources that will continue to provide food undermined it (Samarakoon, 1994). Interviews with and employment in the event of tourism's decline. local individuals engaged in tourist services within Historical data and recent anecdotal evidence the SAMP zone revealed the perception that site suggest that the reduction in water quality and fISh CRMP officials are undependable, frequently not in supplies associated with two decades of tourism has their beachfront office or otherwise available to the in fact resulted in increased malnutrition, and public, and delinquent in monitoring the continuing disease in the fIShing settlement located behind the discharge of hotel sewage into the sanctuary. More tourism complex (Sri Lanka National Science importantly, they are perceived as corrupt, based on Council, 1978). Clearly, while many hoteliers may knowledge of their frequent friendly associations be interested in conservation of amenity resources with large hotel interests. Since top level CRMP to attract tourists, this interest does not match the officials rarely visit Hikkaduwa they have little need to sustain immediate profits by externalizing knowledge of or influence over local politics. In environmental costs such as sewage that are

50 Middle States Geographer, 1995, 28:45-52 detrimental to long-term community health. emanating from conservation and development agencies involved in Sri Lankan coastal management IMPLICATIONS AND is an expression of sustainable development-style CONCLUSIONS modernization ideology and, therefore, necessarily discounts historical realities. Advocacy of eco­ tourism overrides previous land tenure and resource-use patterns in the coastal zone (Sri Fundamental distinctions remain in the Lankan National Science Council, 1978). This is social and ecological interests of actors engaged in achieved in coastal policy literature through the different sub-sectors of the tourism industry. These creation of a problematique, erosion for example, interests result from geographic and economic and the formulation of a solution that scapegoats positioning. Large-scale tourism, which entered and disenfranchises (both politically and spatially) Hikkaduwa in the 1960s, brought small-scale trades those who compete with the new economic scheme into a dependency relationship, thus their interests of tourism. It appears from preliminary appear to coincide. However, tourism development observations that SAMP is the mechanism that is generally conceptualized by investors outside of promotes this agenda and does so through localities and uses localities to serve outsiders. presetting land use schemes and otherwise Most importantly, large-scale tourism interests are marginalizing competitive interests. Indeed, it may mobile, rendering the locality a short-term venture be more effective than previous mechanisms in the event that environmental conditions for profit because the model is founded on a participatory decline whereas small scale tourism-related trades sit~ated democracy discourse that has gained international are permanently in their locales. Rather political legitimacy. Any realization of more than seriously confronting this divergence of equitable and perhaps more ecologically sound interests in eco-tourism development, protected resource uses may require a reconsideration of both area-style coastal management policies can serve to the SAMP agenda and decision-making dynamics. extend tourism ventures until, ultimately, industrial Not surprisingly, in Hikkaduwa where externalities like sewage discharge overcome SAMP has paradoxically prompted awareness of environmental quality prompting mobile interests to political disenfranchisement, there are signs of migrate (Miller and Auyong, 1991). In Sri Lanka political autonomy and anti-development this phenomenon is apparent (d. Seneviratne, 1993) movements. As advocated by outspoken Sri Lankan and the economic, and ecological implications of social scientists who promote actualized local continuing SAMP eco-tourismfconservation participation in policy-making (d. Premaratne, discourse appear to be negative for those positioned 1991; Seneviratne, 1993; Wije, 1990), some local permanently in resort areas. Two trends support community groups disenfranchised from SAMP have this conclusion. First, many hotels in Hikkaduwa taken to alternative civic spaces in support of and other seasoned (Mt Lavinia and coastal resource uses that confront the tourism ) are losing business due to continuing hegemony. The civil disobedience of area fishermen erosion and pollution (Tantrigama and White, who anchor their boats in the sanctuary restricted 1994). Hotel investors have begun moving to zones is one such example. Whether alternatives to relatively unexploited locations, and while some sustainable development discourse survive and to dependent service sectors have tried to migrate, what extent they either adapt or reject the current most have remained behind in deteriorated places. SAMP institutional framework is the subject of Second, eco-tourism projects supported by continuing research. Clearly, the impact of over a international development agencies have extended decade of top-down international environmental into the nature-park niche. This manifests the same intervention upon local political and socioeconomic exclusionary tendencies of de-facto land dynamics cannot be erased. Nonetheless, the privatization that are embedded in coastal SAMP significant discrediting of the sustainable (Neumann, 1995). development paradigm and the ongoing departure It is necessary to underscore a fundamental of foreign environmental interventionists from the point at this stage of analysis: policy discourse SAMP project may allow the re-emergence of more

51 The Politics of Coastal Management in Sri Lanka diverse voices in coastal resource management. Sri Lanka National Science Council. 1978. Seminar Report on the Role of Tourism in the Social and Economic Development of Sri Lanka, REFERENCES Colombo: NSe. Tampoe, M. 1988. Economic Development and Coastal Erosion in Sri Lanka. The Ecologist 18: 225-230. Coastal Resources Management Project. 1992. Tantrigama, e. 1994. Tourism and the Economy of Coastal 2000. Colombo: CCD; CRMP; Sri Lanka. Economic Review 20:4-12. CRe. Tantrigama, G., and White, A 1994. Coastal Ferguson, J. 1990. The Antipolitics Machine. New Environment and Tounsm: Can Hikkaduwa, York: Cambridge University Press. Sri Lanka Afford to Clean Up? Working Leach, M., and Fairhead, J. 1994. The Reproduction Paper #10 Colombo: CRMP. and Use of Environmental Misinformation Agency for International in Guinea's Forest-Savanna Transition Development and The University of Rhode Zone. IDS Bulletin 25:81-87. Island Coastal Resources Center. 1987. Lowry, K, and Wickremeratne, H. 1987. Coastal CRMP Prospectus. Naragansett, RI: CRe. Area Management in Sri Lanka. Discussion Wells, M. and Brandon, K 1993. People Paper #4 Naragansett, RI: University of and Parks: Linking Protected Area Rhode Island, Coastal Resources Center. Management with Local Communities. Miller, M., and Auyong, J. 1991. Coastal Zone Washington, DC: IBRD. Tourism: A Potent Force Affecting Wije, e. 1990. Global Sea Level Rise and the Environment and Society. Marine Policy 75­ North-South Gap. Proceedings of Applied 99. Geography Conference 18:62-69. Nakatani, K, Rajasuriy, A., Premaratne, A. and Wije, e., Devine, N., and DeAlwis, G. 1993. White, A.T. 1994. The Coastal Quantification ofRisk to Sri Lanka from an Environmental Profile of Hikkaduwa Sri Accelerated Sea Level Rise. New Brunswick, Lanka. Colombo: CRMP. NJ: Rutgers University IMCS. Neumann, R.P. 1995. Dukes, Earls, and Ersatz Edens in Africa. Paper Presented in the Program in Agrarian Studies Colloquium. Premaratne, A 1991. Difficulties of Coastal Zone Management in Developing Countries: Sri Lankan Experiences. Coastal Zone 91 4:3026-3041. Sachs, W. ed. 1994. Global Ecology. Atlantic Highlands, NJ: Zed Books. Samarakoon, J. 1994. Final Report -SAMP Consultancy. Unpublished CRMP document. Selin, S. 1994. Marketing Protected Areas for EcoTourism: An Oxymoron? Trends 19-22. Seneviratne, M. 1993. : The Beginnings. Logos 32:8-11. Sri Lanka CCD. 1986. Master Plan - Coastal Erosion Management. Colombo: CCD. Sri Lanka CCD. 1990. Coastal Zone Management Plan. Colombo: CCD.

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