On the Rehabilitation of Japanese 'Problem Youth' 訓練するのか宥め賺すのか−−日本の問題児の復帰問題

Volume 7 | Issue 20 | Article ID 3368 | May 17, 2009 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus

To Discipline or Accommodate? On the Rehabilitation of Japanese 'Problem Youth' 訓練するのか宥め賺すのか−−日本の問題児の復帰問題

Aaron Miller, Tuukka Toivonen

To Discipline or Accommodate? On specialists better understand the diversity of the Rehabilitation of Japaneseapproaches employed in dealing with ‘problem youth’, and will be of interest to non-Japan ‘Problem Youth’ scholars seeking evidence of approaches to rehabilitation which do not solely attempt to Aaron L. Miller and Tuukka Toivonen ‘medicalize’ youth as being ‘ill’ or to ‘activate’ Abstract them in order to return them to the labor market. While mainstream education has received 1. Introduction ample attention from scholars of Japan, the diverse kinds of private institutions concerned Public Japanese educational institutions have with the rehabilitation of so-called ‘problem received ample attention from international youth’ have not hitherto been subjected to scholars in recent decades. Research has systematic analysis. This article offers an in- mainly focused, however, on the mainstream, depth study of two starkly contrastingstate-regulated school sector as the primary organizations, the Totsuka Yacht School and K2 socializing engine of the Japanese citizenry. International. We focus on the rehabilitation Meanwhile, private institutions that provide philosophies of these groups and examine how other services such as tutoring (e.g. yobikō and they view ‘problem youth’; the remedies they academic juku) have been conceptualized as a advocate; the critical incidents they have been ‘system of shadow education’ (Baker and implicated in; and how they have responded in LeTendre 2005:55, see also Tsukada 1991a and their aftermath. These two organizations 1991b). Slater (2010) has noted the significant epitomize two important opposing paradigms of differences between juku and public school rehabilitation: one ‘disciplinarian’ and one education, especially as the former have ‘accommodating’, and therefore reflectbecome increasingly associated with the middle different moral discourses regarding youth and and upper classes and the latter have become the problems they face. Analysis of these associated with the working and lower classes. groups illustrates how they are beingOn a related theme, Yoneyama (2008) has challenged by current social and educational asserted that the public school has failed to trends, but also how, as local actors, the adequately deal with so-called ‘problem youth’, charismatic leaders of these institutions also including those who bully and those being play a significant role in shaping the discourse. bullied. Indeed, many bullied children have This study is among the first to map out the turned to ‘free schools’ (Manabi Rinku 2007) as complex terrain of residential rehabilitative a result. Both within ‘mainstream’ education institutions in Japan. It also raises questions for and without, there has been research regarding educators regarding the meaning of ‘non- delinquent youth (Ambaras 2006; Yoder 2004), formal’ or ‘alternative’ education, helps youth but the causes of delinquency (hikō) are more

1 7 | 20 | 0 APJ | JF heavily researched than the treatments (Shirai, unexplored type of ‘alternative education’: the et al 2005). It is within this context that largely unregulated, diverse residential ‘alternative education’ orutanatibu( kyōiku) institutions for the ‘rehabilitation’ of so-called institutions that explicitly challenge dominant ‘problem youth’.2 These elusive organizations state-regulated education have gradually have proliferated in recent years and they have strengthened their presence in Japan over the received growing attention as a result of 1 past decade or so. vigorous public debates on socially withdrawn youth, freeters and NEETs since the early Even as societal values undergo change, Kosugi 2000s. They can be said to share four (2006) highlights how education remains the distinguishing characteristics. First, they key to social mobility in today’s Japan and how operate largely outside formal regulation, youth who have failed to succeed at school leaving them relatively free to establish and have often missed their chance to join the implement original pedagogies. Second – and mainstream labor market. The sense that an indeed part of the reason they lie outside the increasing number of youth are failing to make mainstream to begin with – they are often smooth ‘school-to-work transitions’ is reflected critical of state-regulated education. Third, in the widespread use of morally laden terms their clientele consists of marginalized youth – such as ‘freeter’ and ‘NEET’ (acronym denoting juvenile delinquents, non-school-goers, socially youth who are ‘not in employment, education or withdrawn and formally inactive young people – training’, called nitō in Japanese) since the who have either failed to cope in the early 2000s. These terms have been employed mainstream system or have rejected it.3 Fourth, to highlight the fact that such youth do not fit they compriseresidential institutions into the typical sarariman‘ ’ (‘white collar (shukuhaku-gata shisetsu) that provide training businessman’) (for males), sengyō‘ shufu’ on a relatively short-term basis. These (‘professional housewife’) or offisu‘ reedi’ characteristics collectively constitute our (‘office lady’, a.k.a. ‘O.L.’) (for females) categories as many think they should. A definition of ‘rehabilitative institutions for 4 discussion between Kaneko Masaru andproblem youth’. Kaneko Masaomi translated and reprinted in Despite these broad commonalities, however, The Asia-Pacific Journal (2003) (link) reveals such rehabilitation groups exhibit wide-ranging that, as with the issue of homelessness, behind diversity in terms of philosophy and practice: the question of why such young people are some are Buddhist, others Christian or non- unable to find steady jobs lies a moral debate religious; some endorse corporal punishment about whether it is the young person’s fault individually or whether social circumstances while others employ markedly ‘softer’ that could be ameliorated are to blame. Akagi approaches; a few appear reclusive while Tomohiro, a 31 year-old freeter, believes the others make great strides to integrate into local latter, and his provocative essay (2007) link( ) society and broad networks (Toivonen 2009). and the responses to it show that while some How, then, can we begin to make sense of this such so-called ‘problem youth’ are reaching out ‘sector’ that rather resembles something of a for help, their cries are often met with cold or patchwork? Although it is arguably not harsh responses from members of an older necessary to consider all of these diverse generation. institutions as one ‘sector’, we offer this conceptualization in order to better understand Building on the work of these authors, this why such institutions exist in such diversity in article spells out the underlying philosophical the first place and offer a rich description of perspectives of a distinct and hithertothe context in which they individually operate.

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We begin this inquiry by casting a spotlight on two private residential ‘rehabilitative institutions for problem youth’ – the Totsuka Yacht School (hereafter ‘TYS’) and K2 International (hereafter ‘K2’) – and situating them among other institutions of a similar kind.5 The questions guiding our inquiry are the following: What are TYS’s and K2’s views on ‘problem youth’? What remedies do they prescribe? What do the fatalities they experienced reveal about them? We show that these institutions represent polar opposites on a philosophical spectrum regarding methods for rehabilitation, the former espousing a ‘disciplinarian’ – a.k.a. ‘Spartan’ – approach, the latter adopting a decidedly more ‘accommodating’ style. We show how the views of the leaders of these institutions regarding Figure 1. Rehabilitative approaches among taibatsu (‘corporal punishment’) are symbolic institutions for ‘problem youth’ of the differences underlying their opposing philosophies. Though both organizations draw Section two of this article highlights the inspiration from yachting and have experienced context within which the rehabilitative sector is fatalities in their histories, their perspectives embedded, showing how it relates to other on youth and society differ fundamentally, and educational institutions, civil society and perhaps somewhat ironically have beengovernment social policy. Qualitative accounts strengthened by the death crises they have on the respective rehabilitative philosophies of dealt with. As such, our fieldwork findings, TYS and K2 follow, replete with discussions of combined with our analysis of previousthe critical incidents in which these institutions research in related fields of education and were involved and how these incidents affected youth studies, suggest a fault line in current their subsequent operations. The paper Japanese thought regarding the rehabilitation concludes with a discussion that both compares of ‘problem youth’. We argue that other actors the two institutions and shows how in this field can be better understood through accommodating approaches like the one location on a four-quadrant philosophical grid offered by K2 are increasingly gaining which considers both their approach togovernmental support while organizations like rehabilitation and whether they provideTYS are, like the ‘problem youth’ they cater to, systematic training towards employment and/or increasingly feel marginalized. education. We conceptualize the field in this way (Figure 1). We draw on interviews with leaders of TYS and K2 (Totsuka, Kanamori and Iwamoto), their publications and short-term participant observation visits. While we primarily focus on the two groups’ rehabilitation philosophies, we also briefly outline current operations at both institutions and how individual attendees have responded to such training. We also review materials produced by the organizations

3 7 | 20 | 0 APJ | JF themselves, and articles published in the Asahi found 79 residential support groups in the early Shimbun (Asahi) and New Zealand Herald 2000s (Purattofōmu Purojekuto 2003). (NZH) in order to understand the implications According to a popular guidebook, there were of the fatal incidents at TYS and K2. at least 116 – mainly non-residential – ‘free schools’ and 105 ‘support schools’ forfutōkō 2. The Rehabilitative Sector in Context youth in 2007 (Manabi Rinku 2007). Even if these figures are reliable, the problem of scale The institutions we describe are by no means remains: some institutions accommodate just a unique to Japan. Across the developed world, handful of youth while others accept hundreds. religious and other organisations run youth camps of varying types, some in residential The institutions covered in this article are settings and some for rehabilitative purposes. neither funded nor regulated by any Internationally, the OECD has promoted the governmental ministry, although many ‘activation’ of youth to enter the labour market, rehabilitative institutions for ‘problem youth’ and a discourse which ‘medicalizes’ such youth are influenced by the regulation of civil society. as being ‘ill’ or ‘crazy’ is also having an impact The regulatory environment for non-profit across the globe (see Watters 2010). In some organizations in Japan until the 1990s European countries where youthremained strict: only specialized entities and unemployment has been a great problem for those perceived to produce ‘clear, several decades, workshop-style schemes unambiguous, and direct public benefits’ were combine group learning with vocational skills approved as public-interest corporations training (e.g. Finnish Youth Workshops). The (Schwartz & Pharr 2003:11). Rehabilitative US Job Corp – a federally funded programme institutions for youth therefore mainly operated launched in the 1960s that at its peak trained as unincorporated voluntary organizations 70,000 youth from poor backgrounds per year – (nin’i dantai) without the benefits of social is another example of residential youth training recognition, tax breaks or tax-deductibility of (Levitan and Johnston 1975), and ‘boot camps’ donations. The new NPO Law of 1998, – named after military facilities aimed at however, greatly altered the situation, making training soldiers – for delinquent youth are also it possible for a broader range of organizations relevant. Despite similarities with institutions to acquire legal status. Consequently, many elsewhere, however, the groups described here rehabilitative organizations are now registered have emerged in particular social and historical as NPOs, although some operate as for-profit contexts, making certain aspects of them companies or as subsidiaries of private school distinctive. corporations.

Where are ‘problem youth’ rehabilitated in The two institutions discussed here do not contemporary Japanese society and how are complement Japan’s ‘mainstream’ schools in these institutions regulated? This is not an any obvious way, nor are they recognized as altogether easy question to answer. There are providers of ‘alternative education’ like some schools/institutions like the ones in this article schools for ethnic minorities and international which are geared specifically for so-called schools. Indeed, they are often seen as an ‘problem youth’, but it is difficult to accurately option of last resort for parents finding grasp how widespread and/or how influential difficulties raising their children or for the these schools are. This is in part because they parents of troubled youth for whom are unregulated and therefore quantitative data ‘mainstream’ Japanese schools have failed. is hard to come by. A private research project Figure 2 provides a basic conceptualization of by veteran hikikomori and futōkō supporters how the ‘sector’ of rehabilitative institutions is

4 7 | 20 | 0 APJ | JF related to these more ‘mainstream’ forms of (Shimizu and Tokuda 1991). education. Although their relationship with government regulation and the ‘mainstream’ It is within this broader context that we education system is not the only way to place describe the following two institutions, arguing these institutions in context – the experience of that although they may appear to lie on the individual students at these ‘rehabilitative periphery of Japanese education, and while institutions being another6 – Figure 2 offers a they may be seen by some as ‘non-formal brief sketch of where one can find these education’, the connections they cultivate with organizations. important and influential political actors within mainstream society cast doubt on such a distinction.7

3. The Totsuka Yacht School (TYS): The Archetype of a Disciplinarian, ‘Ascetic’ Rehabilitative Institution?

TYS was opened by Totsuka Hiroshi in Mihama, Aichi Prefecture, in 1976. Totsuka had achieved fame by winning a single-manned yacht race across the Pacific in 1975, and soon after made the transition from yachtsmen to educator. Originally, TYS was dedicated to rehabilitating ‘emotionally disturbed’ jōchoshōgai( ) youth. Over the course of its history, it has targeted Figure 2. Positioning rehabilitative various mondaiji (‘problem youth’), including institutions for ‘problem youth’ vis-à-vis hikō (youth delinquents),tōkōkyohi (school other regulated and unregulated refusers), mukiryoku (spiritless youth), violent educational sectors in Japan children, and otherwise disruptive children. According to TYS website, the School’s mission However, in order that not to paint a picture of is ‘work towards a day where each delinquent these diverse residential rehabilitationchild’s power to live will bloom in the way a institutions as entities completely antithetical proper human’s should.’ This section briefly to a monolithic ‘mainstream’ education system, outlines the history and finances of TYS as well it should also be noted that there is much its diagnosis of the ‘problem’. It also outlines diversity of practice even within Japan’s public Totsuka’s educational theories, considers his schools, acknowledging of course the general reliance on history and tradition, and finally curriculum uniformity and national education details the trial which made TYS widely known policy which distinguishes Japanese education and brought Totsuka notoriety. from other nations (such as the U.S., see e.g. Rohlen 1983; Okano & Tsuchiya 1999). This From world-class yachtsman to best-selling diversity is especially seen in Japaneseauthor and controversial ‘educator’ disciplinary practices (Fukuzawa 2006) and the perspectives and perceptions of them (Miller Since its birth in 1976, TYS reports having 2009). Moreover, some mainstream schools, ‘rehabilitated’ over 600 ‘problem youth’ often located in disadvantaged areas, and lower (Totsuka 2007). Ages and errant acts of the ranked high schools, deal with significant trainees vary, but it seems that most who have numbers of ‘problem youth’ mondaiji( ) and attended TYS have been males in their late provide rehabilitative functions for them teens to early twenties. TYS started as a private

5 7 | 20 | 0 APJ | JF organization, and its central training activities necessary (TYS Website). Totsuka is a best- have consisted of windsurfing and yachting, but selling author. His latest, Honnō no Chikara Totsuka also lauds the benefits of techniques (‘The Power of the Instinct’, 2007) sits next to such as solitary confinement (TYS Homepage). other bestsellers on bookstore shelves. In 1987, Table 1 traces the complicated andcurrent Tokyo Governor Ishihara Shintarō controversial history – punctuated and strongly introduced shienkai (‘support group meetings’) shaped by several fatal incidents and afor TYS, supported ideologically by powerful, protracted trial – of the institution. conservative politicians and supported financially by large Tokyo companies, showing Table 1. Chronological history of TYS: that Totsuka is sustained by an influential incidents and trial network of supporters Asahi( , 29 October 1991).

Totsuka’s diagnoses and remedies: A complex theory of taibatsu

Though certainly not its only advocate, Totsuka is the most vocal proponent of the disciplinary value of taibatsu (‘corporal punishment’). Taibatsu is a nebulous term which is often translated into English as ‘corporal punishment’. Here, for the sake of argument, we tentatively define it as an act where an educator uses physical force on a student as an intentional form of punishment or discipline October 2009 Eighteen year-old girl commits (see Miller 2009 for a more thorough suicide by jumping off a Totsuka Yacht School discussion). Though taibatsu has been banned building. Authorities do not file charges (Japan in public schools since the Meiji Period, the Today Online, 28 October 2009) and Totsuka debate over the value of its use in schools questions media coverage which insinuated continues, and incidents involving the use of that coaches at TYS used taibatsu, causing the taibatsu continue to be covered by the media. girl to commit suicide (TYS Homepage,Totsuka’s personal pedagogy is both influential Accessed May 24, 2010). in and influenced by this debate, and TYS’s private status meant he was not violating Since the organization has been neither national education laws when he used taibatsu regulated nor subsidized by the government, it in the 1970s and 1980s. Moreover, parents who acquires most of its funding via participation approve of his ‘educational philosophy’, fees and business and political ties (Asahi, 29 including the use of taibatsu, continue to send October 1991). Parents paid anywhere from their children there, showing clearly that not ¥500,000 to ¥1 million for TYS services in the all Japanese believe that such disciplinary late 1970s and early 1980s (depending on the measures are ‘abusive’. length of the child’s stay) and TYS had revenues of ¥200 million in 1982. Today’s TYS rates remain expensive: entry costs ¥3.15 million plus ¥110,000 per month for living expenses on a one year program, with no further payment due should an extra year be

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as a justification for his rehabilitation regime.

Over the years Totsuka has developed a complex educational philosophy for rehabilitating so-called ‘problem youth’ which is summarized in Honnō no Chikara. In this work, Totsuka claims that taibatsu is ‘good’ (zen) and should be used to help teachers combat the ‘collapse of the classroom’ (gakkyū hōkai). Totsuka insists that words would not work with emotionally disturbed children – that they ‘need’ taibatsu – emphasizing that such children must experience a ‘high quality of unpleasantness’ in order to learn and grow. Finally, he claims that if taibatsu is done for the sake of the child, it is right to employ it. His is a consequentialist approach in which the end justifies the means.

Before publishing Honnō no Chikara, Totsuka had already become famous as a writer. He has attributed Japan’s ‘education ruin’ to a ‘feeble brain stem’, explaining how he started TYS for children with both emotional and ‘brain stem’ problems (Totsuka 1985, 1998, 2003). Totsuka Totsuka believes he can cure any ‘problem argues that children whose instinct has not child’ been adequately trained through the use of taibatsu will not be able to function properly in The term shugyō is useful in understanding society. He adds that, as the brain stem Totsuka’s disciplinarian approach to thegoverns the physical and mental spirit (seishin), rehabilitation of ‘problem youth’ (Rohlen and and as the spirit is made up of reason and LeTendre, 1996). Shugyō is often translated as instinct, in order to train the instinct, the brain ‘ascetic practice’ or ‘training’, and is associated stem must be trained by ‘tricking’ it using a with the mountain retreats of Buddhist monks. ‘high quality of unpleasantness’, and this in Monks who practice such shugyō aim to control turn will create a ‘correct spirit’.Taibatsu , their desires and believe that by doing so they Totsuka explains, can accomplish such ‘brain will make the world a better place. Shugyō in stem training’ by training both the reason and Japan mimics other traditions of withdrawal in the instinct. In other words, if an educator Asia, from Gautama Buddha’s years ofinstills fear in the child by using physical force, penitence to Lao-tzu’s life in the mountains. the child will think rationally ‘I shouldn’t do The term has acquired meaning outside of this what I just did, because if I do I will be religious context, however, and institutions like punished physically.’ This also trains the TYS seek to take so-called ‘problem youth’ out instinct to naturally avoid doing such things. of society, subject them toshugyō -like Towards that end, Totsuka counsels that activities, and send them back into society taibatsu should be used from as early an age as ‘rehabilitated’.9 During interviews withpossible (ideally, from age three), and for all Totsuka, the term shugyō was used many times children.10

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Totsuka blames various parties for Japan’s use of an invented, monolithic and inherently problems and suggests that he can ‘save Japan’ flawed ‘America’ to construct an image of a if given a chance. He blames universities for ‘perfect Japan’. Totsuka assumes that all non- overlooking ‘real life’; the media for ‘bullying’ Japanese educational ideas come from America him more than any other Japanese educator; and that American ideas about education are prosecutors for an unfair trial (see below); the monolithic. He says that ‘Uncle Sam Ministry of Education for ‘irresponsibility’ and Democracy’ is ‘stupid’, and that in fact Japan in their misguided approaches to education; the post-war period has been more ‘feudal’ behavioral psychologists who ‘overlook the than ‘democratic’. He blames Americans for instinct’; intelligentsia for blindly accepting introducing an ‘elitist’ constitution and a ‘American-esque’ seishin theory and thereby discourse of ‘kenri’ (rights) to post-war Japan, ignoring indigenous Japanese ideas of seishin; complaining that children and adults are in fact and bad teachers and their unions for the dire not equals – as he assumes that all Americans state of Japanese education. Totsuka believes believe – and should therefore not have equal that public schools fail children precisely rights. He says that schools which do not because they do not use enough taibatsu, and properly establish boundaries between he views TYS as an appropriate remedy for students and teachers are asking for trouble, such ‘neglected’ children. To Totsuka and and he blames principals for not sufficiently others who agree with him,taibatsu is not having ‘original principles’ or ‘methodology’ ‘abuse’ but rather part of taking care of a child (Personal Communication, 17 June 2007). and doing what is his best interest (Miller Finally, Totsuka says that Eastern philosophy is 2009). He calls for liberalization andsuperior to ‘American philosophy’ in every way, privatization of Japanese education, and ends and that Buddhism’s main tenets – the one book (2003) with a chapter entitled ‘Just impermanence of all things, all things in nature Let Me Run One Elementary School!’ While are selfless, and everyone suffers – sufficiently Totsuka’s educational theories have only been cover all of life’s bases (Totsuka 1998). Indeed, applied to so-called ‘problem youth’, he clearly he firmly believes that one must suffer in order believes they should be put to wider use. to progress, and believes that it is his role to stimulate such suffering through hard, ascetic training involving taibatsu (Totsuka 1998: 132). Taken together, these assertions reveal Totsuka’s belief that his methods are the only intrinsically ‘Japanese’ approach to ‘rehabilitating’ ‘problem youth’.

Underlying principles: Hierarchy and tradition

Totsuka therefore makes use of powerful symbols (such as the trust people have in science) as well as his links to money and power to construct a narrative of the value of taibatsu in education and discipline in rehabilitation. At the same time, his Totsuka lectures at the school educational philosophy is based on an enduring advocacy of hierarchy and role separation, and These theories are based on variousin a sense this places him in the mainstream of generalizations, however, one of which is the Japanese education.

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Totsuka argues that a father is and should be way back from a ‘training camp’ (gasshuku) in an ‘axe’, while a mother is and should play a Kagoshima, two college students went missing support role. Following the work of Fujiwara from a ferry. It is thought that they jumped in Masahiko (2005), Totsuka argues that ‘Western the ocean to avoid the wrath of Totsuka and rationalism’ is insufficient and undesirable in a other TYS coaches. The prosecutor said of comparatively ‘emotional’ Japan. This emphasis these incidents: “It is a terrible crime to make on emotionalism is another reason Totsuka money off these children and then commit acts continues to insist that taibatsu is a necessary of violence against them, all the while and effective means for rehabilitatingprofessing to be a healer” (Asahi 30 October disaffected youth. Although Totsuka’s attempts 1991). Meanwhile, Totsuka’s lawyers insisted to justify taibatsu ‘scientifically’ seem to be that his client’s purpose in using taibatsu was based on rationalism, along with Fujiwara’s to heal (‘naosu’) children. They argued that writings and other similar tomes, Totsuka’s Totsuka’s acts were acceptable because of the philosophy epitomizes the conservative and principle of in loco parentis; i.e. Totsuka held a emotionally nostalgic longing for a ‘lost Japan’ chōkaiken (‘right to discipline’). They added in which children were polite, dutiful and that many parents consented to allow Totsuka deferential to adults. Such seniority-based to use taibatsu on their children. In addition, hierarchy is seen as a fundamental premise of the defense claimed that it was Totsuka’s last Japanese society yesterday, and Totsuka sees resort: how else was he supposed to improve the media’s attack on taibatsu as an example of children in such a short period of time? The how Japan has become too liberal and lost its defense claimed that such ‘Totsuka-style ‘tradition’. training’ was socially necessary and justified. They further argued that though doctors The ‘Totsuka Yacht School Incidents’ and the claimed that the four students died because of ‘Marathon Trial’ shigoki (‘hard training’), their autopsies were surely mistaken. Finally, they pointed out that Totsuka became famous in the early 1980s for a the boys who escaped the ferry were still series of deaths which took place under his alive.12 watch at TYS (see Table 1, above). These events – which came to be known as the Totsuka was initially sentenced to two years of ‘Totsuka Yacht School Incidents’ (Totsuka Yotto jail time and two years of probation for the Sukūru jiken) – may not have significantly death of Ogawa. This was the first conviction in altered Totsuka’s theories regarding the the history of Japan for what the judge called rehabilitation of ‘problem youth’, but they have kibishii taibatsu (‘severe’, or ‘extreme’, influenced both the wider discourse on taibatsu taibatsu). The court found that the other and the social image of the rehabilitation sector coaches were guilty of hitting Ogawa with a in general. bamboo stick, throwing him in the water, and burning him in a bonfire, resulting in death. According to the investigation of the first of these incidents (1982), a 13-year old victim In the end, however, an appeals court named Ogawa was killed after being punched sentenced Totsuka to a three-year prison term, and hit with sandals, yacht shafts, and bamboo which he served between 2003 and 2006. When sticks. He was also thrown into the ocean he was released, critics wondered whether the countless times, dunked while swimming there famous ‘rehabilitator’ had himself been so he could barely breathe, and suffered rehabilitated by his experiences in jail. internal bleeding from the stress of full-body Totsuka’s first words to the media, however, shock and trauma.11 In a later incident, on the echoed his pre-prison beliefs: taibatsu‘ wa

9 7 | 20 | 0 APJ | JF kyōiku’ (Corporal punishment is education). In rehabilitation have not changed. The coaching later lectures before his support groupstaff today manages schedules and activities, (shienkai), Totsuka complained that the media and solitary confinement is still used for was using him as a ‘whipping boy’ when they children who step out of line. On a typical day repeatedly broadcast this statementat TYS today, students rise at 6am, do yoga and ‘excessively’ and ‘unfairly’. In the midst of stretch, clean their rooms and eat breakfast controversy, Totsuka returned to the helm of from 7am, and study from 8am to 8:30am. TYS shortly after leaving prison. Totsuka himself speaks from 8:30am to 9:50am about the day’s training before the students begin yacht exercises on the water from 10am to 12:30pm. After lunch, the students again head out to the water where they train for two hours before coming back to land to help prepare dinner and have some free time. After dinner they study for another hour, do yoga, and get to bed at 10pm. The eleven students (all male) at TYS during my visit ranged from age 11 to 35 but most were middle or high school students. Coaches introduced them as perpetrators of katei bōryoku (violence in the home), tōkyōkyohi (school refusers), or hikikomori (socially withdrawn youth).13 Most of the students I was able to speak with were Totsuka has had problematic relations with quiet and seemed uncomfortable talking to me. the media The coaches who work for Totsuka were open and happy to explain their philosophy. Overall, TYS Today this philosophy was consistent with the philosophy Totsuka himself had explained to In the summer of 2008 TYS continued to me during previous interviews. Though the operate even after Totsuka’s incarceration. parents of one of the victims of the ‘Totsuka During this time, I (Miller) made brief visits (14 Yacht School Incidents’ protest that Totsuka and 15 July 2008) to observe the facilities and himself never apologized for the death of their learn the daily schedule and interact with son (Asahi, 19 May 2006), two other parents I coaches, parents and students. Onespoke with said they ‘appreciated’ kansha( subordinate coach said candidly, “We would shiteimasu) the work that Totsuka and his like to use taibatsu but we don’t because we coaches were doing for their son. These know it will be called a crime. It’s a shame too – parents told me of their son, “He was hitting us a child we used to reform in three months now before we sent him here…the boy needs some takes one year.” discipline (shitsuke). Sadly, we were not able to give it to him.” Indeed, many of the students at Though I was unable to observetaibatsu in TYS today were reportedly forcefully delivered practice, Totsuka’s ideas, authority and actions there by third parties (Asahi, 25 May 2006). continued to reign over TYS. Though taibatsu Though TYS is also well-known for students may no be longer used (it is hard to say who try to run away, one student I met at TYS, whether it was simply not used on the day that a fifteen year old who had been there for over a I visited), Totsuka’s strict control over the year and a half, said, “Before I came here I was students and disciplinary approach toalways running away, but I am growing here

10 7 | 20 | 0 APJ | JF now.” On the other hand, one former student another, staff and local community members in described his experiences at TYS ten years a relaxed setting. The number of youth at the afterwards, saying that after he refused to go center hovers at around 25 and they are to public school, his parents sent him to TYS supported by a predominantly female staff of where he was beaten and stepped on many ten or so. On average, students are in their times (Asahi, 15 July 1992). He tried to write mid-twenties, with ages range between 13 and letters home but was forbidden, and he says he 34. They reside in shared rooms at nearby still has terrible dreams involving the school. private houses. Describing his experience at TYS as ‘miserable’, he still cannot speak freely about it.

It is clear that opinions are mixed regarding TYS’s approach to the rehabilitation of youth, especially among youth who attend his ‘school’ and among parents who send them there. The philosophy employed by Totsuka and his coaching staff does not seem to have changed significantly after his years in prison. Indeed, the media spotlight seems to have actually solidified the theories he holds of Japanese society, education, youth and rehabilitation.

In late 2009, three years after Totsuka was released from prison, another student under his Entrance to K2 care died, although authorities did not press charges and the media reported that the death K2 is like TYS insofar as it strives to was a suicide (Japan Today Online, 28 October rehabilitate ‘problem youth’, but differs starkly 2009). This death – the fifth under Totsuka’s in terms of its philosophy and methods. After a watch – once again raised questions about his glance at the organization’s history, this ‘disciplinarian’ approach to rehabilitation, an section sheds light on K2’s views on ‘problem approach which is very clearly rejected by the youth’ and rehabilitative responses. At the end, institution described in the following section, the fatal incident that took place in New K2. Zealand (NZ) and the group’s position on taibatsu are reviewed. 4. K2 International: An Accommodating Approach to Rehabilitating Futōkō,From small sailing program to international Hikikomori and Nīto? support organization

K2 of Yokohama caters to ‘school-refusers’ K2, christened first as ‘International Columbus (futōkō), ‘socially withdrawn youth’Academy’, was founded as the educational (hikikomori) and ‘jobless young adults’ nīto( ). organ of the yacht company Pacific Marine Its center in Negishi, located in the ground Project Co. in 1989. Viewed as a major social floor of a large apartment building, consists of problem at the time (Yamazaki 1994), teenage a main ‘living room’ for workshops and self- school refusers (tōkōkyohi) were chosen as the study, an adjacent staff office and a studio for primary target group and were to be taken for sports and music. In between scheduled one to two-month-long sailing voyages so they activities, students freely interact with one could rejuvenate themselves while

11 7 | 20 | 0 APJ | JF experiencing ‘true nature’ (Kanamori 1999:9).

After several sailing trips in Micronesia in 1990, however, the cruise program ended, but Kanamori Katsuo, an employee who had overseen the program, decided to continue running it independently. Despite having had no formal background in education, witnessing first-hand how the youth changed during the voyages had left a strong impression on him, motivating him to keep the scheme afloat (interview, 14 December 2007). K2’s diagnosis: The problem with ‘problem The Academy was re-established in 1991 as a youth’, their parents and society volunteer organization, which later grew into a complex grouping of small semi-independent ‘It is not that the children [we are units operating in Japan, NZ and Australia dealing with] are sick. While they (Table 2). Like TYS, the establishment, program may be very close to being sick, and philosophy of K2 initially depended on a they are in any casenot sick. single man: Kanamori, a zainichi Korean with a Instead, they are in a state background in performing arts and business. resembling that of an empty car Unlike TYS, K2 now has another enterprising battery. Hence, they must first be leader in Iwamoto Mami, a Japanese female in re-charged – not through her mid-thirties who originally worked for a disciplinary training or persuasion securities firm. She oversees K2’s Youth but through complete relaxation in Independence Camp program forhikikomori nature’. and nīto. It is clear that, along with their characters (the former a leader of the idealistic - Kanamori Katsuo (interview, 14 and ‘charismatic’ sort, the latter a December 2007) ‘pragmatist’), their rehabilitation philosophies diverge somewhat. Iwamoto’s presence has become stronger in recent years (she is now The above quote summarizes K2’s early K2’s public face) meaning that her thinking on diagnosis of school-refusing teenagers and one youth support is also becoming more influential of its beliefs regarding rehabilitation. Indeed, within K2 itself. This section focuses on rather than finding fault solely with ‘sick’ youth highlighting K2’s core vision regarding the who appear lethargic and mentally feeble when rehabilitation of ‘problem youth’ while at the approaching the institution, K2 thinks that their same time distinguishing between its two ill-being originates with parents and the leaders’ views. surrounding society.

Table 2. Chronological history of K2 In addition to deploring the general ‘shallowness’ of human relationships in urban Japan, Kanamori believes it is problematic that many children are brought up by their parents alone; local communities that used to play a role in educating children have turned their attention elsewhere. Moreover, Japan’s custom of keeping problems strictly within the family

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(kakaekomu bunka) forecloses the possibility of 2000:32-33). K2’s website argues that the labor seeking outside help (e.g. when a childmarkets are particularly unforgiving to those withdraws) and leads to vicious circles of not hired instantly upon graduation, and that hardship. Iwamoto likewise criticizes the those without technical skills and experience societal custom that ultimately the family – not are doomed to manual jobs (K2 2008). the school – is held responsible for youth Kanamori also points out that policy measures problems, by contrasting Japan with Australia are lagging behind, and according to Iwamoto, where ‘support for truants is consistent and despite the government’sWakamono Jiritsu well-organized’ (MHLW 2007:9). Kanamori Chōsen Puran policy package (2003), current disagrees passionately with Japan’s public measures fail to integrate excluded youth and schooling system that both causes children to supply a real sense of belonging to a feel formidable stress and is designed to community and of ‘connecting’ with others. K2 produce white collar workers. This has led to a thus strives to compensate for such near-extinction of technicians and skilled inadequacies in the wider support system for craftsmen, and is part of a ‘majority society’ youth. where minorities – such as Korean residents like Kanamori himself and children who do not Although the rehabilitation philosophy of K2 receive public education – are given short described here may not appear as coherent as shrift. that of TYS – after all it is led by two influential leaders rather than one – we will see in the Kanamori perceives that such underlying following how this philosophy is relevant to the problems produce children who are unable to specific groups targeted for these build trusting relationships and request help in ‘rehabilitation’ and support activities. times of difficulty. Iwamoto holds that, in the worst case, such children fall outside both The actual target group: Who can be formal and informal networks and thusrehabilitated? experience complete isolation. Both agree that those who come to K2 suffer from a strong While K2’s mission is to serve ‘various youth sense of inferiority and an extremely negative who struggle in their lives’, it does not accept self-image, and generally feel unneeded by all applicants. (TYS is similarly selective.) others (interview, 14 December 2007; MHLW Kanamori emphasizes that ‘rehabilitators’ who 2007:9). Parents – especially white collar believe they can ‘heal’any child or youth, fathers – are partly to blame as they have inevitably fail, and acknowledges that K2 can neglected child-rearing, leading to anhelp only certain kinds of individuals who have imbalance between ‘maternal’ bosei( ) and sufficient motivation. In addition to the general ‘paternal’ (fusei) types of upbringing.14 The ‘emotional compatibility’ of the applicant and weakness of the ‘paternal principle’ fusei( K2’s staff (aishō), and so as to ensure the genri) is said to have caused many youth to former will find a suitable ‘mentor’ among the lack the skills to comprehend and act in the latter, parental cooperation and commitment is harsh world beyond the all-embracingconsidered a key requirement. K2 asks parents ‘maternal’ home. to confirm whether their son or daughter has a background of risky behavior and whether a K2 is also cognizant of labor market issues: psychiatrist has agreed he or she can join the Kanamori deplores how the burst of the bubble organization. If these items are cleared and a economy has influenced youth’s employment trust relationship is built between staff and the and led to the so-called ‘furītā ceiling’ (where parents, children aged under 18 usually join youth can find only part-time work) (Kanamori the organization’s program for non-school

13 7 | 20 | 0 APJ | JF going youth and those over between 18 and 35 K2’s remedies: Experiential learning, (in Iwamoto’s words, ‘normal youth who for communal living and work training various reasons cannot find jobs’) – can enter the ‘Y-MAC’ program Since the latter is part of The ‘menu’ of remedies K2 offers to those who the government-subsidized Youthqualify can be divided into experiential learning Independence Camp scheme (Wakamono Jiritsu designed to build character and strengthen the Juku), additional enrolment conditionsK2 community; communal living away from 15 parents that promotes initiative and mutual apply. However, admittance is to some extent support; and systematic work training intended determined on a case-by-case basis and to guide students into jobs. Experiential considerable flexibility exists. learning and ‘fun’ activities are stressed for younger enrollees, while work training applies mostly to older students.

Yachting, the original inspiration for K2’s activities, is still extolled by Kanamori: Combined with stays on uninhabited islands, it is ‘the ultimate experiential learning method and an effective way to stimulate the unconscious mind’ (interview, 14 December 2007). The fear, powerlessness and other emotions that participants feel on the sea replenish their internal energies, and, being directly dependent on each other for survival, they learn communication and teamwork. According to Kanamori, as life on uninhabited Group activities at K2 islands requires many skills (starting a fire, e.g.) it is an ideal way to prompt a ‘paradigm The ability to shoulder the attendant program shift’ in the youth’s way of thinking. fees is another decisive condition. Younger students must pay ¥630,000 for their initial The main purpose of such a ‘shift’ is to induce a reversal of the assumption held by most three months and thereafter pay ¥105,000 per participants that they are inferior and that month, which is the same sum that Y-MAC there is something inherently wrong with them. participants must shoulder for their first three While sailing is the most ‘dynamic’ way to months.16 While this acts as a barrier to achieve this, the same can be done on a prospective students from low-income ‘smaller scale’ via communal living on land. In households (including those from single-parent order to counter the pressures of mainstream families), Iwamoto stresses that the fees must society and parents, the essential requirement be seen in context – many who enroll have is to live away from home, parents, school and previously attended other more expensive one’s regular environment for a significant educational institutions but have failed to period of time, a conception partially launch careers; parents do not typicallyresonating with Totsuka’s ideas of shugyō (see perceive K2’s fees as unreasonably high. On section 3.2). the other hand, the fees mean that parents usually hold decision-making power over their After experimenting with communal living child’s enrolment, making it difficult for the arrangements in Yokohama so as to extend latter to enroll independently. support beyond the cruises, Kanamori found a

14 7 | 20 | 0 APJ | JF new way to enforce his principle of separation in Japanese society. They are the ‘salt of the in 1993. He transported activities to NZ, earth’ whom he expects to bring about changes famous for sailing and other outdoorin the world and live in a manner that shows activities,17 a move that expressed the‘originality’ and agency. Therefore, the organization’s belief that ‘life in Japan does not Christian view that each individual is invaluable suit all’ youth (MHLW 2007:9). K2 students and loved by God both helps enrollees re-gain attend language schools, high schools and hope and forms a second pillar of K2 universities in NZ (and Australia), although philosophy. (K2 also emphasizessasaeai Kanamori emphasizes that K2’s ultimate (‘mutual support’) andsodachiai (‘growing priority is restoring mental and physical together’), ideas which have close affinities health.18 Nevertheless, the fact that many with Buddhist and Confucian ideas of living in former ‘school-refusers’ go on to graduate harmony with others). university is a source of pride for K2 and vindicates the view that it is indeed Japanese Thirdly, open collaboration with other welfare society, not the youth themselves, that leads professionals and institutions also young people to feel ill, refuse school and characterizes K2’s activities. Mental health socially withdraw. counseling at local clinics is available to students and connections with local welfare K2’s work training consists of learning basic authorities are maintained. The organization ‘life skills’ such as waking up early and doing refers youth to other services when necessary. housework; workshops on communication, CV Iwamoto also participates in research projects writing and interview techniques; and practical on youth welfare and policy with academics training at K2’s affiliated restaurants,and city officials, and organizes exchange companies and volunteering sites. Thisevents with other rehabilitation institutions. K2 diversity is consistent with the organization’s also plans events for local community members desire to ‘expose youth to many opportunities’ such as mothers with small children. (kikkakezukuri) so that they can discover their aptitudes and interests. K2 also endeavors to The incident, its long-term influence and K2’s create trainee positions of its own to facilitate position on taibatsu gradual adjustment to work, and it carves a niche in the market by hiring former students. On 25 February 2003 a 22-year-old male student with Asperger’s syndrome died after Underlying principles: Accommodation of severe beating at Columbus International’s diversity, Christianity and open collaboration communal living facility in NZ NZH( , 13 November 2004). The beating was allegedly At least three principles underpin K2’spart of an ‘interrogation’ by other students who rehabilitation activities. First, Kanamoriwere upset by the victim setting fires and emphasizes that the organization does not force stealing personal belongings. After the its way of doing things upon new enrollees or charging of nine students – of whom four were coerce them into changing. Rather, staff and eventually jailed for six months to three years – students strive to adjust themselves tofor assault and kidnapping, the organization newcomers’ personalities and interests. This was forced to leave NZ. The incident caused a stress on embracing diversity is related to major uproar in NZ: Columbus International Kanamori’s ethnic minority background and was criticized for a lack of compliance with Christian faith. Conscious of his Korean- safety regulations; labor standards violations; Japanese heritage, Kanamori believes non- cramped conditions; and finally (by the school going youth are also a kind of minority education minister) for being ‘sinister’ (NZH, 4

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July 2003). This reaction offered a vividphilosophy. example of what can happen when Japanese youth problems and related support5. Discussion philosophies ‘travel’ elsewhere and interact with a dramatically different set of assumptions ‘Rehabilitation’ is increasingly perceived to be regarding the ‘appropriate’ treatment of so- necessary to ‘activate’ ‘problem youth’ and return them to society and the labor market. called problem youth. By comparison, the Whereas groups similar to TYS (e.g. Kazenoko reaction back in Japan was puzzling: unlike Gakuen and Fudōjuku) conduct disciplinarian with the TYS deaths, the Japanese reporting on training for the sake of its perceived intrinsic the Columbus ‘incident’ – though it was never benefits (Yoneyama 1999:93-95), there is explicitly termed as such – turned out currently a growing emphasis on employment- remarkably lenient. The Asahi Shimbun wrote oriented training (see Asano and Futagami only six short articles on it in 2003 and 2004, 2006). So-called ibasho – lounges and small hardly giving the ordeal a critical examination. peer communities for youth with no other place The reporting was descriptive and sympathetic, to go – are also proliferating and earning ignored the uproar in NZ, and portrayed recognition. Columbus International in neutral terms. It appears that, since the parents of the deceased These developments are largely due to the student did not sue the organization, and since ageing of many ‘problem youth’ (especially the incident took place abroad, its coverage in those identified as hikikomori) and increased the Japanese media was minimal andyouth unemployment, but change is also being substantially more favorable than the Totsuka directly promoted by the government through incidents. something called the Youth Independence Camp (Wakamono Jiritsu Juku) scheme. In The organization itself reacted to the incident 2005, the government launched a three-month- in many ways: it expressed shock and grave long program called the Youth Independence concern over the death and stressed that this Camp that aims to guide jobless youth was the first time it had experienced such identified as nīto (NEET) to paid employment misfortune. It changed its name to ‘K2via training in basic ‘life’ and work skills International’ (presumably to disassociate itself (Toivonen 2008). As of February 2008 there from the incident) and revised safety and were 30 private organizations across Japan that enrolment standards (see 3.2.1 above). K2 now carried out this scheme (including K2), all of cooperates with various welfare professionals which were chosen by an official expert and institutions and hires staff with welfare committee. Selected groups are required to qualifications. It appears that the incident – report on their activities, produce receipts Iwamoto occasionally touches upon it in against which subsidies are paid and adopt interviews – propelled some changes in K2’s achievement targets. Only groups viewed as practices and thought. However, it issufficiently ‘safe’ are chosen and employment interesting to note that in response to this activation is often given as the end goal of incident, K2 made its approachmore clearly rehabilitation. Although the Youth accommodating as a result, whereas TYS Independence Camp is still a small scheme, it clearly clung on to its disciplinarian philosophy clearly promotes change within the tooth and nail (despite much criticism). In rehabilitative sector by emphasizing paid work, short, the death crises that these organizations physical safety and accountability.19 faced – though caused by and in very different circumstances – had the same effect ofEmployment-centered programs may be either strengthening each organization’s respective disciplinarian (quadrant B of Figure 1) or

16 7 | 20 | 0 APJ | JF accommodating (quadrant D), but where come to the fore: for instance, drawing on sponsored by the government, they areessentialist notions of ‘Japaneseness’, Totsuka constrained by stringent safety requirements, deplores the lack of discipline and taibatsu in leaving disciplinary institutions like TYSmainstream schools and offers ‘compensation’ (quadrant A) to find funding elsewhere, either at TYS. Kanamori, on the other hand, decries from sympathetic supporters or from the tuition the homogenizing and atomizing nature of fees mentioned above. The groups that fall into society and strives to provide marginalized quadrants B and D of Figure 1 are potentially youth an alternative, accepting environment eligible for government support and are hence and a sense of community (either in Japan or influenced by emerging regulation. This is not abroad). In sum, Totsuka’s philosophy may be the case regarding groups in quadrants A and characterized as ‘disciplinarian’ and K2’s as C since they lack an employment-focus (which ‘accommodating’ (Table 3). could justify directing tax money toward them) and since the former are often seen as too Table 3. Similarities and differences ‘unsafe’ to deliver public support measures. between TYS and K2 While essentially subscribing to the disciplinarian paradigm, institutions in quadrant B (not discussed in this article) are forced to relinquish disciplinarian training methods if they desire to receive subsidies (though the emphasis they put on discipline is still readily discernible to observers). Since the introduction of the Youth Independence Camp in 2005, there is therefore a verifiable trend towards safer and ‘softer’ types of youth rehabilitation. However, due to a lack of data, it is difficult to gauge the exact number of groups Although residential ‘rehabilitative’ institutions within each of the quadrants in Figure 1. In any for ‘problem youth’ certainly take diverse case, this four-quadrant diagram provides a forms, we argue that they can be grasped in first-stage portrait of this rather elusive sector. relation to this basic disciplinarian- accommodating distinction manifest in the The above case studies have explored two concepts of TYS and K2. Essentially, contrasting approaches to the ‘rehabilitation’ of disciplinarian approaches blame individual ‘problem youth’ in Japan. There are many youth or at least view them as needing apparent similarities beyond the residential ‘corrective’ training, whereas accommodating format of TYS and K2: both were founded by measures attribute problems to wider social ‘charismatic’ leaders fond of yachting and phenomena and the lack of support programs critical of mainstream education; both have or institutions to respond to them. The faced crises involving the loss of life which relationship between such problems in the have actually strengthened their respective Japanese school and wider social phenomena philosophies. Moreover, both groups offer has been discussed elsewhere, shedding original diagnoses of ‘problem youth’ and offer further light on the context in which TYS and connected remedies. Both share the belief that K2 make their claims. For example, Yamazaki ‘rehabilitation’ often requires separation from (1994) and Yoneyama (1999, 2000) both mainstream society. discuss the ‘medicalization’ of the ‘problem’ of school refusal. Yoneyama (2000) places this From here, however, fundamental differences medicalization discourse among four discourses

17 7 | 20 | 0 APJ | JF revolving around the problem of school refusal: taibatsu, and while its founder has written the ‘psychiatric’, in which school refusers are extensively extolling its virtues, the leaders of considered to be mentally ill, the ‘behavioral’, K2 differ only in part about its use. Although in which school refusers are considered to be the incident at K2 described above, while lazy, the ‘citizens’, in which school refusers are extremely violent, did not comprise taibatsu by resisting against the school, and the ‘socio- a member of staff on a student, it is important medical’, in which school refusers areto note the organization’s position on this issue physically or psychologically burned outas it helps distinguish K2’s rehabilitation (Yoneyama 1999: 191). philosophy from that of the TYS. First, Kanamori generally disputes that coercion or Because these four key perspectivesviolence can lead to good educational results, characterize not just school refusal but post- and claims he never forces students to stay at war Japanese youth problem debates in general the training facility if they do not wish to (he (Toivonen 2009), they help us understand prefers taking them to settings and locations another important difference between the two from where they cannot easily return home rehabilitation institutions considered in this instead). Second, Kanamori takes a critical paper. In other words, while the TYS’sview towards taibatsu although he does not approach toward rehabilitating so-calledoutright condemn it. He thinks it can ‘problem youth’ falls into the ‘behavioral potentially function as a way to build positive discourse’, in which teachers and otherrelationships between staff and students as educators consider lazy children in need or sukinshippu (literally, ‘skinship’, or ‘friendly ‘proper discipline and punishment’ (Yoneyama physical contact’). According to Kanamori, this 2000: 82), K2’s approach is much more type of intimacy is difficult to explain to resonant with the citizens’ or socio-medical Westerners and is simply part of ‘East Asian discourse in that its leaders believe that such culture’. In contrast to this nuanced view, youth need sufficient rest and a support Iwamoto rejects corporeal punishment outright. network to be able to recover sufficiently and return to the normal daily of life of mainstream Finally, it should be noted that the division into society. Of course, not all groups fall clearly disciplinarian and accommodating paradigms within one of the two approaches and we offer extends beyond the realm of youth this conceptualization simply as a starting point ‘rehabilitation’ itself; i.e. both TYS and K2 have for future research. evolved in interaction with surrounding society. The former remains connected mainly through Moreover, as we have highlighted in these case its shienkai comprised of powerful right-leaning studies, the dominant means of rehabilitation politicians (including the present governor of activities must also be considered in order to Tokyo), whereas K2 cooperates closely with the make sense of institutions catering to ‘problem local community, welfare services, voluntary youth’, including the use (or lack thereof) of organizations and well-known academics. taibatsu (‘corporal punishment’). Although Hence, insofar as the collaborators and means other than taibatsu could be used to supporters of the two organizations are disentangle the differences between these sympathetic to their approaches, our case institutions, we have argued that the term, studies highlight a key division in social concept and practice of taibatsu is symbolic of thought regarding ‘problem youth’ in Japanese larger divisions which separate these two society. This rift is far from novel: conservative institutions, and use it as a lens through which perspectives have long stressed the morality of we can more clearly see them. While TYS for youth while leftist thought has been most of its existence has explicitly relied on preoccupied with structural issues throughout

18 7 | 20 | 0 APJ | JF the post-war period (Rohlen 1983: 213). At any January, 2007 issues. Akagi responds in the rate, it is clear that neither institution could June issue of Ronza. continue to exist without support from wider societal organizations, especially after the Ambaras, David Richard. 2006. Bad Youth: aforementioned deaths which brought them Juvenile Delinquency and the Politics of into the public spotlight and challenged their Everyday Life in Modern Japan. Berkeley: very existence. University of California Press

Although only a brief inquiry based on two case Asahi Shimbun. 1983. “Taibatsu to iu kanri studies, this paper has highlighted and defined shugi” (The Management-ism called Corporal the sector of private ‘rehabilitative’ institutions Punishment). June 8. for ‘problem youth’ in contemporary Japan. It has placed this sector in context and addressed the important recent changes occurring to and 1991. “Totsuka yotto ga hinto? within it. Our account has also supplied a Mihara kaze no kogakuen enchō conceptual basis for further academic research kōchō to au” (Was TYS A Hint: of this elusive sector which, as we have Mihara’s Kaze no Kogakuen highlighted, lies simultaneously in the Principal Meets with Totsuka). periphery yet connected to the mainstream of August 8. Japanese society. Within this sector, it seems that the disciplinary approach offered by 1991. “Jishin tappuri Totsuka ryū institutions like TYS is rather widely perceived suparuta ha kieta ka” (The Totsuka to be the old and ‘traditional’ form of ‘strict’ Clan Full of Confidence: Have They Japanese education, whereas the Given Up Spartan Education?). accommodating approach offered by October 29. institutions like K2 seems to have emerged more in recent years and now appears to be 1991. “Totsuka yotto sukuru jiken increasingly sanctioned by the state. This ronkoku” (Prosecutor’s Closing suggests that such accommodating approaches, Argument in TYS Incident Trial). which emphasize human rights and condemn October 30. coercive forms of discipline, may be increasing. 1992. “Kunrensei Mosaku suru At the same time, organizations like TYS continue to persevere, exposing the on-going kodomotachi totsuka yotto and contentious debate within Japan about how hanketsu wo mae ni: jō” (First Part to best ‘rehabilitate’ so-called ‘problem youth’. of Series “Before the Totsuka Verdict”: Children Groping: A Trainee). July 15.

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Berkeley: University of California Press. Education. Yarmouth, MA: Intercultural Press, pp. 126-134. Rohlen, Thomas, and Gerald LeTendre (Eds.). 1996. Teaching and Learning in Japan. New York: Cambridge University Press. Toivonen, Tuukka. 2008. “Introducing the Youth Independence Camp: How a New Social Ryang, Sonia. 1997. North Koreans in Japan. Policy is Re-configuring the Public-Private Boulder: Westview Press. Boundaries of Social Provision in Japan”. Sociologos 32. Schwartz, Frank J. & Susan J. Pharr. 2003. The State of Civil Society in Japan. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 2009. Explaining Social Inclusion and Activation Policy for Youth in Shimizu, Kokichi, and Tokuda Kozo. 1991. 21st Century Japan. University of Yomigaere kōritsu chūgaku. (Public School Oxford PhD Thesis. Again). Tokyo: Yūshindo.

Shirai, Toshiaki, Okamoto Hideo, Tochio Totsuka, Hiroshi. 1985. Watashi ga naosu (I Junko, Kono Shoko, Kondo Junya, Fukuda Will Cure Them), Tokyo: Kadokawa Shoten, Kenji, Kashio Matsuko, and Kodama Kadokawa Bunko. Shouji. 2005. “Hiko kara no shonen no tachinaori ni kansuru seishō hattatsuteki 1998. Teki ha Nōkan Ni Aru. (The kenkyu.” (Lifelong Development Research Enemy is in the Brain Stem). Regarding the Recovery of Youth From Tokyo: Kenko Shinsha. Deliquency) Osaka: Osaka Kyōiku Daigaku Kiyō. 54(1):111-129. 2003. Kyoiku Saisei: Kore de Kodomo ha Sukuwareru. Slater, David H. 2010. “The Making of Japan’s (Educational Rebirth: Here’s How New Working Class: “Freeters” and the We Can Save Our Children). Tokyo: Progression From Middle School to the Labor Mirion Shuppan. Market,” The Asia-Pacific Journal, 1-1-10, January 4, 2010. 2007. Honnō no Chikara (The Power of the Instinct). Tokyo: Sogawa, Tsuneo. 1993. “Review of Andrew Shinchosha. Duff-Cooper ‘Contests’”.Asian Folklore Studies, 52(2): 397. Totsuka Yacht School. 2008. TYS Tsukada, Mamoru. 1991a. Yobiko life: A study Homepage. Http://www.totsuka-school.sakura.n of the legitimation process of sociale.jp. stratification in Japan. Berkeley: Centre for Japanese Studies, University of California. Wada, Shigehiro. 1997. ‘Kan’ wo Sodateru: Ikizumaranai Kyōiku (Cultivating ‘kan’: An Education That Does Not Lead to Dead-Ends). 1991b. “Student perspectives on Tokyo: Jiyūsha. juku, yobiko, and the examination system,” In B. Finkelstein, et al. Watters, Ethan. 2010. Crazy Like Us: The 1991. Transcending Stereotypes: Globalization of the American Psyche, New Discovering Japanese Culture and York: Free Press.

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Yamazaki, Atsushi. 1994. “The Medicalization and Demedicalization of School Refusal: Constructing an Educational Problem in Japan”. In Best, Joel (ed.) (1994) Troubling Children: Studies of Children and Social Problems, New York, Walter de Gruyter, pp. 201-217.

Yoder, Robert. 2004. Youth Deviance in Japan: Class Reproduction and Non-Conformity. Melbourne: Trans Pacific Press.

Yoneyama, Shoko. 1999. The Japanese High School: Silence and Resistance. London: Routledge.

2008. “The Era of Bullying: Japan Under Neoliberalism,” The Asia- Pacific Journal, Vol. 1-3-09, December 31, 2008. Accessed April 13, 2010.

Table 4. List of interviews

Aaron MILLER, originally from San Francisco, California, is Assistant Professor at Kyoto University as a member of the Hakubi Project, in its Inaugural Year, as well as affiliated with the Graduate School of Education. After graduating from UCLA with a B.A. in political theory, he was awarded his M.Sc. (2006) and DPhil (2009) in Socio-cultural Anthropology

from the University of Oxford. His doctoral About the authors thesis explored the cultural meanings afforded to Japanese basketball pedagogies. Aaron’s research focuses on the intersection between education, sports, discipline and culture, and he is currently undertaking a comparative historical and ethnographic project regarding the idea of education in modern Japanese and American sports. He can be reached at [email protected].

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Tuukka Toivonen, "To Discipline or Accommodate? On the Rehabilitation of Japanese ‘Problem Youth,’" The Asia-Pacific Journal, 22-6-10, May 31, 2010.

Notes

1 These include private ‘elevator institutions’, Steiner schools, international schools and schools for ethnic minorities.

2 We have not found previous scholarly accounts of these institutions examined as a ‘sector’. However, many books by ‘rehabilitators’ themselves describe ‘home- grown’ philosophies and methods (e.g. Futagami 2005; Kudo 2006; Totsuka 1985, 1998, 2003, 2007; Wada 1997).

3 The Japanese term for ‘problem youth’ or ‘problem child’, mondaiji, usually refers to children engaging in behaviour considered problematic by parents, teachers or other authorities. We employ the term in an extended sense, referring to those labelled by mainstream society ashikō (juvenile delinquent), futōkō (school non-attenders), Tuukka TOIVONEN, born in Finland, ishikikomori (socially withdrawn youth) and nīto currently a JSPS Postdoctoral Fellow at the (NEET, not in employment, education or Department of Sociology, Kyoto University. training). Upon graduating from Ritsumeikan Asia-Pacific University, he earned his DPhil in Social Policy 4 One word for ‘rehabilitation’ in Japanese is at the University of Oxford in 2009, authoring a kōsei which also has the meaning ‘rebirth’ and doctoral thesis that explains the emergence of ‘remaking’. Although few institutions a new kind of youth policy in 2000s Japan. In incorporate kōsei into their names, preferring this thesis – now being edited for publication – customised titles coupled with the term ‘youth Tuukka weaved together in-depth analyses of support’ (wakamono shien or yūsu sapōto) and youth problem construction, policy-making and although other terms might better encompass policy delivery in order to understand the the goals of certain institutions such as changing logic of both youth exclusion and Tamariba, which offers ‘support’ more than youth inclusion in contemporary Japanese ‘rehabilitation’ and does not aim to ‘change’ the society. He can be reached youthat that go there, we use this latter term as a [email protected]. convenient way to denote the majority of the groups which comprise this sector. We Miller and Toivonen wrote this article for The recognize that our use of the term Asia-Pacific Journal. ‘rehabilitation’ only approximately indicates the purpose of the groups considered herein, but it Recommended citation: Aaron L. Miller and is based on the still prevalent image of

24 7 | 20 | 0 APJ | JF residential youth support stations being sites of propounded by some of these institutions, such ‘rehabilitation’. Moreover, though kōsei is which from the outside looking in seem not to the literal Japanese equivalent ofbe ‘educational’ at all, raises questions ‘rehabilitation’, the English termregarding the boundary between the very ‘rehabilitation’ can also imply ‘socialdefinitions of ‘education’, ‘rehabilitation’, and rehabilitation’, or ‘rehabilitation (back) into ‘alternative education’. In future research we society’. The term for this phenomenon is hope to explore these issues further. shakai fukki in Japanese, a term commonly and 8 casually used to refer to the presumed goal of This ruling overturned a lower court's helping so-called ‘problem youth’ re-establish judgment, and according to Totsuka, the first themselves as ‘normal’ members of society. sentence had been the correct one: “In court the controversy became whether corporal 5 With rare exceptions (Goodman 2003,punishment was violence or education, and the Yamazaki 1994, Yoneyama 1999), few scholars Nagoya High Court judge found that ‘most of have written about TYS although mediathe corporal punishment used was for healing, coverage in both Japanese and English has correction or the sustainment of daily order at been relatively extensive. the camp’. He then sentenced me to three years of jail time and three years of probation” 6 We have focused less on the individual (Totsuka 2007:12). experiences of such students due to the methodological difficulty in accessing such 9 Sogawa explains that for the samurai, who data, especially with respect to attendees of drew on Zen Buddhism, “shugyō, leading to the TYS, most of whom seemed worried to be attainment of self-control, was regarded as talking to a foreign fieldworker. We also being of higher value than the issue of worried that by asking too much of these competition” (Sogawa 1993:397). attendees, we could potentially make their experience at the TYS more difficult as a 10 Needless to say, such pseudo-scientific consequence. theories are dismissed by scientists. A leading neurosurgeon at the University of Tokyo 7 Such doubt would seem to be corroborated by Hospital says Totsuka’s theory that ‘training Yamazaki’s (1994) finding that eventhe brain stem’ by hitting a child - or any other progressive ‘alternative education’ institutions activity - is scientifically flawed. He adds that paradoxically end up being pro-status quo while other parts of the brain such as the when they funnel youth back into mainstream hypothalamus, cortex and hippocampus may higher education and fail to change oradapt to such training, there is no scientific challenge wider structures. This articleevidence that the brain stem can be ‘trained’ highlights the ways in which we can better (personal communication, 28 January 2008 and understand exactly what constitutes education 18 February 2008, neurosurgeon spoke on the on the margins. In the field of comparative condition that he would remain anonymous) education, Rogers defines the dominant definition of ‘non-formal education’ as a ‘set of 11 Totsuka’s defence insisted the diagnosis of educational activities distinguished from formal taibatsu as the cause of Ogawa’s death was a education by having different goals orhospital error, but the hospital countered that purposes, or even separated from formal Ogawa had been hit in over one hundred schooling by being socially purposeful, part of places. Totsuka’s defence counsel argued that the radical social transformation movement’ the boy merely ‘got cold easily’ and that he (Rogers 2005: 91). The ‘educational’ rhetoric died of hypothermia. The prosecution retorted

25 7 | 20 | 0 APJ | JF that the autopsy showed a body temperature Independence Camp ‘Y-MAC’ fee schedule, K2 too high for hypothermia. International 2007). Toivonen (2008) explains that a significant participation fee was attached 12 The two college students who jumped from to the Youth Independence Camp programme the ferry were eventually confirmed dead. To despite it being a government-subsidised assuage the parents of these boys, Totsuka scheme, mainly due to two factors: the agreed to and later paid ¥12 million, but ‘undeserving’ status of the key target group without sufficient evidence, neither Totsuka (‘NEETs’) – viewed as enjoying economic nor the coaches were tried by the state for security via parental support – and the fact that these deaths. the government funds came from restricted general tax revenues (not the employment 13 Hikikomori commonly refers to youth who budget that the welfare ministry could have withdraw into their rooms for extended periods used somewhat more freely). of time and/or have no affiliations or relationships beyond their immediate families 17 According to Kanamori, foreclosing the during this time. However, it should be option of returning to the parental home in acknowledged that the boundaries between the such a radical way requires and ensures a high social categories mentioned in this paper are level of determination (kakugo) on the part of ambiguous. parents and participants. The parents usually 14 To Kanamori, the former is linked tocommit to K2’s programme since they view it cultivating emotional breadth and the latter to as a ‘last resort’ after having been ‘let down’ by intellectual study and experiencing the outside schools, counsellors, hospitals and other world while learning its rules. However, despite institutions. using gendered terms, he does not believe that 18 ‘maternal’ upbringing can only be provided by K2’s homepage asks readers whether they the mother and vice versa. have ever felt ‘stifled’ or ‘struggled’ when living in Japan’s ‘narrow-minded social system’ 15 The Youth Independence Camp was originally (K2 2008). designed for those relatively close to entering 19 the labour market. Indeed, the main objective At the time of writing the Youth attached to the policy is that 70 percent of the Independence Camp was undergoing participants find paid employment within half a significant restructuring as a result of the year of programme completion. Democratic Party’s efforts to cut ‘wasteful’ public spending. However, the camp is not 16 After this period government subsidies being abolished altogether and it may even be disappear and the monthly fee jumps to made available to a wider clientele than before ¥136,500. A slightly smaller fee for households as the outcome of these restructuring efforts. earning less than ¥4 million annually is applicable for the initial three months (Youth

On the Rehabilitation of Japanese 'Problem Youth' 訓練するのか宥め賺すのか−−日本の問 題児の復帰問題

On the Rehabilitation of Japanese 'Problem Youth' 訓練するのか宥め賺すのか−−日本の問題児の復帰問題