PEARL-WOMEN of DHAKA, BANGLADESH by Jahanara Huq Choudhury ABSTRACT

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. PEARL-WOMEN OF DHAKA/ BANGLADESH by Jahanara Huq Choudhury submitted to the Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of The American University in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. PEARL-WOMEN OF DHAKA, BANGLADESH BY Jahanara Huq Choudhury ABSTRACT

This is a study of the socio-economic situation of a section of Bangladeshi working women from the semi-nomadic group of the Shandar Bedey. Two hypotheses are presented here, i) women's contribution toward the family fund en hanced their status in the family and, ii) income-generation puts them in a disadvantageous position within the larger Bengali society. The methodology includes demographic survey of the area, structured questionnaire, interviews and informal discussions, and participant observation. Both random and purposive sampling were used for the selection of sample. The result of the investigation indicates that a majority of the Shandar families depend on women's income. Women who contribute their income toward the maintenance of the family and control it enjoy greater status and authority in the family. They participate also in major family decision making. It became evident during the fieldwork that the Shandar want to assimilate into the larger society. In the Shandar ii

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. society women enjoy freedom of movement that is necessary for their occupation. But presently Shandars are advocating the ideologies of purdah and patriarchy that view women working outside the home as the violation of social norms. While rich Shandar men are withdrawing their women from the labor force, the majority of the Shandar are still dependent on their women's income. The Shandar's emulation of the norms of the larger society indicates that this is a case of Sanskritization noticeable among the lower castes or classes desirous of an upward social mobility.. It indicates also that as the financial condition of the family progresses the situation of their women regresses. The bias of the members of the larger society against the semi-nomadic groups makes it difficult for them to gain an entry. However, changes in the Shandar life styles show that a gradual assimilation of the Shandar into the Bengali society could possibly take place in the future.

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This is an opportunity to thank the people who made this study possible. My greatest debt is to the people of Rupsa who tolerated a stranger in their midst. I am partic ularly grateful to the pearl-women who extended their hospi tality to me and my research assistant and untiringly an swered my questions. I want to express my gratitude to Bibi, Sufia, Huda, Abu and many others for making me feel at home in Rupsa. I thank Harun for helping me with the map of Rupsa. I would like to mention here that in order to re spect the privacy of the villagers I used pseudonyms for both places and people of the research location. I thank the American University, Washington, D.C. for granting me the Hall of Nations Scholarships for the academ ic years 1986-87 and 1988-89 and a Graduate Fellowship for the academic year 1987-88. I also thank Dhaka University, Bangladesh, for granting me leave of absence from my teach ing responsibility in History Department and providing me with a financial grant that helped my research work. I am deeply grateful to Geoffrey Burkhart, Dolores Koenig and Brett Williams for their thoughtful suggestions and guidance that got me through the dissertation. I thank Habibur Rahman of Department of Sociology, Dhaka University, for kindly permitting me the use of his unpublished doctoral dissertation. I am ever grateful to Jamalara Rahman for her iv

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. active support and co-operation. I thank Julie Boddy for her interest in my research and her comments on my work. I thank Aroma and Samir Goon for looking after my affairs in Dhaka during my long absence from home. Female anthropologists researching in South Asia often experience the difficulty of finding research assistants who are willing to accompany the researchers to unknown places. I was fortunate to have Saleha Khatun (Bindu) as my research assistant. I thank S.M. Gorky, a young journalist-photogra- pher from Dhaka, for helping me with the photographs. It is the initiative and support of my son, Riaz Khan, that motivated me to undertake the present research work. Both he and his wife, Farida Khan, came to my rescue whenev er I ran into problems with the computer. In my momemts of frustrations their encouragements helped see me through. My little granddaughter, Maya, made my stay in the United States enjoyable. I thank again my friends in Rupsa without whose co-operation I could not have reached my goal.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT...... ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS...... iv LIST OF TABLES...... ix LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS...... X Chapter 1. INTRODUCTION...... 1 Statement of the Problem...... 5 Contents of Chapters...... 8 2. THE BACKGROUND...... 12 Bangladesh: Land and People...... 12 The Terrain and the Climate...... 12 Population...... 14 Agricultural Products and Exports and Imports...... 15 Education...... 15 Language, Religion and Culture...... 16 Economic Condition...... 17 Women in the Labor Force...... 18 Legal Status of Women...... 21 Bengali Society...... 24 The Importance of the Bedey in Bengali Society...... 31 Review of Literature...... 34 Research Done in Bangladesh...... 53 Literature on the Bedey...... 61 other Relevant Materials...... 71 Summary...... 76 3. FIELDWORK AT RUPSA...... 78 The Methodology...... 78 Life at Aminur Rahman's House...... 86 Life at Fatima's House...... 88 Methods Used in the Fieldwork...... 94 Research Assistant, Bindu...... 96 vi

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Introducing Harun...... 98 Summary ...... 101 4. THE SHANDAR VILLAGE: THE SHANDAR PEOPLE...... 102 The Research Location: Rupsa...... 102 The Physical Environment...... 106 Water and Sanitation...... 112 Shops and Marketplaces...... 113 The Achinpur Rehabilitation Centre (ARC)— 113 The Town of Kaliganj...... 117 Dependence of the Shandar on Kaliganj and ARC...... 120 The Shandar Bedey of Rupsa...... 121 The Shandar Image of Themselves...... 121 Identity of the Shandar...... 134 Economic Activities of the Shandar..... 139 An Outline of Social Structure...... 146 Family, Household, Marriage and Divorce...... 148 Inheritance...... 152 The Village Administrative Units 154 Belief and Rituals...... 157 The Shandar Bedey of Rupsa: As I Saw Them in 1991...... 162 Summary...... 166 5. CASE STUDIES...... 168 The Story of Bibi...... 168 The Story of Sufia...... 182 The Story of Huda...... 189 Summary...... 204 6. THE TRADE NETWORK AND THE PEARL-W0MAN...... 206 A Brief History of India's External Trade.. 206 What is a Pearl?...... 215 The Trade Network...... 217 The Divers...... 219 The Mahajans...... 222 The Method of Transaction...... 223 i) The Supply...... 223 ii) The Rate...... 232 iii) The Remuneration...... 233 Interactions with the Mahaian and the Clientele...... 237 i) The Pear1-Women and the Mahaian... 237 ii) The Pear1-Woman and the Clientele...... 240 Impact of the Trade on the Pear 1-Women...... 246 vii

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Trade-Related Problems...... 253 The Solutions...... 257 Summary...... 258 7. THE PROFILE OF A PEARL-WOMAN...... 259 Purdah and the Pear 1-Woman...... 261 Status in the Family...... 272 The Social Role of a Pear 1-Woman...... 284 The Legal Status of a Pear 1-Woman...... 287 Decision-making Power of a Pearl-Woman 293 Motivations...... 298 S u m m a r y . 300 8. CONCLUSION...... 302 Sedentarization and the Shandar...... 303 The Effect of Sedentarization on Women...... 318 The Process of "Sanskritization"...... 319 The Emergence of Female Pear1-Traders..... 328 Summary...... 333

APPENDICES I. Questionnaire...... 336 II. Glossary...... 344 Bengali Words...... 344 Thar Terms...... 345 BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 346

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. LIST OF TABLES

1. Distribution of the Household Population by Age, Sex and Marital Status...... 83 2. Distribution of the Household Population by Age, Sex and Educational Status...... 83 3. Distribution of Pear1-Women by Age and Marital Status. No. of Women = 50...... 84 4. Distribution of Pear1-Women by Age and Marital Status. No. of Women = 10...... 84 5. Distribution of Pear1-Women by Age and Educational Status. No. of Women = 50...... 85 6. Distribution of Pear1-Women by Age and Educational Status. No. of Women = 10...... 85 7. Distribution of Pear 1-Women by Husbands'’ Age and Occupation. No. of Women = 50...... 140 8. Distribution of Pear1-Women by Husbands' Age and Occupation. No. of Women = 10...... 140 9. Distribution of Pear1-Women by Income. No. of Women = 10 (im 1991)...... 143 10. Distribution of Pear1-Women by Own and Family Income. No. of Women = 50...... 143 11. Distribution of Pear1-Women by Type of Income. No. of Women = 50...... 237 12. Distribution of Pear1-Women by Type of Income. No. of Women = 10...... 237 13. Distribution of Pear1-Women by Expenditure. No. of Women = 10...... 277 14. Distribution of Pear1-Women by Income and Expenditure. No. of Women = 10...... 277 15. Distribution of Pearl-Women by Ownership of Residence. No. of Women = 50...... 292 16. Distribution of Pearl-Women by Ownership of Residence. No. of Women = 10...... 292 17. Distribution of Pearl-Women by Decision-Making. No. of Women = 50...... 295

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Fig. 1. In front of Fatima's house with Fatima and the neighbors...... 90 Fig. 2. In Harun's room, with Bindu and Harun. 90 Fig. 3. The mosque at the entry point as viewed from the river (Balu)...... 107 Fig. 4. The entry point as viewed from the mosque.... 107 Fig. 5. The interior of the house of a pear1-woman— 108 Fig. 6. The bahar of the boat-dwellers with houses of settled Shandars in the background...... 108 Fig. 7. A village grocery shop run by a Shandar woman...... Ill Fig. 8. The mini-marketplace on the road between Rupsa and the ARC...... Ill Fig. 9. The Union Health and Family Welfare Centre... 115 Fig. 10. The Nutrition and Research Unit...... 115 Fig. 11. The marketplace in the ARC...... 116 Fig.12. Shandar children at the entrance of the school in the ARC...... 116 Fig.13. The ghat on the bank of the Balu in Kaliganj, with the mosque and the mills in the background...... 118 Fig.14. The high school in Kaliganj, attended by Shandar children...... 118 Fig. 15. Shandar women making shana...... 126 Fig.16. A banana-raft prepared on the occasion of the Bheura...... 161 Fig. 17. A pearl-woman stringing pearls...... 227 Fig. 18. Pearl jewelry made by a pearl-woman...... 227 Fig.19. A pearl-woman making jewelry with stones and beads...... 228 Fig.20. Jewelry made with stones and beads...... 228

MAPS

1. Map of Bangladesh...... 13 2. Map of Narayanganj...... 103 3. Map of Rupsa...... 104

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION

In the traditional society of Bangladesh, working women face problems that constrain and limit their opportunities for employment. By the standard of social ideologies that have definite sex roles for men and women, it is considered ideal for women to stay at home and take care of children and the household, while men have the responsibility of providing for the family. But in reality we find that many women are engaged in income-generating activities. While women from the poorer section always worked to supplement the family income, the entry of middle class women in the labor force in a large number is a post-independence phenomenon in Bangladesh. Working women are constrained by the dual roles they play as income-earners and home-makers. Their opportunity for employment has been limited by the designation of certain professions as 'female occupations.' During the last two decades (1970-1990) the situation of women in Bangladesh has become a popular subject of interest among scholars. Researchers have investigated the situation of rural working women and tried to draw the attention of international agencies for the improvement of their economic condition. The motivations, problems and 1

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 2 consciousness of middle class working women have also been explored. As a Bangladeshi working woman I considered it: my responsibility to examine the problems of women from my own society who are engaged in income-earning activities either to solely support their families or to supplement their families' income. In order to understand their problems, I found it useful to study the situation of working women in the family and the society and bring to light the obligations that prompt them to enter the work force, as well as to focus on the difficulties, both social and cultural, that arise from such an entry. When I looked for a suitable topic for my anthropological study I discovered that although several studies have been published with respect to the problems of urban/rural, middle class/lower class, educated/uneducated working women, a section of trading women from the outskirts of the society who always played significant economic roles in their families had been neglected by the researchers. I chose to study the problems of a section of my own people - a group of women who are involved in income-earning activities for the maintenance of their families. These women belong to a nomadic group that occupies a periphral position in relation to the wider Bangladeshi society. But as they are a part of the main society, I think that it is logical to regard them as "Bengali working women" who share

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 3 and understand the general socio-cultural patterns and also encounter problems that are faced by Bengali working women in general. The advantages of working among one's own people are several. I am not only familiar with the geographical area of my interest, I am also very much aware of the socio-economic background of the larger section of the society. Moreover, as a member of the same society I share the cultural schema that dominate the thoughts and ideas of Bangladeshi women. This factor enables me to follow the trends of socio-cultural changes that are taking place in Bangladeshi society. Srinivas observes that a researcher "who is engaged in the study of his own society is likely to be influenced by his social position" (Srinivas 1966:154). It is a fact that I and my focus group belong to different social classes. While I come from the educated upper-middle class my focus group comprises non-literate women from the periphery of the Bangladeshi society. It is reasonable to assume that this difference in social status might have posed difficulties in my gaining access to the research area and winning the trust of the women concerned. Excepting the initial difficulties faced by outsiders in an unknown area, I did not have much difficulty in establishing contact with them. Being a female researcher I had certain advantages too. I could venture into territories that were inaccessible to a male researcher. It was easy for me to gain the confidence of my

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 4 informants and establish a rapport with them which might have proved relatively difficult for me in a society different from my own. Thus, it can be argued that instead of being a disadvantage, studying one's own people can prove to be an advantage to the researcher as it gives him/her an insight into the problem he/she is coping with. I decided to investigate the lifeways of these semi- nomadic Bedey women known as Muktawali (literally, female mukta or pearl sellers) who occupy an interesting position in the society. If we take their material wealth and their earnings into consideration, they fall in the category of lower middle class. But socially they are considered the "lowest." My interest led me to explore this unique situation of the Muktawali whom I henceforth refer as pearl- women. I came to know them about ten years ago as one of their customers. I also found that while educated urban women from the core society are gradually giving up seclusion, if not dominance by men, the Bedey men on the other hand, are inclined to advocate the adoption of seclusion for their women who until now have enjoyed freedom of movement. This is a sign of the desire for upward social mobility, or to borrow from Srinivas, of "Sanskritization." I looked into this issue in order to understand the intensity of the influence of the core society on a marginal community.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 5 The Statement of the Problem The purpose of my project was to examine the relationship between the financial contributions that pearl- women make to their families and the status and power that they might enjoy in the family as a result of such contributions. I investigated the compromises they make between the social ideologies of purdah and patriarchy that tend to bar women from working outside the home and the realities of life that compel them to engage in income- generating activities. As women in Bangladesh are considered solely responsible for taking care of their families and households, I examined the adjustments working women make between their dual roles as homemakers and income-earners. In the discussion that follows, my main emphasis was on the dependence of the family on women's income and their say in the family decision-making process. I also focused on women's autonomy, their contribution to the family budget, and their role in family decision-making. Women's autonomy may be defined as "the capacity to manipulate one's personal environment" (Dyson & Moore 1983:45). It also gives one the ability to obtain information and use it as basis for making decisions on one's personal concern as well as power over family decisions. Women's contribution to the family budget refers to the financial assistance they give toward the maintenance of their families. Their role in family decision-making

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 6 means sharing or taking independent decisions on issues important for the welfare of the members of the family. Freedom of movement, independent control over one's finances and sexuality, and the right to make decisions on personal matters are the factors that I concerned myself with in my quest for finding the status of working women in family and society. The study focuses on the pearl-women from the Shandar sub-class of the nomadic Bedey community in Bangladesh regarding the effect of economic contributions on their autonomy and on their status both in the family and in the larger rural society that advocates seclusion for women. Women's role in the Bedey family economy is vital. Often they are responsible for the maintenance of the family, with or without male support. In order to study the issues of relationship between economic contribution and autonomy, and between social norms and economic necessity, I present two hypotheses: i) that women's economic contribution to the family enhances their status in the family, and ii) that income generation puts them in a disadvantageous position within the larger Bengali rural community, i.e., that their income generation violates social norms of the wider society. It is noteworthy that while the Bedey, who have a marginal position among the Muslims, express willingness to gain respectability by upholding the ideologies of purdah

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 7 and patriarchy that form the foundation of Bangladeshi rural society, Bedey women still follow their traditional occupation that necessitates great freedom of movement. This hints at a conflict between social ideology and economic necessity. The objective of my research is to find answers to questions regarding the extent of autonomy that pearl-women enjoy and the adjustments they make toward this direction and also to find out whether in the process of their incorporation within the larger culture, the Bedey have sacrificed their traditional values regarding the freedom of movement of women. During the fieldwork I observed that the Shandar men who become affluent withdraw their income-earning female family members from the labor force and confine them to purdah. This leads me to hypothesize that with the upward social mobility of a poor family, the status of women in the family declines. Women who formerly enjoyed freedom of movement and association in connection with their occupation lose the privilege when their financial assistance to the family is no longer needed. I tried to study the contradictions between ideologies of the Bengali and the Bedey cultures that might create tensions for Bedey women who are trying to earn an income for the family. A probe into the kind of adjustments they make between their social customs that allow them to work outside the home and the social norms of the dominant rural

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 8 community that require them to stay at home will be useful in understanding the way they cope with the conflicting situations of ideological norms and economic necessity. The issue of assimilation of the marginal society into the larger society draws attention to the question of adjustments of their traditional values made by the former and their effect on the social and economic role of Bedey women.

Contents of Chapters In Chapter I, I opened with the topic of the situation of working women of Bangladesh and referred to the constraints and limits of opportunities they face in pursuit of their occupations. Next, I mentioned my interest in the lifestyles of the pearl-women and the gradual change that is taking place in the Bedey community. In the section on The Statement of the Problem I introduced the issues governing the lives of the pearl-women. Here I also presented the hypotheses regarding women's economic contributions to the family and the process of assimilation of the Shandar community into the larger society. Chapter II begins with background information on Bangladesh and a brief account of Bengali society necessary for understanding the socio-economic and legal situations of women in Bangladesh. In the Review of Literature a brief account of studies on working women from various regions as well as cultural backgrounds is given and their relevance to

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 9 the present study discussed. Chapter III gives an idea of the fieldwork done in the research location. The discussion of methodology accounts for the various phases of the fieldwork, the approaches and methods applied. In this chapter a descriptive account of the researcher's entry into the research location has been included. This chapter also introduces the research assistants. Chapter IV provides the setting that includes accounts of the research area and the Shandar Bedey people residing there. It deals with the issues of the Shandar migration to the present locality as well as their views on the origin of the Bedey community. Besides the Shandar village, a short survey of the neighboring localities and their importance in the life of the villagers is discussed. These sections are intended to provide an idea of the socio-economic life of the pearl-women. The outline of social structure, the account of the panchavet and the gram sarker. principal local administrative units, are added for an understanding of the process of settlement of disputes in the village. Chapter V presents brief sketches of a Shandar man and two Shandar women who are the main bread winners of their families and emphasizes the similarities and dissimilarities between their lifestyles as well as the differences in their outlook toward female employment. Chapter VI concerns the pearl trade in Bangladesh and

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 10 the involvement of the Shandar women in it. A brief history of the trade in India and the Gulf countries is presented at the beginning of the discussion. Later, the focus is concentrated on the trade as it is prevalent in present-day Bangladesh. The roles of the various participants, such as the divers, the stockists, the pearl-women and their female clientele, have been analyzed in this chapter. Sections on the methods of transaction, supply and payment, and the interactions between the pearl-women and their stockists highlight the important role the pearl-women play in the trade network. Chapter VII draws the image of a pearl-woman that emerges as a result of the discussions in the preceeding chapters. It also analyzes the impacts of the institutions of marriage, divorce and inheritance on a pearl-woman. The discussion of the issues of status, autonomy, freedom and decision-making reveal a pearl-woman's view of her self. Furthermore, her motivations for earning an income and her sense of responsibility towards her family are focused in this chapter. It also gives an estimate of her income and expenditure. Chapter VIII includes the summary and conclusion of the discussion on pearl-women. It focuses on the change in directions among the Shandar Bedey as a result of sedentarization and closer contact with the wider society. It recounts the process of Sanskritization and its effect on

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 11 the lives of the pear1-women. It also raises the question of the possibility of the emergence of the pearl-women as pearl-traders. The research work is presented as a foundation for further study on the issues of economic activities, freedom and status of the Shandar Bedey women who might be withdrawn totally from the labor force of the family.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER II THE BACKGROUND Bangladesh: Land and People

In 1947 the Indian sub-continent was divided into India and Pakistan after the termination of 200 years of British rule. The eastern region of the province of Bengal became East Pakistan and the western part remained with India as West Bengal. East Pakistan became the independent secular State of Bangladesh after the Liberation War of 1971. The first twenty years of Bangladesh is the history of political turmoil, coups d'etat and military dictatorships. The Peoples' Movement of 1990 brought the downfall of H.M. Ershad, the last military dictator and Bangladesh returned to the parliamentary system of government after the election in 1991.

The Terrain and the Climate Bangladesh has an area of 144,000 sg. kilometers (World Bank 1992:218). It is bordered on the west, north and north-east by India and on the south-east by Myanmar (Burma). To the south of the country lies the Bay of Bengal. A riverine country, its land is enriched by the alluvial soil deposited by a network of rivers. Except for

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 13

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 14 some hilly regions in the south-east and the north-east, Bangladesh is a flat country. Although there are six seasons, actually summer (March-June), winter (November- February) and monsoon (July-October) dominate the climate of Bangladesh. Summer is hot and humid; the "maximum temperature recorded... is 36.66 Celsius [sic] although in some places this occasionally rises upto 40.55 Celsius [sic] or more" (Rahman 1990:21-22). Winter is mild and pleasant. The temperature ranges from the minimum of 7.2 - 12.77 Celsius to the maximum of 23.88 - 31.11 Celsius. The torrential rains of monsoons account for 80% of the total rainfall. During this season almost every year Bangladesh suffers from natural calamities such as cyclones and floods (Most of the statistical data used here have been taken from the 1989 Statistical Yearbook of Bangladesh.)

Population The World Development Report of 1992 records the population of Bangladesh as 106.7 million in mid-1990. According to the Official Statistics of Government of Bangladesh the total population in 1990 was 113 million; females 55 million (48.7%) and males 58 million (51.3%). The population growth rate was 2.3 percent in 1989-1990 (World Bank 1992). The sex ratio (in 1985) shows 106 females for 100 males (World Bank 1990). The Gross National Product (GNP) per capita is US$ 210. The Second Five Year Plan (1980-85) indicates that over 80% of the population

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 15 lives below the subsistence level (K. Ahmed 1986:123).

Agricultural Products and Exports & Imports The main agricultural products of Bangladesh are paddy, jute and wheat. Homestead production of vegetables and fruits, raising of livestock and poultry, and pond-fishing provide food and additional sources of income for rural people. Bangladesh exports readymade garments, raw jute and jute goods, leather, tea, fish and shrimp; and imports foodgrains, petroleum, other manufactured goods used for production, e.g., machinery or raw materials.

Education The Government of Bangladesh Statistics Bureau records the literacy rates of age 15 and above in 1981 as females 19 percent (of the female population), males 40 percent (of the male population) and overall as 29 percent (World Bank 1990: xiii). The World Bank report on percentage of age group enrollment in education shows that in 1989 the enrollment ratio for females in primary level age group was 64 percent and 11 percent in secondary level (World Bank 1992:274). These statistics indicate that a large percentage of female population is enrolled in the primary level, but their number diminishes as they reach the higher level. The percentage of female students who are enrolled in secondary level shows that a large number of them drop out after the primary level. This is relevant to the study of the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 16 situation of women in the family, especially in the rural areas. As girls reach puberty they are often withdrawn from the school and secluded in the house. Emphasis is given on their training as good wives and mothers. In the urban areas women get a greater opportunity to continue with their studies and often train for a career.

Language, Religion and Culture The lingua franca of the people of Bangladesh is Bengali and English is used as a second language. The religions of the people of Bangladesh are Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism, Christianity and several tribal religions. The basic cultural traits as manifested in language, dress, food, housing patterns, music and dance, art and literature indicate a homogeneity of the people. Yet to some extent, the culture of each of the communities is influenced by their respective religion that finds expression in their observance of various rituals and festivals. In the south east and north-east parts of Bangladesh there reside some tribal peoples who have their own languages and cultures. The differences in religions, however, do not necessarily mean isolation of the communities. In fact, the cultural unity of the people is strengthened by the diversity present in it. The point is that the greater number of people identify themselves as "Bengalee" on the basis of language and culture not on the basis of religion or region. Article 6 of the Constitution of 1972 affirmed

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 17 that the people of Bangladesh would be known as "Bengalee" and that the Bengalee nation "derived its unity and identity from its language and culture... " (Huq 1986:63). An attempt was made during military rule to create an identity for the people based on region rather than on common language and culture. By a Martial Law order in 1977 "Article 6 was amended to change the identity from "Bengali" to "Bangladeshi"...(Huq 1986:63-64). Hence the introduction of the term "Bangladeshi" to identify the people of Bangladesh.

Economic Condition The Liberation War of 1971 against Pakistan destroyed the infrastructure of Bangladesh and left the economy in shambles. For rebuilding the national economy the Government of Bangladesh relied heavily on foreign aid. K. Ahmed points out that in 1980, 85 percent of the country's development budget, 60 percent of its investments and 63 percent of its commodity imports depended on foreign aid (K. Ahmed 1986:124). Deteriorating conditions rising from inflation, the soaring cost of living, high price of goods, unemployment, political instability and inequality in the distribution of income increased the poverty of the people. Bangladeshi economists are inclined to think that the policy of dependence led to the increase rather than decrease of poverty. It has been observed that the "country's poverty is not due to lack of resources but rather to an uneven

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 18 distribution of these resources" (K. Ahmed 1986:124).

Women in the Labor Force The declining economic condition of the country resulted in the entry of women from the middle and lower classes into the labor force in a large number. The Labor Force Survey of 1984-85 as given by the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics shows that females comprised 2.7 million (9%) of the civilian labor force; 2.2 million of the females worked in the rural areas and 0.5 worked in the urban areas (World Bank 1990). Studies in female employment (Hussain 1958; Chaudhury 1976) indicate that professions, such as teaching and medicine that could be practised exclusively among women were favored as suitable occupations for respectable women. But under present economic circumstances women are engaged in professions that take them into the men's world. At present in urban areas women work as bankers, lawyers, teachers, architects, doctors, air hostesses, secretaries, clerks, policewomen, co-workers at the tailor shops, government officials at different levels and so on. This changed occupational situation points out that not only new opportunities came by women's way but also that economic pressure compelled men to bend their rules regarding female employment. Still, women are required to obtain permission from the head of the family before taking a job which incidentally has to be in accordance with the social status

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 19 of the family or "the occupational prestige" (D'Souza 1975:269) of the male members of the family. Moreover, in the male-dominated society, women are not expected to hold a position higher than, say, their fathers or husbands. In rural Bangladesh women are generally hired for jobs within the homestead. They are engaged for domestic work or for post-harvest activities, such as winnowing, husking and boiling paddy, and processing and separating jute fiber. These activities could be carried out within the homestead of the employer. In other words, although women are engaged in income-generating activities, still they are maintaining the social norm of seclusion by avoiding working in public places and confining themselves to women's domain. The introduction of technology in the agricultural sector created problems for rural working women. Now husking or winnowing of paddy are done more by machines than manually. In contrast to manual methods mechanized processing of grains proved more profitable and less time- consuming. It has been reported that while a woman working from dawn to dusk can manually husk 40 kg. of paddy, an electrical or diesel powered rice huller can process the same quantity of rice in a few minutes and at a lesser cost (The Daily -Star 1992). The same report observes that in the northern region of Bangladesh, Rangpur Dinajpur Rural Service (RDRS), a large non-governmental organization (NGO), has developed an indigenous rice-husking machine and is

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 20 providing women with employment. This opportunity, however, is limited to a very small section of women. Deprived of their traditional post-harvest work the majority of them looked for alternatives. Studies show that presently women are participating in different kinds of field agricultural activities such as transplanting, weeding and harvesting of different crops in rural areas (World Bank: 1990:30). Moreover Food for Work Programs provide employment to poor and destitute women by engaging them in projects such as road construction or canal digging. Natural calamities ravage the countryside almost every year and more and more people become landless. This leads to massive migration of men to the cities in search of livelihood. Often financial hardship compels widowed or divorced women from poorer families to migrate to the cities and work as domestic servants, construction workers, water and food carriers, peddlars of brooms and ash (used for cleaning for pots and pans), paper bag makers, sellers of cooked food and snacks, beggars and so on. The striking post-independence phenomenon in Bangladesh is that presently young unmarried women too are entering the labor force mainly as domestic servants in middle-class households. Moreover, both married and unmarried women find employment in export-oriented industries such as garment-making and fish-processing. A World Bank Study reports that according

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 21 to "the official statistics in 1985-86, women comprise some 36% of the total manufacturing industry workers" (World Bank 1990:30). It is apparent that economic pressure has led to the greater participation of women in income-generating activities. A significant change has taken place in their choice of employment. Instead of limiting themselves to traditional 'female occupations' women of Bangladesh are entering into non-traditional areas in men's domain. While in the urban areas we find relaxation of purdah permitting women to seek outside work, in the rural areas, where 85% of the people reside, the hold of the ideologies of purdah and patriarchy over women is still strong. Poor women who cannot afford not to work, however, are less bothered about purdah and more concerned about earning an income for survival.

Legal Status of Women The Constitution of Bangladesh grants that "Women shall have equal rights with men in all spheres of the State and public life" (quoted in World Bank 1990). The Constitution also made special provisions for women. Out of 330 parliamentary seats, 30 are reserved for women. Presently both the Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition in the Jativo Sansad (the Parliament) are women. Provisions were also made to include women in different administrative units of the local government e.g., the union parishad (the lowest administrative unit), the upazilla parishad (the sub

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 22 district level) and pourashava (the municipality in an urban area). The World Bank Survey (1990) shows that in government offices 20 percent of positions are reserved for women in officer and 15 percent in staff ranks. In the case of primary school teachers, 50 percent of positions are reserved for women. I shall discuss here briefly some laws that affect the lives of the Bangladeshi women. The family laws regarding marriage, divorce, custody of children are governed by the religious laws of the community to which one belomgs. As I am investigating the situations of a section of Muslim women I shall refer to laws concerning the Muslim community. Shariah Law forms the basis of the Muslim Family Law. Shariah Law is based on the injunctions of the Quran and the Hadith (the sayings of Prophet Muhammed). Because of the patriarchal interpretations of the religious laws men have a greater advantage over women in certain situations such as inheritance, divorce and polygamy. The Family Law Ordinance of 1961 (subsequently amended by various ordinances in 1980s) regulates issues of succession, divorce and polygamy. The Dowry Prohibition Act of 1980 made taking and giving of dowry an offence punishable with imprisonment, fine or both. The Cruelty to Women (Deterrent Punishment) Ordinance of 1983 made offences such as kidnapping or abduction of women for unlawful or immoral purposes, trafficking in women, causing death, etc., for dowry, causing death or causing

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 23 grievous hurt in committing rape, and abatement of offences, punishable by law. The Family Courts Ordinance of 1985 deals with the issues of divorce, restitution of conjugal life, dower, maintenance, guardianship and custody of children. It is relevant to point out that despite the rights and privileges that have been granted by law, women are handicapped mainly by their social and economic dependency on men. A woman without an income cannot afford to antagonize her male relatives to whom she must turn for protection and maintenance. Even when women are working, the social norms require them to live under the aegis of men. The protective laws have not been able to stop either the dowry system or violence against women. Because of their subordinate position in the society, their lack of awareness of rights and privileges accorded to them by religion and law, and their ignorance of the laws of the country, most of the women are unable to take advantage of the legal provisions made to protect their interests. The purpose of this section is to provide a background on the land and people of Bangladesh and give an idea of the socio-economic and legal situations of women in Bangladesh for a better understanding of the lives of the Bedey women who comprise a part of the system. In the next section I shall give an account of Bengali society at large which will be useful in comprehending the differences in life styles

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 24 that exist between the larger Bengali Muslim society and the Bedey community.

Bengali Society In preparing my account of Bengali society as it is in Bangladesh, I consulted the works of S. Roy (1979) for data on North Indian Muslim women, M. Roy (1975) and Beech (1979) on Bengali women of West Bengal, and M. Ali Khan (1988) on the situation of South Indian Muslim women. Furthermore, I researched various studies focusing on the socio-economic life of Bangladeshi women. Data from different sources show that despite the diversity in language, religion or region, the problems of Bangladeshi women are not different from women of these societies. Studies on women's situation in other Muslim countries (e.g.. Beck 1980) indicate that these problems are faced by women from other Muslim societies as well. The issues of male domination, sex segregation, seclusion, and women's role and status in the family discussed in these works are themes common the Bangladeshi society. In Bangladesh Muslims comprise the majority of the population with Hindus, Buddhists and Christians among the minorities, but all the different religious groups have certain cultural traits that are common to all. Bangladeshi society shares elements of ideology and culture with the Muslim as well as other communities. For example, Bengali New Year or Ekushey February (21st February) - the day

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 25 commemorating the Language Movement of February 21, 1952 - are celebrated by all Bangladeshis irrespective of religion. Moreover, in the spheres of art and literature they tread the common ground. As Muslims, Bengali Muslims observe Islamic festivals, such as the Eids, the Shab-e-Barat and the Eid-e-Miladunnabi (the Prophet's Birthday). Hence I find reference to the different South Asian societies, irrespective of religion and region, as relevant for the present study. However, as the Shandars are Muslim by religion, I would like to study their situation in the context of the larger Muslim society of Bangladesh. When I refer to features that belong exclusively to the Muslim Bangladeshi society where the Islamic law and ideologies prevail I use the term "Bangladeshi," and when I talk about the cultural trends common to Bengalis in general, I use the term "Bengali." In Bangladesh, the life of a woman is dominated by the ideologies of purdah and patriarchy or male domination. This has been pointed out by several writers who contributed to the study of Bangladeshi women (Hussain 1958; Ellickson 1975; Alamgir 1977; Cain et al 1979; Kabir n.d.; Chen 1986a & 1986b and others). A woman is expected to be submissive to men, observe purdah, avoid contact with unrelated men, stay at home and perform housework (looking after the household, cooking and washing, and taking care of the husband and the children etc.). In the context of

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 26 Bangladesh, patriarchy can be described as "a system of male dominance over women with economic underpinings" (Chen 1986b:59). However, in present day Bangladesh more women are becoming engaged in income-generating activities outside their homes. Employment helps them to gain a certain degree of freedom and movement. But that does not relieve them from their wifely duties and household chores which they perform either single-handedly or with the help of a maid servant. Hen do not help with household chores. However, they sometimes help by doing the shopping for food. S. Roy remarks that Islam relegates an "inferior place" to a woman, places her under the control of men and advocates seclusion (S. Roy 1979) that tends to make women invisible and dependent upon men. However, it needs to be pointed out that "Sexual inequality is not a feature exclusive to Muslim society; it is found in all parts of the world" (Beck 1980:29). Beck attributes the sexual inequality more to socio-cultural reasons than to religious grounds. Her study indicates that societies based on patriarchal notions and institutions condition the lives of men and women. She observes that "Islamic belief and practice take different forms among the various Muslim populations... " (Beck 1980:29). She further points out that in Judaism and Christianity many aspects relating to women's life and men's position are similar to those in Islam. Hence Islam alone cannot be blamed for sexual

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 27 inequality. One can argue that in Bangladesh it is the interpretations of the religious laws rather than the laws themselves that are responsibile for sexual inequality and discrimination against women. Economic necessity and poverty have, to some extent, made female employment outside the home acceptable socially and culturally. Even then a woman has to maintain the social norm of respectability by finding such employment that allows her to work at a particular place, without requiring her to go outside the compound of the work-place. Thus work-place becomes an extension of home (Beech 1979). Similarly rural women and urban women from the lower class in Bangladesh prefer employment that keeps them within the household of their employers. The next issue concerns the question of legal status that Bangladeshi Muslim women enjoy, at least theoretically. Shariah governs the issues of marriage, divorce and inheritance. Islamic injunctions regulate both the sacred and secular aspects of the Muslims. Here I shall focus on two important privileges that are granted to women by Islam. These are women/s right to inheritance and their consent to marriage. Beck observes, Among some segments of all Muslim nations, Islamic law may not be observed and legal reforms may not reach the local level. For example, Islamic laws concerning women's property rights are frequently violated. Many Muslim women are customarily denied their rights of inheritance (Beck 1980:30). Bagladeshi women usually forgo their share of parental

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 28 property in order to maintain a good relationship with their brothers to whom they might have to return in the event of divorce or widowhood. Moreover, they want to retain their right to naior or the yearly visit to the parental home. They do not want to antagonize the brothers by claiming their shares of the property (Cain et al 1979, Kabir n.d., and Westergaard 1983). Although women are legally entitled to property ownership, cultural restraints often make it difficult for them to manage it. In the case of land ownership, it is not possible for women in Bangladesh to cultivate it directly. They need to depend on their male relatives or hired help. As Beck remarks, "Possession and control of women's property, despite Islamic law to the contrary, are often assumed by their male guardians" (Beck 1980:35) . Nath observes that no Muslim marriage is performed in Bangladesh without the consent of the girl, but in most cases her consent is asked for during the ceremony, not before it (as is required by religion and law). Under the circumstances, the girl has to give her consent in view of the family honor (Nath 1981). Islam entitles a married woman to receive mehr or dower from her husband which she usually does not ask for. In the event of a divorce a woman has the right to claim her dower, and the husband is bound to pay it. But in reality men rarely pay the mehr. Nath explains that a woman "cannot go to the court" because it is

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 29 expensive and also because it might jeopardize her chance of remarriage (Nath 1981). Men are usually reluctant to marry a woman who has realized her dower from her former husband. In Bengali society, women's status is determined by the roles they play in different phases of their life cycle (Nath 1981). Women have different roles as daughter, wife and mother in relation to the members of their families, and they are expected to perform their designated roles. Conflicting expectations of different members of what status-occupants, i.e., the women in their role-set should do in a given situation creates complexities for working women with regard to their duties and responsibilities toward them. Along with their income-earning activities they are expected to perform their roles as wives and mothers adequately. Work and home often make conflicting demands on the time, energy and attention of working women. They face criticism at both places if they fail in their duties. Thus conflicting demands put women in a difficult situation that often leads to friction and tension in the family. As Kapur remarks, a working woman "feels torn between the duties of her home and work, because she wants to be very efficient and successful both as a worker and as a housewife" (Kapur 1974:64). Another important issue in the life of a Bengali woman is power. Power has been defined by Max Weber as "the chance of a man or number of men to realise their own will

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 30 in a communal action against the resistance of others who are participating in the action" (Weber 1976:180). But Neuhouser argues that power can exist even if there is no resistance visible (Neuhouser 1989). He points out that women's power lies in controlling important items of family needs (Neuhouser 1989). A woman's control of household management gives her power which may or may not be economic. An examination of family work patterns would indicate that a Bengali woman enjoys considerable power by controlling one of the most important items required by the family, i.e., food. The acquisition (though sometimes done both by men and women), preparation and disbursement of food are under control of women. Moreover, in Bangladesh, a man from the larger society does not cook his own food as cooking is regarded as women's work. Consequently this makes men dependent on women. This also gives women a certain power to manipulate the situation to their advantage. Thus women enjoy some power within the household, whether they earn an income or not. From the above account it is evident that the Bengali society is governed by the ideologies of patriarchy and sex segregation which are common to most of the North Indian societies. I would like to find out if the problems that the working women of Bangladesh face are considered difficult by the pearl-women too and how they cope with the situation.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 31 The Importance of the Bedey in Bengali Society In this section I shall focus on the importance of the Bedey in the life of the members of the larger society. As my study is concentrated on the question of the relationship between these two communities I think it appropriate to dwell briefly on the issue here. There is no census report of Bangladesh recording the Bedey as a separate community. Rahman's study of the Shandar (1990) shows that he was provided with some figures by the Beday Samity (an association of the Bedey) which he believes to have been "primarily based on assumption" (Rahman 1990:106). He mentions that the Beday Samity gave him the estimated Bedey population in 1981 as 1,000,000- 1,200,000; in 1987 as 1,500,000 and in 1990 when he visited the office of the Samity he was provided with a Bengali newspaper in which one of the Bedey leaders gave the number of the Bedey population in Bangladesh as 3,000,000 (Rahman 1990:107). According to some Shandar elders, the Bedey people have been residing in this region for more than 700 years. But they do not live in total isolation. They come in contact with the villagers in different spheres of activities. Their main occupations are hunting, fishing and trading. Taylor's report of 1840 comments: They are excellent divers, and in the cold season are engaged chiefly in fishing for fresh water muscles [sic]. Of the small pearls they find, they make ornaments for the nose and ears, and the shells, which

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 32 are applied to a number of domestic purposes among the natives, are sold by them in the bazars [sic]. They sell beads, trinkets, tutenag [a kind of alloy] and tin rings, necklaces of tigers's claws, with which the natives are fond of adorning their children, medicines and spices, and also make the Hannas or bamboo combs which the weavers use in separating the threads of their webs (Taylor 1840:237). As non-agricultural trading and service-rendering nomads they were dependent on the larger society for their livelihood. The Bedey had a symbiotic relationship with the villagers. Taylor's report was confirmed by Shandar men who told me that Bedey women sold spices, household goods, glass bangles and trinkets to the villagers. As communications were not developed, market places were distantly located and the village shops did not carry necessary household goods, villagers, especially village women, found it convenient to buy things from the Bedey women. Moreover, they had the satisfaction of buying a dozen glass bangles or trinkets according to their own choice. The Bedey women received payment in cash or in kind. The above observations indicate that both men and women were engaged in trade. Besides selling things to the villagers, the Bedey often rendered services as entertainers and healers. Wise, writing in 1883, mentions the Bazi-gar who were jugglers and acrobats. "The Bazi-gar women and girls are the principal performers; the men play tricks with balls and knives. The girls are very supple, twisting and bending their bodies into most bewildering figures" (Wise 1883:216).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 33 The Shapuria group of Bedey earned their livelihood as snake charmers. Their services were valued by the villagers as they were supposed to cure snake bites. In the village they were known as oiha or curer of snake bites. Bazi-gar women often were found to "dabble in medicine, and prescribe for children ill with fever or indigestion... They are also cunning rubbers for rheumatism, and dexterous curers of toothache" (Wise 1883:216). Wise mentions also that the Mai Bedey were experts "in extracting worms from the teeth... " and their women were often "employed for cupping, for relieving obscure abdominal pains by friction, and for treating uterine diseases... " (Wise 1883:217). In present-day Bangladesh the situation of the Bedey has changed to some extent. Owing to improved communication and transport systems the demand for the wares supplied by the Bedey have lessened. Now the village markets store most of the necessities of village households. Presently Bedey women are engaged in selling mostly glass bangles and trinkets and as we have already mentioned, pearls. I was told that in the rural areas their roles as entertainers and healers still persist. We can surmise that although the Bedey are thought to be social inferiors by the larger society, as service renderers they still occupy a place in rural areas of Bangladesh.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 34 Review of Literature In order to understand the pattern of female economy in Bangladesh I looked primarily into comparable situations in Indian and African societies because in both these regions women form a large portion of the work force, especially women from the middle and lower strata of the society. Later, in the course of my research, I came across works on the status and rights and privileges of women in other countries, such as Brazil, Yugoslavia and some of the countries in the Middle East. In the discussion that follows I make reference to them whenever I find them relevant. The emphasis of the Indian literature studied is on i) the problems of working women - attitude of the society and the women themselves toward a working woman, the adjustments she makes between her dual roles of homemaker and income- earner, and the control of her income, ii) status and power of women and iii) effects of ideologies on her life. As ideas often trickle down from middle to the lower class (Kapur 1974), so it is relevant to study the ways the women of the upper and middle classes solve problems which are essentially common to all classes of working women of the society. In India it is not considered respectable for a woman to seek employment outside her home (Kapur 1974; Caplan 1985). However, the attainment of higher education, job

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 35 opportunities and the high cost of living led middle class women to seek employment outside the home. A sense of duty to their families may also motivate them to seek employment. Women also may feel it their duty to help their husbands by bringing extra income. Their contributions to the family budget may or may not change their attitude toward their work or affect their view of themselves. In such cases working outside home is viewed simply as an extension of their duties at home, i.e., taking care of their families (Beech 1979; Blumberg and Dwarki 1980). Women who are trying to meet their traditional role obligations of home makers and also work as income- earners, however, experience a "role overload" or a "double day." The desire to gain status in the family, to enjoy freedom of movement and freedom to spend her own money are some of the motivations that can inspire a middle class woman to engage in income- earning activities. Financial strains often lead husbands to recognize "the need for women to work, and encourage them to take up jobs" (Blumberg and Dwarki 1980:142). If we consider the relationship between the family goals and the women's goals in seeking employment two things draw attention. Blumberg and Dwarki (1980) observe that while some of the Bangalore women maintained that it was their idea to seek employment, a significant number of their sample (43%) informed them that most of the time it was the family members who influenced their employment. The

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 36 family's interest is fulfilled when it reaps some benefits. It was found that a majority of the respondents help their family financially. Kapur (1974) refers to a study of unmarried working girls in Bombay that revealed that although economic independence earned them freedom in the areas of marriage and spending the money "most of them reported that in marriage-decisions they would not go against their parents' wishes" (Kapur 1974:67). She further notices that "in matters of attending functions at any time and any place or staying independently, the freedom to take their own decisions hardly increased" (Kapur 1974:67). Kapur, however, states that a large section of working women "got more importance in the family" and "their opinion gained value" (Kapur 1974:67). From the above observations it may be understood that it is the family that takes a decision regarding women's employment and gains from it. The working women, on the other hand, achieve their goals of utilizing their education, or earning their own spending money or freedom of movement, albeit restricted by their guardians. Women working for wages often endure strenuous conditions: competition with men, sex discrimination in wages, unequal opportunity for work and problems of transportation. The issue of the attitude of the family, especially that of its male members toward working women is another serious factor to be reckoned with (Kapur 1974;

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 37 Blumberg and Dwarki 1980; Caplan 1985). The main issues in question are the adjustments made by working women between their dual roles as homemakers and income-earners and the society's attitude toward them. While husbands do not mind wives working for wages, in-laws prefer a daughter-in-law who supplements the family income (Kapur 1974) and at the same time, performs her household duties efficiently. As for their income, it has been noticed that women usually hand it over to the husbands or senior members of the family (Blumberg and Dwarki 1980; Standing 1985). A majority of young, unmarried women of Bangalore handed over the income to the head of the family, while some of them kept their whole salary and handled many of their own expenses, including clothing and gifts. These women, however, rendered financial assistance to their families (Blumberg and Dwarki 1980). Standing found a similar situation in Calcutta, where the majority of women "gave most or all of their wages to a senior member of the household, except where they themselves are in charge of the finances" and where the "married women exercised little autonomy in respect of their earning" (Standing l985:WS-37). Standing states that in households where the members of the family "organised their finances through a common fund... it is managed by the seniormost woman" (Standing 1985:WS-37). Kapur (1974) observed that a majority of working women handed over their income to their husbands or in-laws.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 38 Attempts at asserting their right over their own income often created frictions in the family because the husbands or other members of the family were not inclined to give them their rights. Thus it is obvious that earning an income may or may not accord women the status of the head of the household controlling the family purse. Charlton (1984) and Elson (1991) concentrate on the issue of development and its impact on women. Their studies highlight the situation of working women and examine the relationship between financial contributions to the family and the development of status. Charlton's study deals with the question of development in the context of women. She reflects on the definitions of development, control of development and its impact on women. In her work she quotes an article by Constantina Safilios- Rothschild on the role of family in development. The author argues that "the family's decision making process is implicit in all its distribution of responsibilities and resources" (Safilios-Rothschild quoted in Charlton 1984:48). Pointing out the relative importance attached to men's and women's productive roles, she comments, In highly stratified and patriarchal societies, like those of Africa, the Middle East, and most of South Asia, women are not expected to be self-supporting, have few opportunities to earn significant incomes, and cannot inherit land or other property. Even when women do earn... they have to turn their earnings over to their husbands who control all family income (Safilios- Rothschild in Charlton 1984:48). I find this study useful as it deals with the problems of

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 39 women's earning an income and having control over it. Elson (1991) focuses on male bias in the develpoment process. In this context she refers to the need for extensive pooling and sharing of resources between men and women. She refers to studies that show that women pool and share their income with their families while men tend to reserve part of their income for their personal expenditure. The issue of the relative extent of men's and women's contribution to the family has bearing on my study of the issue of women's economic contribution to their families. The materials on poor women engaged in income-earning, namely working women in Kerala (Gulati 1982), agricultural workers (Gulati 1984), the Balmiki sweepers of Delhi (Karlekar 1984), construction workers of Calcutta (Ghose 1984), and street vendors of Delhi (Per-Lee 1984) are useful in understanding the dilemma of low-caste, lower class women in the labor force. Their problems are multidimensional. They have to perform their household chores as well as earn an income for the maintenance of the family. Unlike the working woman from the middle class who often performs her chores aided by a mother, an elder sister or domestic help, these women usually take care of the household responsibilities all by themselves or rely on a mother-in- law or a young daughter. Men usually do not help in the domestic chores. I tried to find out how the pear1-women who are engaged in income-generating activities from morning

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 40 to evening cope with the problems of household chores. The issue of the status of women has been discussed by several writers, s. Roy (1979) who focuses on the status of Muslim women in North Indian societies, comments on the influence of traditional Islamic ideologies (purdah and patriarchy) on their life. Patriarchy has been defined as a "set of social relations with a material base which enables men to dominate women" (Cain et al. 1979:2). Reflecting on the status of the women of Delhi and Lucknow she observes that they receive pocket-money from their husbands, and whether they are earning an income or not, if they desire anything expensive they need permission from their husbands (S. Roy 1979). S. Roy's observations are very much appropriate with respect to those Bedey women whose husbands are the sole income earners of the family. Another important issue discussed in the literature is the ideology of purdah or female seclusion that controls the lives of South Asian women by restricting their movements and crippling their opportunity for successful careers either as traders or office workers. Purdah as enjoined by Islam allows women to perform outdoor work as long as they cover themselves properly. The patriarchal interpretations of purdah or seclusion make it difficult for women to venture into independent economic activities. In Madras the petty traders are trying to cope with this problem by taking advantage of chaperoning and accepting male assistance

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 41 (Lessinger 1986). Purdah as interpreted in South Asia, demands that women stay within the confines of their homes and not have any interactions with men who are not related to them. Women are expected to venture less in men's world. While they confine themselves to the household work men take care of the outdoor activities. Boserup states. In towns in Arab countries, India and Pakistan many women even leave their daily shopping to their men (unless they can afford to keep servants) and hardly ever appear outside the house (Boserup 1986:86). Purdah not only restricts women's movement, but also dictates the code of behavior for them (Papanek 1982). I find Vatuk's study (1982) useful for understanding the meaning of purdah as given in Islam and its usage in different societies. Islam prescribes certain codes of conduct for women in relation to specific categories of men. Vatuk makes a comparative study of "the differences and similarities between South Asian Hindus and Muslims with respect to female behavioral codes" (Vatuk 1982:55). She suggests that in both the communities the central themes of veiling, seclusion and general codes of modesty are directed toward sheltering women either "physically or symbolically from male outsiders" and of preventing them "from disrupting, or taking undue initiative in exercising power within the male-centered family and village community" (Vatuk 1982:75). The pearl-women who are traders dealing in pearls cannot observe purdah in the traditional sense of the term.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 42 Their profession requires that they enjoy freedom of movement and association. So I found it necessary to explore what strategy they adopt for making a compromise between purdah and the freedom of movement that is vital for their livelihood. It has been noticed in other societies that as the financial condition of the lower class families improves, resulting in their upward mobility, they try to shape their behavior on the model of the members of the class they have become part of and often, discarding their own values, become supporters of the ideologies of their newly-found class. In the context of the Shandar Bedey I investigated whether, with the improvement of their financial condition, the Shandars had been influenced in their outlook by the ideologies of purdah and patriarchy, the main strengths of the middle class Bangladeshi society. M. Roy (1975) mentions the roles a Bengali woman performs in the family and the status she enjoys at different stages of her life as a daughter, wife, mother, mother-in-law and grandmother. She also indicates the expectations and obligations that accompany the statuses (M. Roy 1975). Roy finds that the higher one goes in age- hierarchy the greater is the status. As women grow older they acquire certain rights and privileges. They become entitled to authority, obedience and respect. It is at this point, when their physical attractions are in the wane and

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 43 they are sexually less active, that they acquire greater freedom of movement and association. Younger women, on the other hand, are in a subordinate position in relation to the older women. Ideally they are expected to respect and obey the older women and not to contradict them. They are to avoid unnecesary contact with men. This is a culturally recognized ideal situation with prescribed codes of conduct for young women. But with changed socio-economic situations young women are asserting themselves both at home and outside home. The subordinate/superordinate position of the younger and older women is not being strictly maintained. While younger women are still respectful to the older women, they may express their own opinions or enter into an argument with them. Talking back is considered rude and arguing with elders may be misunderstood as insolence or disrespect leading to a tension between the two generations. Another issue that plays an important role in a Bengali home is the relation between the mother-in-law and the daughter-in-law. M. Roy (1975) observes that the latter is to obey and respect the former and treat her like her own mother. But her study shows that the daughter-in-law feels "covert jealousy" toward her mother-in-law in situations where there is a close relationship between the mother and the son. The mother-in-law, on the other hand, fearful of losing her son's undivided attention develops "covert

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 44 resentment" toward the latter. However, the relationship might develop into a cordial one depending on the will and personalities of the two women. The above observation is especially applicable to the joint families. However, presently joint families are breaking into nuclear families giving the young wives opportunities to be the mistresses of their own homes. In situations where a widowed mother-in-law or a widowed sister-in-law lives with the young couple, it is the young wives who are in authority. The older women receive respect and obedience due to them and are consulted in important family matters, but they no longer control the households. The young wives control both the household and the keys to the family coffer. During my fieldwork I tried to find out what status and authority elderly women enjoy in the household of pearl- women, what their role in family decision-making is and whether there is any similarity between their situations and that of the older women from the wider Bengali society. Gough (1956) in her discussion of South Indian women, mentions economic independence to be one of the sources of status and power. In a comparison of the life of the Brahmin and Adi-Dravida women of a Tamil village, she remarks that earning an income gives the latter higher status and power, while the former, who do not earn an income, are totally dependent on their males (Gough 1956).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 45 Ullrich in her observations of the status of the Havik Brahmins and the Divaru non-Brahmins of the village of Totagadde in Karnataka, South India, remarks that while the latter are needed to work in the fields for growing rice, the former do not form an essential part of the labor force that is required for growing areca (betel), the main crop of the village owned by the Haviks. She states, The independence and experience gained from being a part of the work force extends to the recognition of their competence in positions of authority... There appears to be a correlation between the economic contributions of the women and the freedom of the rights they enjoy (Ullrich 1977:106). The work of a Havik woman, on the other hand, confines her to the household. Her participation in cultivation is minimal and her contribution to the family is generally nil. Ullrich states that a Havik woman may join a group and earn some money by husking bees, but she does not hand over the money to her husband and spends it on items like bangles for herself or sweets for the children. She further observes that "Independence among the Havik women is discouraged by the men" (Ullrich 1977:96). In her discussion regarding the status of women, Sanday, however, opines that "contribution to production is a necessary but not sufficient condition for the development of female status" (Sanday 1973:1695). She argues that female contribution to subsistence activities is not indicative of development of status of a woman in the family. She theorizes that "In societies where control and

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 46 production are linked and a competitive market exists, female power is likely to develop if females are actively engaged in producing valued market goods" (Sanday 1973:1695). Although Sanday's article deals primarily with "control of production" hinting at the control a woman exerts over resources, we can apply her observations to situations where resources can be interpreted as financial resources as well. Commenting on the changes that took place in modern Yugoslavia in the status of women, Denich observes that women enjoy greater authority where they "contribute sizeable dowries that are not turned over to their husbands" [the emphasis mine] (Denich 1977:232). She further remarks that urban women who contribute a major share to the family income, have the most say in family decisions (Denich 1977:232). Thus it is apparent that contribution to the family income as well as control over the resources - be it an individual income of a woman, or the family fund or her dowry - help to develop the status of a woman in the family in modern Yugoslavia. Thus control over financial resources can be an important factor in the development of the status of women. I tried to examine the question of the development of the status of a pearl-woman in the context of her contributions to the "subsistence activities" as well as her "control of resources." Neuhouser (1989) in his article on Brazilian women reflects

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 47 on the question of power. Instead of going into the debates about the sharing of power between men and women, he looks into the resources of power available to both of them. He shows that contrary to common belief women enjoy considerable power inside the household by controlling resources vital for the sustenance of the family (Neuhouser 1989) . On the issue of decision-making, Inden and Nicholas state that in the Bengali society major decisions are made by men, often in consultation with women (Inden and Nicholas 1972). Denich mentions that another study done in Yugoslavia (First-Dilic) found that working wives shared equally in the household decisions (Denich 1977:232). The relevance of these studies is that they provide the researcher with questions that are useful in determining the nature of control the pearl-women might have over their earnings. They also raise questions as to the issue of decision-making. One is interested to know whether simply contributing their income to the family gives pearl-women a right to participate in the family decision-making process, or whether it is dependent on their controlling the income as well. S. Roy's study of the Muslim women of Delhi and Lucknow (1979) and M. Ali Khan's study of the Muslims of Bangalore in South India (1988) focus on the traditional values affecting women's life. They observe that despite the trend

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 48 in these societies toward modernization, on the issues of women's employment and freedom Muslim males express the traditional views concerning sex segregation and seclusion of women. Traditional values are "glorified past beliefs and practices" (S. Roy 1979:4) that are considered immutable and preserved from generation to generation. The same observation has been made by Jacobson (1977) about the persistence of traditional values in the life of both urban and rural women. She notices that even in the fast-growing urban areas traditional norms linger on. Reporting on the Muslim women of Uttar Pradesh in India, Bhatty observes, "There is a marked tendency among those non-Ashraf families who have done well to put their women in purdah and to withdraw them from the family work force" (Bhatty 1975:372). She further adds that while "the young daughter-in-law does not work and has taken to purdah... the mother-in-law continues to work and does not observe purdah" (Bhatty 1975:372)). It appears to me that the older women were not willing to give up the freedom they had enjoyed traditionally for respectability. Bhatty's article was useful in understanding the differences in attitude of both women and men from the lower class towards women's work as their social and financial conditions change. Another issue discussed by Bhatty is the issue of social mobility and changes that take place, particularly in a lower class society which desires "to become more like the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 49 upper class families in the traditional village structure... (Bhatty 1975:372). She notices that the "lower class women are trying to imitate the upper class women... in matters of dress style, manners, and language" (Bhatty 1975:372). I have noticed among the pearl-women (who are rural women) a similar tendency to imitate the urbanized middle-class women in matters of dress, manners, and language. I examined the reasons that caused such changes in their behavior. The other important issue I noticed during my fieldwork in the village of Rupsa was the effect of "progress" on the life of the working women. Furthermore I tried to learn if the Shandar plan to develop their society through education and acquisition of wealth, and if that would benefit their womenfolk. Ware quotes Hunt that "Development represents an effort to bring the male part of the world into the twentieth century, leaving most of the women in... a previous era" (Ware 1981:18). Women work under adverse social and economic conditions that make their struggle for survival difficult. Jain (1981a and 1981b) and Jeffers (1983) throw light on the efforts made by self-employed women to survive in the male- dominated society. In some cities poor working women have formed associations that help them get loans from the banks, cope with the problems with authorities and also run their life more efficiently. During my fieldwork I tried to investigate whether the pearl-women are handicapped by

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 50 similiar disadvantages and to examine the possibility of the existence of any such organization among them for solving their manifold problems. Chen describes and evaluates the efforts of an NGO in Bangladesh "to reach poor rural women with projects designed to increase their material and social resources" (Chen I986b;ix). In the course of my researh for materials on women's issues I examined a number of African materials that throw light on the social customs concerning financial autonomy, distribution of income, budgetary arrangements between the spouses, and organization of associations by women for solving the problems of obtaining capital for trade, and female entrepreneurs. In Monrovia wages and trading profits earned by women are handed over to the household head and reallocated by him among the various members of the household (Little 1973). In Ivoirian urban society, although the norm is to keep the earnings of the spouses separate, the petty traders hand over all the earnings to their spouses (Lewis 1977). In Rupsa we tried to find out what happens to the income of the pearl-women, who controls it and how and among whom it is disbursed. This is an important issue to investigate for determining the status of a pear1-woman. Female entrepreneurship, as illustrated by the Mtendele women in Lusaka, Zambia, who migrated from the village to the city, is one way of surviving in a strange environment.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 51 Taking advantage of the popularity of beer-drinking among men, these women have made beer-brewing their major occupation. Their ingenuity is in exploiting the given situation and creating a niche for themselves (Hansen 1975). This study helps in understanding the pearl-selling business of the Bedey women almost under similar situation. It was necessary to find out the motivations that prompted the pearl-women to switch from their traditional trade in small inexpensive things to selling expensive items like pearls in the middle class households. In her study of the economic activities of the urban women of Lusaka, Schuster dwells on the financial obligations of wives as providers of their families and observes that "women trade more out of a sense of duty than privilege" (Schuster 1982:105). Boserup, on the other hand, remarks, "Market trade is sometimes the main occupation for women who belong to communities where married women, having no right to support from their husbands, must support themselves and their children" (Boserup 1986:92-93). Mernissi discusses the generational change in attitude of the craftswoman of Morocco whose life is affected economically as well as ideologically as a result of "the immersion of Moroccan economy into wider International Capitalist Market which now sets the conditions of livelihood for every one" (Mernissi 1978:44). Her observation of the "intermediary as profit eaters" (Mernissi

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 52 1978:52) is relevant as it shows the exploitative condition of women workers. During my fieldwork I investigated whether the pearl-women are subject to exploitation by the intermediaries or not. To find this out I asked questions probing their financial arrangements with middlemen. I wanted to know whether they depended on middlemen to supply them goods or to introduce them to customers. It is noteworthy that in African countries while some women are directly engaged in income-earning in the marketplace as petty traders and hawkers, women living in seclusion are also often engaged in gainful employment. Both Barkow and Kisekka observe that the main cash-earning activities of the secluded Muslim Hausa women of Nigeria are "keeping chickens and goats" (Barkow 1972:321) and "preparation of food snacks and sweets which are peddled by children from house to house and market places" (Kisekka 1981:41). Secluded women may also work on behalf of their husbands from within their homes. Commenting on the "hidden trade" in Muslim Hausaland in Nigeria that is conducted by women from their compounds, Hill observes that the Batagarwa farmer-traders of Nigeria often "entrust most of their retail selling to their secluded wives, whose transactions are conducted through the medium of children and older women" (Hill 1959:395). In Rupsa we investigated the possibile involvement of the secluded Shandar women in pearl-selling on behalf of their mahaian husbands. This

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 53 investigation was useful in understanding the role of the secluded Shandar women in family financial matters. The above mentioned literature is helpful in assessing the different kinds of problems a working woman has to deal with. While the situation of African women could be better than their Indian sisters as far as freedom of movement is concerned, the general disabilities (e.g., lack of capital, access to resources etc.) seem to handicap them too. These studies are useful in understanding the problems of the self-employed women of Bangladesh who are economically and socially placed in similar situations. Moreover, the literature indicates that the problems of a working woman, whether at home or outside the home, are similar irrespective of region, creed or culture.

Research Done in Bangladesh Studies done by anthropologists and sociologists in Bangladesh concentrate mainly on the socio-economic problems of the rural women of mainstream Muslim society (Feldman and McCarthy 1981; McCarthy and Feldman 1983; Lindenbaum 1974; Alamgir 1977; and others). A few studies devoted to the problems of urban women concentrate on the motivations and consciousness of the middle class, educated, working women (Hussain 1958; M. Islam 1975; Chaudhury 1976; Kirkpatrick 1979). The issue of non-schooling of the children from the poorer class has been discussed by Alia Ahmed (1988) in a section of her monograph on participation of Bangladeshi

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 54 women in market activities. She stresses the "cost-benefit" factor that may influence the decision of low-income parents to send their children to school, especially the daughters. In homes where the mother is also engaged in income- generating activities, the family is often dependent on the labor of the older daughters for taking care of the younger children and the household chores. The data dealing with the problems of rural-to-urban migration in Bangladesh (Ahsan and Hussain n.d.; Islam and Khatun n.d.) may be useful in understanding the forces of circumstances that compelled some the pearl-women to migrate from the village to the city. In comparable situations in Rupsa I tried to find out if the school-going children of the pearl-women attend school or stay at home performing the household chores or taking care of the younger children. The Bangladeshi literature provides me with the socio-cultural background of the rural society of which the Bedey are gradually becoming a part. The Bengali rural society is ruled by the ideologies of purdah and patriarchy. The socio-cultural factors governing the lives of Bangladeshi women can be explained in terms of inside/outside and male superiority/female inferiority dichotomies. Cain et al. (1979), Westergaard (1983) and Kabir (n.d.) have discussed the above issues in the context of women's ownership and control of land. Because of the sanctions of purdah women are unable to cultivate their own land (if and

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 55 when they own any) and have to depend on their husbands which usually results in their being deprived of the income from their own property. According to Bangladeshi family law for Muslims that is based on the Shariah, women are entitled to one-half of what their brother/brothers receive, and one-eighth of their husbands' property. But the rights given by law may not always be practiced in reality. Beck remarks. Among some segments of all Muslim nations, however, Islamic law may not be observed and legal reforms may not reach the local level. For example, Islamic laws concerning women's property rights are frequently violated. Many Muslim women are customarily denied their rights of inheritance (Beck 1980:35). As mentioned earlier, women often relinquish their claim to paternal property to maintain good relations with their natal families. The same tendency has been noticed by Pastner who states that women "may forget their rights to property in order to ensure continued protection and security for themselves and their offspring in the context of natal kinship" (Pastner 1980: 158). Westergaard also throws light on the rural social structure and dwells on the issues of sexual division of labor and sex hierarchy that are predominant in a Bangladeshi household (Westergaard 1983). Alamgir comments on the decision-making process and importance of purdah in a Bangladeshi village. She observes that decisions on important family matters e.g., education of children, farming etc. are made by men (Alamgir 1977).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 56 She further remarks that although economic necessity has slackened its hold on society to some extent, the custom of purdah still lingers on (Alamgir 1977). In fact, socially it is considered to be the right thing for a woman to stay at home and look after the household. Sometimes women themselves favor the idea of seclusion. While traditionalist middle class women consider it respectable for women to stay at home, the poorer women may desire to do so as a respite from hard work. I talked with several Shandar men to find out their attitudes on the issues of a woman's position in the family and decision-making power. I talked to women about their views regarding not working outside the home. My intention was to examine how far the findings of other studies are applicable to the present study. Nath's study focuses on the status of Bengali women. She comments that the status progresses with the phases of their life cycle. As a woman grows older and passes through the stages of girlhood to womanhood to motherhood, her status in the family increases reaching its apex with the attainment of the position of a grandmother (Nath 1981). Nath further observes that the mother of a child, especially of a male child is given higher status than a childless woman. Moreover, her social status depends to some extent on her marital status. A married woman, for example, has a higher position than an unmarried woman or a widow from the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 57 same level (Nath 1981). Reports on the work participation of rural women in the Third World indicate that "in a large number of households women are the bread-winners" (Agarwal 1985: A-155). But household headship may or may not be determined by the financial contribution of the person. The issue of family headship is connected to the question of decision-making power just as is the issue of wage/income to autonomy. Moreover the question of male supremacy is another factor in determining the issue of household headship. Agarwal refers to Census reports to show that in countries where male supremacy is the norm, the household headship is assigned to the person who is the chief provider of the family or "who is regarded as such by its members" (Agarwal 1985: A-160). I examined the applicability of these observations in the context of headship in the households of pearl-women. The work of Ahmed and Naher (1987) provides useful information on the marriage system in Bangladesh. The researchers focus on the marriage systems of the Christian and the Muslim communities. Their findings show that while marriage is viewed differently in these two communities there are certain socio-economic factors that are common to both. The patterns followed in selecting a bride, in sending marriage proposal to the girl's parents, in meeting of the elders of both sides at the bride's house to finalize wedding arrangements and in negotiating the demands are

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 58 almost the same in both societies. In the case of a Muslim marriage it is usually solemnized by a maulavi (priest) in the presence of two witnesses. The Muslim Marriage and Divorce Law requires that all marriages are registered by the Marriage Registrar of the relevant area. Marriage in Christianity is a sacrament. "It is usually performed by a priest or a minister, or even a registrar, with two witnesses, a man and a woman" (Ahmed and Naher 1987:96). As my research concerns the Muslim society I shall emphasize a few more points mentioned by Ahmed and Naher (1990) regarding Muslim marriage in Bangladesh. They observe that although parallel cousin and cross-cousin marriages are allowed among the Muslims, they are rarely preferred by the Muslims of Bangladesh, who view marriage as a means of extending alliances. Widow marriage is allowed although not socially favored. One of the most important elements in marriages in Bangladesh is the dowry which is demanded by the groom's party at the time of finalizing the negotiations or even after the marriage. Ahmed and Naher found this practice is prevalent in both the Muslim and the Christian societies. They observe that as a Muslim can divorce his wife simply by uttering the word "talaq," a woman lives under constant threat of divorce. Thus non-payment of dowry may result in the girl's falling victim to humiliation and violence, often leading to divorce. They argue that the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 59 main reason for the payment of dowry by a Muslim father is to save the marriage of the daughter. Reflecting on the situations of Christians they observe that since "divorce is not religiously sanctioned, the threat of divorce does not work" (Ahmed and Naher 1987:161). Christians in Bangladesh pay dowry to save the girl from humiliation and harassment and to ensure for her a happy married life. I consulted S. Ahmed and Chowdhury (1977) and Choudhury (n.d.) for understanding the legal issues that affect the lives of Bangladeshi Muslim women. S. Ahmed and Chowdhury discuss the legal status of Bangladeshi women from both the Muslim and non-Muslim societies. Choudhury's work consists of various Acts, Ordinances and Laws that govern the family laws of the Muslims. These Laws and Ordinances deal mainly with the issues of marriage and divorce, custody of children, inheritance etc. I found it extremely helpful in understanding the legal implications concerning the rights and privileges of Muslim women of Bangladesh. The main issues discussed in the above literature are: problems of working women, both social and economic; women's various roles and status in the family; resources of power available to them; their ownership and control of land; control of their own income and economic independence; male domination and seclusion of women. These issues are tied to the question of women's autonomy. The literature is helpful in understanding the problems of working women, especially

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 60 of Bengali working women. During my fieldwork I tried to investigate the extent of the influence of the above issues on the life and status of a muktawali (pearl-woman). My interest in the issues of a woman's ownership and control of land, her income and disbursement of income and the process of family decision-making is directed toward finding the kind of autonomy she might enjoy in the family. The data on the problems at work-place (competition with men, lack of capital, access to resources etc.) and the dual responsibilities of a home-maker and an income-earner, echo the problems of a working woman of Bangladesh. The materials on women's effort to organize themselves both in India and Africa speak of an awareness among women of their own problems and their eagerness to find solutions to their problems. I included them in the review of the literature, because these proved to be valuable guidelines for investigating whether the muktawali could conceive of organizing themselves in similar way. Moreover, it is relevant to find out if they are able to take advantage of various non-governmental organizations and co-operatives that work to help women. Mention may be made, for example, of the Grameen (rural) Bank that extends credit both to men and women. Another example is found in Alamgir's reference to "women's co-operative under a Quaker service program, Gono Unnayan Prochesta" that "used their accumulative savings to give low interest loans to the local landless

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 61 laborers (Alamgir 1977:80). Another important issue that I investigated was the possibility of the existence of a trade network among the muktawalis for the flow and exchange of information regarding their trade. Welch defines 'network' as "the process of developing and using your contacts for information, advice and moral support as you pursue your career" (Welch 1980:15). Her book is an illuminating work on the network system among women. She discusses the effectiveness of network in "beating the system that isolates women as they move up in male-dominated environments" (Welch 1980:15)). Abner Cohen (1969) mentions the importance of trade networks among the Hausa of Nigeria. Both the studies are useful in understanding the situations of the Bedey trading women and their ways and means to solve problems in complicated environments.

Literature on the Bedey The literature on the Bedey community is extremely scanty. The District Gazetteer of Mymensingh (Sachse 1917) mentions pearl-collecting to be a part of Bedey occupation as early as 1917, and the Rajshahi District Gazetteer (A. Siddiqui 1976) discusses the social customs of the Bedeys as seen in the 1970s. The articles by N.U. Ahmed (1962) and F.R. Khan (1962) dwell on the socio-economic conditions of the Bedey, especially on the status of women. The works by Taylor (1840) and Wise (1883) are helpful in getting a

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 62 glimpse of the life of the Bedey as recorded in the 19th century. Taylor briefly mentions the Bedey people whom he calls "The Bhudiyas” and focuses on their religion,the movement of the fleet of boats and their occupations. His account of the Bedey, covering less than two pages is nevertheless informative regarding the various professions pursued by them. Moreover, he mentions "The Baughmaras, or tiger killers, and the Bhindoos, who search for grain concealed in the burrows made by rats— " belonged to the "Bhudiya caste" (Taylor 1840:238) Wise discusses in detail the profession and customs of different 'sub-classes' (Wise 1883) of the Bedey. He calls the Bedey "bands of vagrants... who correspond to the gipsies of Europe... " (Wise 1883:212). He, however, does not elaborate on his comment regarding the "correspondence" of the Bedey to the European gypsies. He remarks that in Bengal they are known as Bediya, from the Sanskrit Vyadha, a hunter. Wise throws light on the organization of Bedey life and refers to the leadership of the community and mentions that a nardar. or murabbi (an elder) who is in charge of the interest of the tribe, settles disputes and delivers judgement. He states, "Once every year the different tribes of Bediyas meet to consult, to celebrate marriages, and to lay in a supply of goods for retail during the ensuing year"

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 63 (Wise 1883:213). He further observes that Bedeys also replenished their stores at the "Varuni Mela" or fair organized on the occasion of the Hindu ritual bath at the junction of the Brahmaputra and the Ganges on the full moon of KartiJc (November-December) "to which traders from all parts of Bengal and Upper India resort” (Wise 1883:213). Wise mentions the prevalence of Hindu customs among the Bedey who has been ’’transformed within the last fifty years into uninteresting, and prosaic, Muhammadans” (Wise 1883:213). He observes that many women wear tattoos like the Hindu women, and "all classes invoke Manasa Devi, and engage Brahmans to perform "pujah" to a particular deity in times of sickness” (Wise 1883:213). The section on the Shander group of Bedey is of particular help in understanding the occupation, social customs, relationship in the family and economic role of the sexes of the group to which the pear1-women belong. Wise considers the Shandars as "the most orderly and industrious of the Bediya divisions" (Wise 1883:219-220). Rahman (1990) mentions the works of Dalton (1872, reprinted in 1978) and Hunter (1877, reprinted in 1973) that briefly refer to the Bedey community. Next we have Risley (1891) who, according to Rahman, "summarized what James Wise wrote in 1883" (Rahman 1990:41). Dalton in his brief report mentions the Bedey as a gypsy-like tribe who used a slang. He regards them as a

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 64 branch of the Bazigar or Nat. It ought to be pointed out here that Wise (1883) considered the Bazigar or Nat as a division of the Bedey and not the other way round. Dalton comments that they were Muslims who followed certain Hindu customs. His report does not give much information about Bedey life except that they were organized communities and had "head centres" in different localities (Dalton 1978). Hunter (1973) gives a comparatively detailed account of the religion, occupation and ways of life of the Bedey. He observes that they were Muslims and were giving up Hindu customs. His report shows that while some of the Bedeys were boat-dwellers, others were settling down on the land and were becoming agriculturists. He mentions their main occupations to be hunting, selling medicines and herbs. Rahman refers to Hunter's report that most of the Bedey "subsist by jugglery and thieving..." (Rahman 1990:38). Some of them were good divers and collected pearls. They made also hana or shana. Hunter calls them a "hereditary robber caste" (Hunter 1973:43), but does not provide any fact or argument in support of his observations. Levy (1957) throws light on the social status of the Bedey community in the context of the caste-like system of the "Bengal Muhammadans." He observes that the Bediya belong to arzal class consisting of other "very low" castes. N.U. Ahmed (1962), gives a detailed sociological account of the Laua Bedey whom he refers to as "Bediya." He

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 65 reflects on their life style, their use of an argot language, the role of women in society, the status of a working woman in the society and the traditional freedom of movement and association enjoyed by the Bedey women. He comments that in the Laua community both men and women were engaged in income-earning activities. "In some cases a wife will earn more than her husband, and community admiration for her will increase in direct proportion to her earning capacity" (N.U. Ahmed 1962:240). He records the prejudices of the Muslim villagers against the Laua whom he describes as "devout Muslims." His study confirms some of the observations of Levy with respect to social disablities of the Bedey. Like Wise (1883) he too, mentions the persistence of Hindu customs among the Laua. He observes, The Laua believe that the disease of smallpox is an outburst or sign of the displeasure or anger of the Hindu deity, Sitla... to satisfy the deity and to save themselves from such disease, the Laua offer money to the Brahmin for her puia in the Hindu temple (N.U. Ahmed 1962:250). In 1991 as I completed my fieldwork, I came across the unpublished doctoral thesis of Habibur Rahman on the Shandar community. This gave me an opportunity to compare my findings with his. Rahman (1990) in his voluminous work dwells on the socio-economic and religious aspect of the Shandar-Bedey, their social structure, their move towards sedentarization, interaction with the non-Bedey community, their traditional occupations as well as their adoption of

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 66 different kinds of occupations other than traditional and so on. Rahman devotes a considerable portion of his work in explaining the concepts of "nomad" and "nomadism" and "quasi-nomads," the origin of the Gypsies and the possible identity of the Shandar-Bedey as gypsies. He concludes that they belong to a distinct ethnic group. He focuses on the change that is taking place in the spheres of education, marriage alliances and occupations. His analysis of the process of assimilation that is influencing Shandar life shows that by providing them with choices, sedentarization and affluence have paved the path toward their gradual assimilation into the larger Muslim society. Rahman's findings about the Shandar life in general are helpful. But his queries regarding the economic participation of the Shandar women are minimal. It appears that he considers the main occupation of the women to be shana-makinq and peddlery. Shana is a tool that is used by weavers. While a few women from the houses along with men and children make shana. boat-women are the main peddlers of modest and inexpensive wares. He mentions the pearl-trade to be one of the main occupations of the Shandar. He writes in detail about collection, classification and sale of pearls by the Shandar. Rahman seems to be unaware of the fact that a large section of the Shandar women are involved in this trade. He

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 67 seems to neglect the role of the pearl-women or the muktawali as they are usually known, who are already in the market economy. In fact, in about 90 percent of the houses in the northern section of the village, there is at least one pear1-woman. Although the descendants of the early settlers residing in the southern section maintain that their women do not sell pearls yet, women from some of their families too are engaged in selling pearls. Pearl-women are regular businesswomen who make significant contributions to their families. In only one place does Rahman refer to the pearl-women when he remarks, "Sometimes, the Shandar pearl traders recruit smart Shandar women who carry pearls in their vanity bag and peddle them in some residential ares of Dhaka city... " (Rahman 1990:337-338). Rahman surmises that it is the boat-dwelling women who are more actively engaged in earning an income by peddling various articles. He tends to argue that the house-dwelling Shandar men are becoming economically more important than their women. It appears to me that he focussed on those families where men are the sole bread winners. He is silent about the families where women are mainly responsible for the maintenance and sustenance of their families. There is the possibility that he did not pay attention to them. My findings in the matter of women's participation in economic activities and the dependence of their families on

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 68 their income is different from Rahman's observations. I observe that while a section of the Shandar society is becoming rich and does not depend on the earnings of their women, there still lies a large section where the family cannot do without the income of the women which they earn mainly by selling pearls. In fact, sometimes the peddling women from the boats (who sell bangles, imitation jewelry etc.) try their hand at selling pearls by accompanying the pearl-women from the village. Rahman's work is an ethnography of the Shandar-Bedey community of Bangladesh and is helpful as a background study. His work is a pioneering work on the life of the Shandar community of Bangladesh. Moreover, Rahman provides useful information on work done by other writers on the Bedey. He mentions Shandar Kawomer Itibritta (History of Shandar community), a study by Nurul Islam, an educated Shandar-Bedey (an M.A. in History) who wrote about the origin of the community, basically confirming the oral history that is prevalent in their society. Rahman refers also to an article by Masudul Huq, "Mangta Jibonachar" ("Mangta Lifestyle") that was published in the Purbani. a local Bangla Weekly in 1986. Although Huq focused on the Bedey people in general, some of his findings are applicable to the particular Shandar community as well. He notes their preference for the word "Mangta" rather than "Bedey" to identify themselves and refers to their use of a secret

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 69 language known as Thar. He also refers to the conversion of the Bedey to Islam more than 100 years ago. His survey of the Bedey show two distinct features of the present Bedey society - the desire for sedentarization and assimilation into the larger Muslim society. Both Rahman's and my findings show that the Shandar are presently keen on sedentarization and assimilation into the larger Muslim society. Beside sociological and anthropological works and government reports, there are several literary works in Bengali, such as Beder Meve (1951) by Jashimuddin, Mahua (1958) by D. Sen (quoted by Rahman 1990), Bedevnee Kanva (R. Ahmed 1967) and others that have been written from the perspective of the members of the wider society. My Shandar informants remarked emphatically that these accounts are misrepresentations of Bedey life and society. Still I find Beder Meve interesting because it throws light on the position of Bedey women in the larger society. The story depicts the woe of a Beder roeye (the daughter of a Bedey) who was forcefully married by a powerful village headman. But after a while the man loses interst in her and drives her away. The girl who had been married before returned to her former husband only to find that he was married too. She was allowed to live there as a servant. Later the girl, who was an expert snake charmer, sacrifices her own life in an attempt to save her husband from snake bite.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 70 The point I want to make here is that a poet from the larger society, Jashimuddin tried to use his imagination to sketch the fate of a woman who was treated badly by both the men who came into her life. How he came to have such an idea of the miserable position of women in Bedey society I do not know. But what is more likely is that he was influenced by the situation of women from the larger society who might become helpless under similar circumstances. Several movies have been made, such as, Beder Meye (the daughter of a Bedey) and Beder Meve Jostna (Jostna, the Bedey girl). The Shandars are contemptuous of the films too, as they do not depict true pictures of their life. These movies are made for a purely commercial purpose for the entertainment of the general public and are full of songs and dances. They have little to do with real Bedey life. The theme that runs through them is the romantic relation between a Bedey girl and a prince. Rahman (1990) mentions two poetical works - Bedaver Bohor (fleet of the Bedey) and Bedaver Besati (the merchandise of the Bedey) - from Jashimuddin's Suchainee (1961) that throw light on Bedey life and customs. Bedaver Bohor deals with the daily life in Bedey households and focuses on the role women play in the family. It was found that along with their household chores women took part in rowing boats. Both the poems give a list of merchandise they traded in. Bedayer Besati also gives an account of romantic liaison between a Bedey man and

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 71 a Bedey woman.

Other Relevant Materials I consulted the historical work of Hitti (1959) to see if there is a possible explanation in the Shandar claim of their Arab ancestry and found that there is a reference to the war of Abraha that the Shandars related to me. Hitti mentions that Abraha, the Abyssinian Christian general, fought against the people of Makkah (Mecca) who had polluted the cathedral in Sana built by him. The war of the Bedouin with Abraha resulted in their flight to different countries. Hitti makes some intereseting observations regarding the Bedouin way of life. He reports that all members of the same same "qawm" or clan "consider each other as of one blood ... Blood relationship, fictititous or real, furnishes the adhesive element in tribal organization" (Hitti 1958:26). Moreover, in his account of the Bedouin he observes that they are no gypsies "roaming aimlessly for the sake of roaming" (Hitti 1958:23). He explains that the Arabs are divided into al Hadhar. i.e., town folk or villagers and al badia. i.e., nomads. He maintains that the word Bedouin comes from the word badia. He further reflects on the interactions between the Bedouins and the settlers and comments, "Action and reaction between the townsfolk and the desert folk are motivated by the urgent dictates of self- interest and self-preservation" (Hitti 1958:23).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 72 During my fieldwork I was told by some Shandar elders that the term "Bedey" originates from "Bedouin." In the course of relating the origin of their community they informed me that their ancestors were forced to leave Arabia after the war with "Abraham" (Abraha?). Moreover, they refer to their Bedey community as a "qawm," and like the nomad Arabs they too have interactions with the settled people. In the view of Hitti's account of the Bedouin Arabs, the arguments that the Shandar provide in support of their claim to an Arab ancestry do not appear to be totally baseless to me. However, because of the paucity of materials it is not possible at this stage to come to any definite conclusion about the claim of the Shandar. The historical works of Rapson (1955), Basham (1963), Majumdar et al (1978) and Smith (1981) provided useful information regarding India's maritime trade relations with Rome, Babylon and Persia in ancient times, when pearls formed an important item in India's commercial relations with the outside world. Majumdar et al (1978) devoted a chapter to India's colonial and cultural expansion and pointed out that India had relations both with the east and the west. They mention that from the account of a Greek sailor, living in Egypt, who undertook a sea voyage to India towards the later half of the the first century A.D., we learn that there were active trade relations with the western countries. In the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 73 west there were trade relations with Babylonia, Syria and Egypt. The authors mention that the merchandise that was exported from important harbors on the coast, "consisted among other things, of pearls, precious stones, spices, unguents, and fine cotton cloths called muslin" (Majumdar et al. 1978:202-203). Historians (Rapson 1955; Basham 1963; Smith 1981) tell us India's trade with the outer world was carried out both by sea and land routes. The trade with Rome was carried through the port of Alexandria where the goods carried by ships were transported either by land or by small boats through canals of the Nile. There was a land route through from India to the Mediterranean which ran through Persia. This route became well known after the invasion of Alexander. India's trade routes came under the control of the Arabs when they rose to power in the seventh century. These works are useful in understanding the importance of India's trade relation with the outer world that made her merchandise popular and available to the western countries. The work of Dickson (1959) helps in understanding the custom involving the pearl trade in the Persian Gulf, which is famous for pearls. He gives detailed accounts of the pattern of the pearl trade prevalent in the Gulf countries. His account covers issues such as the formation of pearls in oysters, names of different qualities and kinds of pearls, the official and amateur seasons for pearl collecting, the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 74 problems faced by the "diver" and "hauler," the role of the naukhuda or the captain of a pearling boat, the custom of making some advance payment to the crew and the selling of "the catch." Dickson provides comparable information for the study of trade networks existing among the pearl traders of Bangladesh. His work was useful in locating similarities between the two systems in areas such as payment of advance to the divers/collectors and their obligations to hand over their entire collection to the person who makes the advance payment. I researched some published and unpublished articles on the origin, formation and development of pearl. The works by M. Ahmed (n.d., 1967, 1982, 1987), Begum (1989) and Begum et al. (1989 and 1990) helped in tracing the background of the freshwater mussels and pearl culture at home and abroad. In his works M. Ahmed (n.d., 1967, 1982, 1987) concentrates mainly on the issues of the formation of natural and cultured pearls in the oysters, and their types and qualities, on the possibility of scientific cultivation of pearls in Bangladesh and the prospect of their being included as exportable items. His work gives an account of pearl culture undertaken in China and Japan. He mentions Kokichi Mikimoto as the King of Pearls. Beside discussing the various aspects of pearl, H. Ahmed suggests the use of modern techniques for the preservation and cultivation of

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 75 pearls. His recommendations include involving the indigenous pearl collectors i.e., the Bedey, in the projects. The works of Begum (1989) and Begum et al. (1989 and 1990) are results of their scientific experiment on the production of pearls in freshwater mussels. The first work is a brief note on the freshwater mussels of Bangladesh. The second work is the result of an experiment made by the researchers to culture pearls in the freshwater pearls by artificially inseminating nuclei and graft. They focus on the different phases of the experiment as well as the formation, color and shape of the pearls. They also explain the material and methods used in the experiment. Their work contains a picture of different tools used. The works of Bowen (1964), Golde (1986) and Nath (1991) throw light on the problems and dilemma a prospective anthropologist might encounter during her fieldwork. The work of Pelto and Pelto (1973) provides detailed suggestions regarding fieldwork strategies and techniques and is useful as a guide for ethnographers. I found these works helpful during my fieldwork as they made me aware of the impending situation and prepared me for it. In the review of literature I tried to show the relevance and importance of various books, articles and monographs to my primary interest in the status of a working woman. To begin with I examined the situation of women from

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 76 both the middle and lower strata of the society and acquainted myself with their multidimensional problems. I explored different regions, societies and cultures to get an overview of the situation of a working woman. In order to understand the life-style and the interactions of the muktawali who is believed to be from the lower strata of the society and her middle\upper class clientele I took help both from sociology and anthropology. For the history of the Bedey, pearl, and pearl trade I took recourse to history. Thus from various disciplines I drew materials in order to analyze the life-style of a muktawali. her social background, her economic activities and the issue of the development of status as the result of her economic contribution to the family.

Summary In this chapter I tried to introduce Bangladesh and Bengali society and to show the importance of the Bedey in the larger society. I presented some basic data on the country to give an idea of the land. Next, I discussed the position women hold in Bangladesh socially, economically and legally. An overview of the issues have been provided in order to facilitate the understanding of the issues concerning the pearl-women. As Bangladeshi women they are entitled to rights and privileges provided under law. My study focuses on their real position. Moreover I thought it necessary to give information about the wider society before

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 77 making comparison between the Bedey and Bengali society. In the review of literature I concentrated on the studies I found relevant to my study. I researched materials from home and abroad. My primary concentration was on women's issues, but I examined other materials that focused on the law of the land, the account of the Bedey and the main source of their income i.e., pearls. These studies were useful in forming a background of the life and work of the pearl-women.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER III FIELDWORK AT RUPSA The Methodology

The research project on the pearl-women at Rupsa was done in two phases. In the first phase attention was given to the entry to the village, establishment of rapport with the villagers and survey of the research area. In the second phase an in-depth study of the life and work of the pearl-women was conducted both in the village and in the city. The first phase of the research, conducted in 1989, was exploratory. In this phase demographic surveys of the households and selection of samples were conducted with the help of three research assistants, two female and one male. At this point our main object was to gain an entree into the research area, establish rapport with the pearl-women, and collect data on the social, economic and cultural background of the society. According to the census carried out by the researcher in Rupsa in November 1989, the number of the households was 91, of which 48 (47 were available for survey) were located in the village itself and the remaining 43 (41 available for survey) resided in boats along the bank of the river Balu that almost encircled the village. The 78

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 79 total population of these households was 450. The number of households that included pearl-women was 79 (38 in the village and 41 in the boats). The total population of these households was 313 - 159 males and 154 females. In order to collect data on the pearl-women, 50 women were selected from these 79 households. The selection was done on the basis of random sampling. In the selection of samples I followed the "funnel approach" of Agar (1980). I began by taking into account the whole population of the village and collected basic data on issues such as age, sex, occupation etc. Later I narrowed down the number for our study to fifty pearl-women. Finally I selected households of ten pearl-women for case studies. Although I intended to use the method of random sampling for selecting the subjects I found it difficult to stick to this method. It had been nearly two years since the check-list of the pearl-women was prepared. But since they were still migratory to some extent, it was difficult to locate the same person at the same place. Some of the boat people as well as a sprinkling of the land dwellers had dispersed to different localities. A few of the boat people had settled down on land while others waited for an opportunity to do likewise. Under the circumstances, I opted for purposive sampling. Methods employed at this stage for collecting data were interviews, informal discussions and surveys of the status

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 80 of the pearl-women at home and at work based on a set of questionnaires (Appendix 2). As most of the participants were non-literate, their responses were recorded on forms. The points stressed in the surveys were age, education, income, expenditures and decision-making authority of the pearl-women, and whenever possible, of other family members as well. Data on the variables are tabulated in Tables 1 to 6. Tables 1 and 2 show the age, sex, marital and educational status of women from 79 households. Later, as I narrowed down the number of my sample of pearl-women from 50 to 10 I tried to provide comparable figures on the basis of their age, marital and educational status in Tables 3 to 6. Although I planned to do my fieldwork in 1990, it was delayed for two reasons. Because of the political unrest and natural calamities (cylone and flood) that visited Bangladesh in 1990, the second phase of the fieldwork could not begin until July 1991. Countrywide agitation and protests against the autocratic rule of the military dictator, General H.M. Ershad often brought the public life to a standstill. Strikes and hartals (stoppage of all work in protest throughout a wide area) that often resulted in suspension of all kinds of transportation throughout the country made it difficult for the people to carry out their daily livelihood. Another reason for delay was the difficulty in finding accommodations in the research area

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 81 which was located about 12 kilometers from Dhaka. The second phase of fieldwork was conducted from July 1991 to December 1991. The research was done in two stages. In stage I which was conducted in the city of Dhaka, I visited different government and semi-government organizations in order to get information about both the pearl-women and the pearl trade. I interviewed officials at the Department of Fisheries, Government of Bangladesh, and Bangladesh Small Scale Cottage Industries Corporation. I also contacted officials at handicraft centres such as Karika - the Handicraft Workers Co-operative - and Aarong. The interviews with the city jewelers and stockists too helped me in having a good idea about the origin, growth and development, size and color as well as availability of pearls in Bangladesh. Stage II was carried out in the research location, Kupsa. I tried for two months to get an accommodation either in Rupsa or in the neighboring area of Kaliganj from where my assistant and I could visit the village daily. Both the textile and the jute mills in Kaliganj have guest houses. I requested a high ranking government official to help me in getting a room in one of the guest houses. But the guest houses were not available as they were occupied by the bachelor officers of the mills. Besides, I found that neither my contact nor the persons in charge of the guest houses thought it advisable for two women to stay on their

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 82 own in an industrial area which often experiences labor trouble. At this point the chance of getting an accommodation seemed remote and the possibilty of launching fieldwork dim. Although extremely disheartened by the turn of events I stubbornly stuck to my aim. The tenacity of my purpose paid off. Toward the end of August a relative of one of my friends was able to arrange for an accommodation at Kaliganj. I stayed in Kaliganj from September to October. During this period I did not stop looking for a place in the village itself. I requested several persons in Rupsa, both men and women, to find an accommodation for us. Several of them promised to help me, but when time came for renting out a room to me they backed out. I later discovered that they took us (myself and my research assistant) for CID (Criminal Investigation Department) agents spying on the villagers to gather information about their business activities. I was, however, not purturbed by this as I was aware of the various problems an anthropologist has to face in her fieldwork.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 83 Total No. of Pearl-Women's Households =79: Population =313. Male 159: Female 154 Table 1. Distribution of the Household Population by Age, Sex and Marital Status:

Age Never Married Widowed Total Grand Married Total M FMF M F M F M & F

<10 48 49 -—-- 48 49 97

10-19 37 32 - 08 -- 37 40 77

20-29 10 - 14 26 -- 24 26 50

30-39 —- 22 11 - 01 22 12 34

40-49 - - 09 14 - 02 09 16 25

>50 -- 19 06 - 05 19 11 30

Total 95 81 64 65 - 08 159 154 313

Table 2. Distribution of the Household Population by Age, Sex and Educational Status:

Age No Primary Secondary Total Grand Schooling Total MF MFM F M F M & F 10> 32 38 16 11 -- 48 49 97

11-19 04 22 22 18 11 - 37 40 77 20-29 10 19 09 04 05 03 24 26 50 30-39 07 10 05 01 10 01 22 12 34 o t 01 16 06 - 02 - 09 16 25

>50 13 11 05 - 01 - 19 11 30 Total 67 116 63 34 29 04 159 154 313

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 84 Table 3. Distribution of Pear1-Women by Age, and Marital Status: No. of women = 50

Age Never Married Widowed Divorced Total Married <15

15-20 — 05 -— 05

21-26 — 08 - - 08

27-32 — 11 01 - 12

33-38 - 05 - 01 06

39-44 — 08 01 - 09

45-50 — 05 -- 05

>51 — 03 02 - 05 Total - 45 04 01 50

Table 4. Distribution of Pearl-Women by Age and Marital Status: No. of women = 10

Age Never Married Divorced Widowed Total Married

20-25 — 02 -— 02

26-30 — 03 -- 03

31-35 - 01 - - 01

36-40 — 01 - - 01

41-45 — 02 -- 02

46-50 — 01 - - 01

>51 -- - - -

Total - 10 - - 10

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 85 Table 5. Distribution of Pearl-Women by Age and Educational Status: No. of women = 5 0

Age No Schooling Primary Secondary Total

15-20 05 -- 05

21-26 08 -- 08

27-32 11 - 01 12

33-38 06 -- 06

39-44 09 -- 09

45-50 05 —- 05

>51 05 -— 05

Total 49 - 01 50

Table 6. Distribution of Pear1-Women by Age and Educational Status: No. of women = 10

Age No Schooling Primary Secondary Total 20-29 03 01 01 05

30-39 02 —- 02

40-49 02 -- 02

>50 01 - - 01 Total 08 01 01 10

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 86 Life at Aminur Rahman's House Since I initially had difficulty in getting accommodation in the village, my research assistant and I commuted several times a week from the city. Later, we carried on our work from Kaliganj, the industrial town lying across the river from the village. We rented a room in the house of a Muslim gentleman who worked in the local textile mill and arranged to have our food with the family for an additional payment. But as my host refused to accept money for food, I later presented his wife with a set of imported glassware and crockery which pleased her very much. Aminur Rahman, my host, had a large two-storeyed building where he lived with his immediate family as well as the family of his brother. Although we lived there as tenants, we too were regarded as family members. We were served food along with the male members instead of being included with the womenfolk who ate afterwards separately. The reason could be that we were busy with our work and as such were treated as working people like their men. The other reason could be that my status as a university teacher earned me a special position in the family. I became aware of this fact when looking for a place to rent in Kaliganj. Aminur Rahman had three rows of low-cost rooms, both kutcha (earthen floored and tin-roofed) and pucca (built of brick) which he rented out to lower-middle class families, the men of which work at the mills and women stay at home.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 87 Initially when the relative of my friend who lived in that locality approached him about renting a room for me they negotiated for a room in the pucca building. But when Aminur Rahman came to know of my identity as a university

teacher, he immediately proposed to vacate one of the rooms in the upper-storey of the house in which he lived. He thought it would not be befitting of my status to live in the row house with his other tenants. We eventually ended up staying in a large room with a view of the wide brimming river. When the final arrangements were complete my research assistant, Saleha Khatun, usually known as Bindu, and I moved in on September 1,1991. Bindu joined me at my apartment in the city after lunch and together we packed the things we woud need for our fieldwork. Our host provided us with basic furniture, such as a large bed with mattress and mosquito-net, a table and a chair, and a cloth rack for hanging clothes. We carried teabags, a can of condensed milk, snacks and biscuits, cups, bedsheets, pillows and pillow-cases, towels, personal apparel and toiletries, note books, stationery, a flashlight, a camera and some paracetamol (analgesics) tablets. We had a friendly and informal relationship with our host family. The hospitality and sincerity of this family touched us so much that even after the completion of the fieldwork, whenever we went to Rupsa we paid them a visit

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 88 without fail. We were also invited to the walima (the feast that is arranged at the groom's house after the wedding) of his eldest son. However, we did not stop looking for a place in the village. My stay in the house gave me an opportunity to observe both the middle class (Aminur Rahman's family) and the lower middle-class families (the tenants of the row houses). We noticed that the life-style of women from the two classes in this semi-rural town is almost identical. In both situations men are the bread winners. Women do not venture outdoors in search of jobs. They are busy from morning to evening with housework that includes cooking, washing, cleaning, fetching water from the tubewell, and looking after children. My landlord's family has a maid-servant who helps with washing, cleaning and carrying water. In the tenant families women do all the work. While the male members work in the mills and shops, women take care of the household chores and look after children. Men help by doing the shopping for foodstuffs and other necessary things. In both types of families school-going boys and girls attend schools.

Life at Fatima's House We eventually were fortunate to find an accommodation in the southern part of the village with the help of Harun, a local young man. He arranged for us to stay in the house of a woman whose children he tutored.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 89 The house was built of corrugated iron sheet with a mud floor. It consisted of a large room, a smaller side room and a kitchen. A cloth-rack divided the large room into two sections. In the front section my landlady slept with her twin daughters, and in the rear section slept her son and the eldest daughter. During daytime the thin mattress of the rear bed was rolled up and the place was used for various purposes such as sitting or taking meals. Other furniture consisted of a steel wardrobe with mirror, one 19" black and white TV, one glass-fronted cupboard, and one netted cupboard to keep cooked food. The television rested on a rectangular table which was used also for ironing clothes. There were racks on the walls where utensils were kept. There was no latrine in the house. (We used the latrine of another household). The smaller room had a side door leading to the common courtyard. Another door connected it to the main room. The room consisted of a big wooden bed, a vanity and a table and a chair where the children studied. This room was rented out to me. It was actually a verandah converted into a room. There were little openings near the roof through which cold air entered the room making it quite uncomfortable. It was November when we went there. Harun tried to make the place liveable by covering the gaps with sheets of newspaper.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Fig.l. In front of Fatima's house, with Fatima and the neighbors.

Fig.2. In Harun's room, with Bindu and Harun.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 91 As the side door needed some repairing I advanced Fatima some money to fix it. After three days, on the 3rd of November we shifted to the house. This time besides the things that were already in store at the Kaliganj house, we took with us cooking utensils, cups and plates, glasses, spoons and a knife, mosquito-net, quilts and blankets, a hurricane lantern and provisions, such as rice, lentils, spices and cooking oil. The hurricane lantern was used as a night lamp. The daily grocery shopping for fish and vegetables was done by Mujib, my landlady's son. My landlady, Fatima, was a young woman of about 35 who lived in the house with her four children, one son and three daughters. The son was 12, the eldest daughter 10 and the youngest daughters were 15-month old twins. Her husband, Amiruddin, was an illegal migrant to Malaysia where he worked as a laborer. Fatima was always apprehensive of his impending deportation to Bangladesh. During our stay in her house news about deportation of Bangladeshi illegal workers came out in the newspaper which upset Fatima very much. Later, we were told that a letter came from Amiruddin assuring her of his continued stay in Malaysia. Fatima's father-in-law lived in Dhaka where he had his own business. Amiruddin was initially working and living with his father. But he left when his father accused him of embezzlement. He settled down in Rupsa with his family. The house belonged to his father. Later Amiruddin

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 92 accompanied one of his friends and migrated to Malaysia in search of work. His friend was already working in Malaysia and arranged for him to get work with his own employer. Amiruddin raised funds for travel expenses by selling the gold ornaments of his wife which, Fatima told me, she gave voluntarily. The family lived on the remmitance Amiruddin sent from Malaysia. Fatima did not have good a relationship with her in laws. One of her neighbors told me that because of her sharp tongue she was not popular with her in-laws. She told me that her father-in-law believed that Amiruddin embezzled the office fund at the instigation of his wife, which accusation she denied. She blamed her father-in-law for wrongfully accusing her husband of the crime. Although Amiruddin's uncle lived in an adjacent house, Fatima lived independently. In fact, when the uncle raised the question of her obtaining her father-in-law's permission before allowing us to stay in the house, she clearly told him that she lived in that house and she did not need any permission for letting us stay there. But at the same time she requested me not to tell others that we actually rented the room. I think she was afraid of incurring her father- in-law's displeasure by renting a room to me. I agreed to oblige her because I found an accommodation after a long search and I had no intention of losing it. During my stay in Fatima's house I had the opportunity

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 93 to meet her parents-in-law who came to see the children. They brought some biscuits and a bunch of bananas for the children. The twins were fond of bananas. Her father-in-law gave her some money as a gift for the children. Fatima greeted her in-laws respectfully by touching their feet and introduced us to them. In contrast to Fatima's allegations that they did not like her, their treatment of her when I was there appeared to be congenial. Fatima also acted in a docile manner before them. Fatima was always busy with housework, cooking, making beds, arranging clothes on the cloth-rack, ironing them and so on. Most of the time she was busy looking after the twins. Her eldest daughter, who attended the primary school at the ARC, often took care of her younger sisters. Her son went to school at Kaliganj and was in the fifth grade. In the evening both the children received lessons at home from a private teacher. Fatima had a part-time maid servant who swept the floor, washed clothes and utensils, helped in cooking and sometimes looked after the twins. Fatima informed me that she did not receive any financial assistance from her in-laws. She lived on the money her husband sent her. As she had no other source of income she was always under financial constraint. She told me that she would like to work as a pear1-woman, but did not dare to do so for fear of her husband who did not want his wife to work outside the home. Even though he was in

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 94 Malaysia the very thought of his displeasure prevented her from engaging in any income-generating activity. She remarked that if her husband came to know that she disobeyed him, he would beat her. Fatima's case shows the position of women from the southern part of the village which is primarily inhabited by the early settlers who do not want their women to work. It also shows the example of a younger Shandar man who, instead of engaging in a traditional occupation such as catching fish, selling pearls or working as a locksmith, migrated abroad in search of a livelihood. I found several families in Rupsa that depended on the remittances sent by their relatives.

Methods Used in the Fieldwork In the second phase of the fieldwork the methods used for an in-depth study of the life and behavioral pattern of the pearl-women, were participant/observation and informal talks with both women and men. During our six months' fieldwork (July-December) in the village we concentrated on observing the pearl-women in their own surroundings. We tried to understand how they view their life and their work. We asked them questions on their economic condition and their status in the family. We were interested also in knowing their future plans regarding children. We usually talked to them in the morning before they left for the city. We often sat by the hearth while they

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 95 cooked and answered our questions. In the evening when they returned to the village, we again talked with them. On Fridays when most of the pearl-women were in the village, we had opportunities to talk to them. Since Friday was the weekly holiday, most of the pearl-women were available in the village. On Fridays their clients are busy with the family and unless one has been asked by a client to collect her dues, the pearl-women usually do not disturb them. We discussed with them the different aspects of the pearl trade, such as the organization, the supply and the problems they face in the course of their sojourn in the city in connection with their business. The issues of income and expenditure were looked into and that brought us to the question of their role in family decision-making. With men we usually talked about the origin of the Bedey as they saw it, their views about themselves, arrival of the early settlers in Achinpur-Rupsa, the sedentarization, the village Panchavet (The Council of the Elders), the Gram sarkar (the government administrative unit at the village level) and also about pearls and the trade as it used to be in the past. During our stay in Rupsa we participated in marriage ceremonies and various religious functions and took note of the role women play on these occasions. We observed interactions between Shandar men and women. We also took note of how the younger people interact with each other.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 96 Furthermore, talks with men revealed their attitude toward female employment and their intention of changing their present situation by discarding the tradition of Bedey life that requires women to earn an income for the family.

Research Assistant. Bindu In the second phase of the research I was helped by Saleha Khatun (Bindu), a competent and experienced young unmarried woman who had a Master's Degree in Philosophy and had recently joined the M.Phil. program in the same discipline. She came from a middle-class, educated Muslim family located in Old Dhaka. There were six daughters and three sons in the family. Although all the brothers and sisters were educated, the family was not in favor of the girls' working for an income. Despite her family's objections Bindu participated in various research projects prior to working with me. Now the family yielded to her strong determination to earn an income. Although she continued to live with the family, as unmarried girls do in Bangladesh, she took care of her own expenses. This shows the confidence of a young, unmarried woman in her own capability to take care of herself and who could utilize her education in a productive way. She told me that since her graduation she did not take any financial assistance from home. She earns an income by working as assistant to researchers. Now her family has accepted not

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 97 only her working outside the home, but her staying away from home on an assignment. Currently, all the sisters, except the youngest one, are engaged in income-generating activities. I want to point out here that although Bindu succeeded in acquiring the opportunity of earning an income, she did not neglect her expected duties and obligations to her family, which included participating in the household work and looking after her old grandmother. I believe by respecting the family norms and meeting her obligations toward the family, she gained the confidence of her father that made relationship between her and the family easier. I engaged a research assistant not only to help me in my research work, but also to have a companion in an unfamiliar place, with whom I could discuss matters and exchange views on different issues concerning our work. I always took Bindu (her nickname) along whenever I visited a Shandar family in the hope that she would come up with questions of her own that might yield additional information. The method we followed during interviews was that while I talked to the people she noted their responses. She also participated in discussions. On our return to the living quarters I jotted down my impressions under the heading "Observations." Later, at night we compared notes and Bindu prepared a note of the day's events. It served two purposes. I got the data arranged systematically and it

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 98 also afforded me an opportunity to get a glimpse of her observations. Initially Bindu was faced with personal questions asked by the women who wanted to know how her parents could allow an unmarried girl to come and stay in a strange village. Her reply was that as I was her teacher her parents did not object to her working with me. I was her guardian in the village. Next they wanted to know if I paid her any salary and if I did how much did I pay her. She tackled the question by ignoring it. In the beginning our relationship was formal. But later, although she paid me the respect due to my age and status (as a teacher) we became quite friendly and lived like members of the same family. We shared the same room that I rented in the village. An excellent cook, Bindu took charge of the cooking. We sometimes shared food with our landlady who accepted it gladly. Another advantage of having Bindu with me in the village was that she often went out on her own and talked with village women. An amiable girl, she was well-liked by both the pearl women and their young children. This worked well toward our gaining an acceptance in the village.

Introducing Harun In Rupsa we were helped by Harun, a young Shandar man from one of the bepari families. Beparis are early settlers who claim that their ancestors were wealthy and respectable members of the community. Although they were wealthy in the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 99 past, by 1991 Harun's family lived in a near-poverty state. Harun came to our rescue when we were having difficulty in fnding an accommodation for ourselves. The eldest son of the family he spent his childhood in the house of his mother's brother in Dhaka. He was studying law in one of the city colleges. He was a mixture of traditionality and modernity. As his father married for the second time, his mother took him and his younger sister to her brother's house and stayed separated from her husband. Harun came to live with his father in 1989 when his father's father fell ill. He continued living in Rupsa because he preferred to live in his paternal house. But he was not in favor of having his sister live there because he thought the atmosphere of the village was not proper for a young girl. While he had high opinion about female education, he was against female employment. He often remarked that one did not know what these pearl-women might be doing in Dhaka where they went everyday in connection with their business. He was preparing to be a lawyer because he intended to recover some of his family's property that was lost as a consequence of extravagant living of his forefathers. Harun proved to be an extremely helpful person. He accompanied us during our visits to the neighboring areas and also helped us with maps and statistics whenever we wanted it. As a local man he could introduce us to

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 100 important village personalities. He arranged for us to have talks with the Gram Sarkar (the head of the village administrative unit) and Nil Mia, one of the influential members of the village community. Harun had earlier told us about the villagers' suspicions of our working for the law- enforcing bodies. When we complained to the Gram Sarkar about it he told us that he had already collected our "bio data" and there would not be any problem for us in the village. We could carry on with our work without any difficulty. I could understand that he had already made enquiries about us and found us harmless. Harun often complained about the deteriorating condition of the village. He told us that he had tried to organize the village youths who he thought were involved in alcohol, drugs and gambling, and do some social work for the betterment of their community. But it was obvious that failure to bring them to the right path made him bitter toward their society and cynical about its future. Harun was helpful in collecting information about the early settlers. He also helped in preparing the map of Rupsa. As he gave me voluntary service, I did not offer to pay him any salary for the simple reason that he would not have accepted it. A member of the old landed family that had seen better days, he would have been offended if I tried to pay him a salary. He always offered us tea and snacks whenever we visited him in his room. No matter how much I

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 101 tried to pay for the tea and snacks he never allowed me to do so. I tried to pay him in kind, if not in cash. I soon found out that he was an ardent admirer of Shamsur Rahman, the leading modern poet of Bangladesh. I presented him with a set of Shamsur Rahman's poetical works. He was very happy. I was pleased because I could repay my debt to him without offending him.

Summary In this chapter on methodology I mentioned the problems that I faced at the early stage of my fieldwork and the ways I overcame them. Next, I discussed the methodology that I applied for collecting data. I tried to give an account of my life in the research area to show my relationship and interactions with the people whose goodwill and co-operation was necessary for my purpose. At this stage of my fieldwork I introduced my research assistant who helped me in collecting data. I also discussed the views of an educated, young Shandar man on female education and employment. In the next chapter I introduce the Shandar Bedey community to which the pearl-women belong, their village, their neighbors and their relation with them.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER IV THE SHANDAR VILLAGE: THE SHANDAR PEOPLE

In order to have a proper comprehension of the subject it is necessary to draw a brief sketch of the place the women live in, of the people who surround them and of the social structure that forms the basis of their life. In this chapter I shall introduce the village of Rupsa, its physical environment, its neighboring areas and its residents, the Shandar. I shall focus briefly on the social system of the Shandar and try to show how it shapes the life of the women.

The Research Location: Rupsa Rupsa is a small Bedey village located on the western part of Achinpur, a rural area located 12 kilometers southeast of the capital city of Dhaka in the district of Narayanganj. Achinpur is situated on a shoal which lies between the rivers Lakhya and Balu. The area is divided into the Achinpur Rehabilitation Centre (ARC) and Rupsa. These are pseudonyms that I have used in order to respect the privacy of the people among whom I conducted my fieldwork. The pearl-women, who belong to the Shandar group of Bedey, live in Rupsa. Shandars reside in other places as

102

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Map 2. Map of Narayanganj. Source: Habibur Rahman,1990.

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Map 3. Map of Rupsa.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 105 well such as Rampura, Savar, Tongi, Pubail, and Saturia, located in and around Dhaka district. Although Shandars are also found in other districts of Bangladesh, Rupsa is considered the headquarters of the Shandar Bedey. I concentrated on the people of this village because this place was easily accessible to me and I was also acquainted with some of the pearl-women. As mentioned earlier, unforeseen circumstances delayed my fieldwork; they also prevented me from visiting other Shandar areas. A bus ride of half an hour takes one from Dhaka to Kaliganj situated on the mainland on the western bank of the river Balu. From Kaliganj to Rupsa it takes 8-10 minutes by boat. Rupsa is bounded by three non-Badey areas: on the west by the town of Kaliganj, on the north by the village of Fullara and on the east by the Achinpur Rehabilitation Centre (ARC). The river Balu separates Kaliganj and Fullara from Rupsa, while ARC is a part of the land Rupsa occupies. I shall give brief descriptions of these places and point out their significance in the lives of Shandar men and women. According to the survey conducted by the researcher in November 1989 the total population of Rupsa was 450. I concentrated on the households that included pearl-women. There were 79 households out of which we selected 50 households for closer attention (See Tables 1 and 2).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 106 The Physical Environment Rupsa by itself constitutes a village separated from ARC only by a road. The village consists mostly of tin- roofed cottages and of houses with bamboo walls and thatched roofs. There are a few brick houses that belong to the richer Bedeys. Rupsa is a densely populated area. Except for electricity, it lacks the amenities of modern life, including a proper sanitation system. In contrast to the apparent backwardness of the area, we found that most of the Shandars (about 80% of my sample) own houses, electronics (cassette players and televisions), electrical household goods (fans and irons), steel almirahs (wardrobes), gold ornaments etc. The villagers use electricity for cooking - small round portable earthen stoves fitted with electric wires - and for operating electronic gadgets, such as televisions, two-in-ones (transistor cum cassette player), VCRs (which they occasionally hire) and other electric goods. There is no school, no health clinic, no post office, no road and no proper marketplace. There is a mini marketplace at the back of the village consisting of a tea- stall, a vegetable stall, and a tailor shop. The Bedey rarely buy their requirements from here because they can shop at the larger marketplace in Kaliganj on the western bank of the Balu which offers better products. They usually get biscuits and tea from the mini-marketplace especially

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Fig.3. The mosque at the entry point as viewed from the river, Balu.

Fig.4. The entry point as viewed from the mosque.

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Fig.5. The interior of the house of a pear1-woman.

Fig.6. The bahar of the boat-dwellers with houses of the settled Shandars in the background.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 109 when unexpected guests like us drop in without prior notice. I never saw the pearl-women or any member of their families prepare tea at home. They liked to drink tea, but whenever they want it, they send someone to the tea-stall at the mini-marketplace. When questioned about the absence of a tea-stall within the village, we were informed by a young girl that a tea-stall would be the meeting-place of all the young men of the area and consequently would hinder the movements of young girls. Another girl remarked that they would have their tea on credit and would not pay for it. Both reasons probably account for the absence of any tea- stall in the village. The mosque on the bank of the river on the western side of the village can be regarded as the main entry point of the village. It has a brick foundation and is built and roofed with corrugated iron sheets. There is a silk mill on the southern point of the shoal, owned by one of the rich Shandars. In this mill non-Bedey male and female workers weave silk materials. It is not a large mill. I have seen about ten cottages where the workers live with their families. I was told some local men also work there. Surrounding the northern side of Rupsa is a fleet of boats, where a segment of the Shandars still continues to live. It appears that at the beginning of the settlement a majority of the Shandars were boatmen who anchored their boats on this side of the shoal. Later, when a large

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 110 portion of the Shandar population settled down in the same area, the place became known as Bahar, which means 'a fleet of boats' - a clear indication of the identity of the people residing there. I often found both the Shandar and their neighbors to refer to Rupsa as Bahar. The village of Rupsa is the major settlement of the Shandar Bedey community. Although a village has grown up there, the orderliness of a typical Bangladeshi village is missing here. In rural Bangladesh one finds the houses, large or small, enclosed by a wall or a fence of some sort built around the courtyard. In Rupsa, fencing is absent except in a couple of houses which belong to richer Shandar families. Usually houses are built around a piece of common ground which can be used for various purposes. Women often spread their laundry or winter clothes on lines tied to bamboo poles; they chat with each other sitting in the sun. On several occasions I found them cooking their food outside the house on a portable earthen stove. The ground also is used as a pathway to the different sections of the village. On my inquiring about the absence of a proper road in Rupsa, I was told that land was scarce in the village and no one was willing to spare an inch of land for public use. As a result, one has to pass by the front door of one house or the back of the kitchen of another. It should not surprise one if there appears a make-shift latrine in-between.

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Fig.7. A village grocery shop run by a Shandar woman.

Fig.8. The mini-marketplace on the road between Rupsa and the ARC.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 112 Water and Sanitation The Shandar men and women use river water for bathing, and washing clothes and utensils. For drinking they use water from the shallow tubewells that are located near their homesteads. Host of them are owned by rich Shandars for the use of their families. However, they do not object to their use by their neighbors. Shandars who rent out houses install tubewells for the use of their tenants. Water is usually carried by women and children. The absence of a proper sanitary latrine is a factor that causes inconvenience to residents and a visitor to Rupsa, especially if one is used to the urban ways of life. Most of the latrines are built over the river slope. They are made of bamboo and gunny sacks. The approach is by rickety-looking bamboo-poles or wooden planks which look quite precarious. Those who have concrete latrines keep them under lock and key fearing misuse by the general public. The concrete latrines are of two types: i) pour- flush water seal latrine, and ii) latrine built with a slab and pit-lining rings based on the model supplied by UNICEF. The number of rings may vary from one to five. In comparison to the number of sanitary latrines, the number of tubewells is greater. Against nine sanitary latrines there are nineteen tubewells in the village. As the water of the tubewell is clean, availability of drinking water is not a problem in the village. Some of the men and

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 113 women expressed their wish to build better latrines.

Shops and Marketplaces There are a few grocery shops in addition to the mini market, run by both men and women, which sell items such as rice, lentils and spices to the villagers. Both house- dwellers and boat-dwellers buy their necessary groceries from these shops. However, for other necessities of life they depend on ARC and Kaliganj.

The Achinpur Rehabilitation Centre f ARCf The Achinpur Rehabilitation Centre, located on the eastern side of the shoal, was populated in 1975 under a government project for the rehabilitation of homeless vagrants who came to Dhaka from different parts of the country. The residents of Rupsa call it 'bastee' (settlement). This place has developed into a well- organized village. It can boast of amenities, such as a large marketplace, schools (both primary and secondary), a health clinic, a government health and family welfare centre, a graveyard, two soccer grounds and a youth club (which, however, was not functioning in 1991). The health clinic run by CONCERN, a non-governmental organization (NGO), has a Nutrition Research Unit (NRU) for children. There is no doctor with an MBBS (Bachelor of Medicine, Bachelor of Surgery) degree in the clinic. A number of well-trained health workers are in charge of the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 114 activities there. Their main responsibilities are taking care of pregnant women, providing health care for children, providing first aid and distributing vitamin A tablets. Beside the health clinic CONCERN has established a Handicraft Training Centre where local women are given training in making looms for iamdani saris (a fine-textured sari with intricate designs woven in silk), fishing-nets, caps etc. During the training period the trainees receive an allowance. The high school was established in 1975 by WORLD VISION, another NGO, and since 1985 it has been receiving government grants. At present the school is run by the Unnayan Sahajogi Trust (UST) - literally meaning 'development assistance trust' - a private concern. The Islamic Social Welfare Committee runs a primary school, an Adult Education Center and a maktab (institution for imparting religious education). There is a dormitory for male students under the same organization. The marketplace is a very large one, situated on the eastern side of the ARC, on the bank of the river Lakhya. On the other side of the river we again find non-Bedey villages of the weavers of the famous hand-woven iamdani saris. The market deals both in perishables (fish, meat, vegetables, milk and milk products) and non-perishables (rice, gram, lentil, oil). People from Rupsa, especially women, occasionally do their shopping in this marketplace.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Fig.9. The health and family welfare centre.

Fig.10. The Nutrition Research Unit

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Fig.11. The marketplace.

Fig.12. The Shandar children at the entrance of the school in the ARC.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 117 There is a road that takes one through the village and, unlike in Rupsa, one need not negotiate through various houses to reach a destination. Host of the houses are surrounded by fences or hedges with a small courtyard within. Hen from the ARC pursue various occupations, such as fishing, driving a rickshaw, working as boatmen ferrying people to and from the mainland, and carrying on small-scale business (running a grocery or a rice-cake shop). Several women sell fresh fish and vegetables, betel nut and betel leaves in the main market, or run a wayside shop of rice- cakes. We met a woman who was acting as a cashier in a grain shop which was a family concern. Women also work in the garment factories in Dhaka, while others may work at home and supply embroidered shawls to city shopowners. A number women from the ARC work as domestic servants in Shandar households. They are very poor and often work in return for 2-3 taka (1 Taka= 1/40 of US dollar) and a bowl of rice and curry.

The Town of Kaliaani Kaliganj, situated on the western bank of the Balu is an industrial area, but it has the look of a mofussil (an outstation) or county town. The main concrete road that runs from the bus-stop near the ferry-ghat (landing-stage) links the town with Dhaka. The main means of communication with Dhaka are buses and 'tempos' (scooters wth seats to carry 6-8 passengers). Buses run hourly from early morning

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Fig.13. The ghat on the bank of the Balu in Kaliganj, with the mosque and the mills in the background.

Fig.14. The high school in Kaliganj, attended by Shandar children.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 119 to late at night. 'Tempos' line up near the bus-stop and leave when they are full. Two-seated scooters known as 'baby-taxis' are also available at the same spot. Along the bank of the river there is a jute mill and a textile mill. On the southern side of the road there is a big mosque. A large number of the local people are employed in the mills in various capacities, starting from the rank of supervisors, cashiers and clerks to laborers. There is a high school in Kaliganj established by one of the millowners. It is a co-ed school and children from the surrounding areas, including Rupsa, attend this institution. The marketplace includes a post-office, druggist, doctors' chambers, restaurants and a large market for food and dairy products. Kaliganj is a non-Bedey Muslim locality. People follow various occupations such as working in the mill, teaching either as a school teacher or a house tutor, and running shops in Kaliganj or in Dhaka. There are several self- employed men who work as rickshaw-pullers or boatmen. Women who work in the garment factories in Dhaka or who are employed as full- or part-time maids in middle-class households come from the lower economic group where the males of the family are also engaged in low income activities.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 120 Dependence of the Shandar on Kalioani and the ARC A glance at these three places - Rupsa, Kaliganj and the ARC - show that Rupsa is situated between two fairly developed areas although the economic status of these two are quite different. While Kaliganj is an industrial town populated by well-established families, the ARC is a recent settlement inhabited mostly by people of meagre resources. Despite the fact that the ARC is not considered to be respectable by the Shandar, nor is it as established a place as Kaliganj, it has the basic amenities which are essential for life in a rural community. The village looks more organized and orderly than Rupsa, which has the appearance of a cluster of houses set on the ground without any planning whatsoever. Kaliganj, on the other hand, can be regarded as the hub of the three areas taken together. As Rupsa has none of the above-mentioned facilities, the Shandar are dependent on their neighbors on both sides. They have developed a closer contact with Kaliganj, because it lies on their way to Dhaka which both men and women visit (men occasionally and the pearl-women daily) in pursuit of their livelihood. The Shandar prefer to take care of their needs in Kaliganj. The majority of the Shandar children go to the school on the mainland. The doctors they visit also reside in Kaliganj and have their chambers in the market area. Most of their daily shopping for fish and vegetables is done here.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 121 Thus situated in an advantageous position between two developed areas, the Shandar of Rupsa do not feel the urgency of possessing the amenities they lack. By taking a walk toward the ARC or going to Kaliganj which lies across the river, they can get whatever they need, from schools to markets to domestic help.

The Shandar Bedev of Rupsa The Shandar Image of Themselves Although the Shandar are known as Bedey they themselves are reluctant to acknowledge that label. While the elders try to give rational explanation of the term "Bedey" and defend their Arab origin on the basis of similarity between the word and the Arabic "Bedouin", most of the young men refuse to call themselves Bedey as they consider the term an insult hurled at them by the members of the larger society who look down upon them as rootless. Generally they prefer to be called "Shandar" or "Mangta". I refer to them as Bedey because it is by this term they are known in the wider society and the literature on them also refers to them as Bediya or Bedey. Shandars claim that their forefathers came to Rupsa at the beginning of the 19th century with a fleet of boats and their leader received the whole of Achinpur as lease from the Hindu landlord of the area. Gradually his family prospered and enjoyed enormous power and authority in Achinpur and in the surrounding areas. They were known as

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 122 Beparis or traders. They state that they had links with the Saudagars (merchants) of Chittagong, the old seaport in Bangladesh, which was visited by Arab traders before the advent of Muslims in India. One of the senior elders informed me that he had found out that the terms oradhan and mandal (chief and headman) were in use at the time of the Sena kings of Bengal (1118-1199). He added that during the Sena rule the Bedey were given the responsibility of the distribution of government land and became quite influential. It is the tradition of the Shandars to believe in their Arab origin and narrate to the outsider a respectable history of their people. But in the absence of any records or documents, it is illogical to treat such accounts of the ancestors as anything other than oral history. Shandars failed to give a logical and coherent explanations of their origin. They mostly related what they learned from their forefathers. I think that the purpose of presenting two views about their past i.e., Arab descent and presence in ancient Bengal, is to build up a respectable tradition about the Bedey community who are generally regarded by others as rootless people of no consequence. One of my male informants from the southern section of the village claimed that his ancestors, the early settlers, were 'Sayyads' and that they were known as 'Chaudharis.' Sayyads are descendents of Prophet Muhammed's daughter,

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 123 Fatima and Ali, and the title 'Chaudhuri' belongs to the landed gentry. This is an interesting explanation of their origin by a Shandar man. In Bangladesh birth and hereditary titles merit respectability. It appears to me that by linking their ancestry to the Prophet's family he was trying to elevate the position of the Shandars. Among the foreign immigrants who came to India, Sayyads hold the highest position in the 'caste' hierarchy. Next come Shaikhs, Mughals and Pathans. "The concept of caste", writes M.K.A. Siddiqui, "is basically opposed to islamic ideology" (M.K.A. Siddiqui 1973:133). But in the egalitarian Muslim society of Bengal (both Bangladesh and West Bengal), the "notions of highness and lowness" (Bhattacharya 1973:107) of classes are very much present. The Shandar seems to have chosen the highest position for themselves in order to counteract the indignities they suffer socially in the Bengali society. The claim to the title 'Chaudhuri' makes their ancestors or the early settlers belong to the gentry. As Hogbin observes, "Persons of humble origin... try to acquire extra privileges by stressing any remote or obscure relationship with the nobility" (Hogbin 1970:83). Thus, according to the Shandar's assertions his ancestors were landed gentry who belonged to the most revered 'caste' among the Muslims. I believe this claim to a higher position in society by a Shandar further strengthens my arguments about their quest

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 124 for respectability. The Shandars, as narrated by some of the elderly villagers, arrived in Achinpur in two phases. About 150/200 years ago the Beparis came and prospered. But in two generations their wealth and glory waned. Now several Beparis are engaged in pearl trade and own shops in the city. Some of them are working in the Middle East. But the majority of the early settlers who live in the village are not financially well off. At present they live on the southern part of Rupsa which is also populated by a number of the latecomers. The latecomers who migrated from different parts of the country to Rupsa 40/50 years ago are mainly concentrated in the northern part of the village. This group is financially better off than the beoari families that still continue to live in the village. Bepari women do not work outside the home and earn whatever pittance they can by making shana (a tool used by weavers), or by making "glass stones" (cutting glasses into small bits and dyeing them in beautiful colors for making inexpensive jewelry) sitting at home. The northern Shandar women, on the other hand, are significantly engaged in income-generating activities which help to maintain the families well. The memories of their past glory and prestige do not allow the bepari families to let their women work as pearl- sellers which is the main occupation of the Shandar women.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 125 And even if some woman from their families joins the train of the pear1-women, the beoari men would not admit it. Several bepari families have moved to Dhaka. Those who live in the village either depend on the remittances sent by relatives working abroad or run their affairs in a modest way. An exact date or even period of the arrival of the Bedey in this part of the sub-continent is difficult to find. No authentic document has been found giving historical background of the Bedey. Even the District Gazetteers which give a topographical idea of the region are not adequate where the Bedeys are concerned. They usually get mentioned as one of the lower castes or social groups without any definite reference to their origin. For example, Sachse refers to "a particular caste called Gains who trade as peddlars, chiefly by boat, and are supposed to come from Persia originally" (Sachse, 1917:35). Wise mentions that under "the Muhammadan government" a register of all the wandering tribes was maintained and that a tax, known as "Chandina Damdari" was levied on them (Wise 1883:215). His reference to the tax levied on the Bedey by the "Muhammadan government" (presumably the Muslim rulers of India) shows the presence of the Bedey in 18th century Bengal, especially in the areas that comprise present Bangladesh.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 126

Fig.15. Shandar women making shana.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 127 The Bedey community that finds mention in the above- mentioned literature, census reports, and district gazetteers is divided into several sub-groups according to the occupations they follow. Wise mentions "seven divisions of Bediyas in Eastern Bengal:- a) Ba-bajiya, b) Bazi-gar, c) Mai, d) Mir-shikar, e) Samperia, f) Shandar, g) Rasia" (Wise 1883:215). He explains that the Ba-bajiya were peddlers, the Bazi-gars practised jugglery, the Mai and Shamperia sold medicines and caught snakes and the Rasia worked with zinc (rasa), from which the group derived its distinctive name. The Shandar were makers of shana. an instrument used by weavers. Even in 1883, Wise observes that. This comb or more correctly reed, through which the warp threads pass is in great demand by Tantis and Julahas, for their looms, as no other workmen can make them so cheaply and artistically. The framework of the comb (dhangi), is made of split bamboo, and the teeth (gaibi) of well seasoned wood from Kachar. The latter are fixed at equal distances apart by strong cotton thread. The sale of these combs obliges the Shandars to visit villages where weavers reside... (Wise 1883:220). The Shandars of Rupsa still make shana for the Tantis (weavers) of the villages that lie across the river Balu. We saw Shandar men and women make shana with steel wires which they supply to the local mills. N.U. Ahmed (1962) adds the Laua, Chanpali and Yugosannasi to the list of the different groups of the Bedey. It should be noted that the Shandar of Rupsa also mention the various divisions in the Bedey community, using

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 128 the same terms as given by Wise or Ahmed. The Bedey residing in Rupsa belong to the Shandar sub group. According to their own narration Rupsa has been the headquarters of the Shandar community for a long time. We were informed that every year in winter Shandars from all over the country used to congregate at Rupsa and at that time disputes of various types and forms were settled by the elders of the community. Shandars claim that their ancestors came from Arabia. In order to substantiate their claim the elders put forward several arguments. They claim that the word 'Bedey' has originated from 'Bedouin.' They further add that as a result of their war with King Abraham (Abraha?) they were expelled from Arabia. They migrated to different countries by boat and at one stage landed in Bombay on the western coast of India. In Bombay they earned a living by begging and thus got the name Mancrta which means 'begs' or 'wants.' Later they dispersed to Karachi, China, Nepal, Chittagong, Maldive, Sri Lanka and other places. The other theory forwarded by some Shandar was that their ancestors possibly came from Ai-badiya, a city 5000 kilometers from Arabia (?). They further informed the researcher that there are Bedeys in Iran. This finds confirmation in Sachse's statement that near Kendua in Mymensingh "a particular caste called Gains who trade as peddlars [sic]... are supposed to come from Persia

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 129 originally" (Sachse 1917:35). Yet another theory presented by an elderly Shandar, who is respected in the community as a knowledgeable person, points out the similarity of the word "Bedey" with other words, such as, Veda (the Hindu religious book), Vyadh (hunter), or Baidya (doctor). The explanation that the word 'Bedey' originated from Al-bedouin seems to be the generally accepted theory. He further states that the Bedeys left Arabia in three groups - one group left by boat; the other took the land route, and the third boarded the boat at the city of Sham. According to him, the word shana originated from Sham where the first cloth was made. He further states that the people who made shana or the tool required in weaving a cloth, came to be known as Shandar. The Shandar believe that this links them to Sham. Another argument in favor of their Arab origin, as the Shandars observe, is the similarity between their own Thar language and Arabic. They remark that there are at last 18 to 19 Thar words that are used in Arabic. A strong point in their argument, as they see it, was the report given by one of the Shandars who had visited Arabia and found these words in use there. Shandars claim that Thar bears similarity to the languages spoken by the Bedey communities in India and Pakistan, the only difference being that in both the countries they had been adapted to the regional languages -

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 130 Hindi in India and Urdu in Pakistan- N.U. Ahmed (1962) referred to the Yugosannasi, a sub-class of the Bedey who are chiefly found in Rajputana and Madhya Pradesh in India. This is consistent with the observation of one of the Shandar that he met Bedeys in India. Wise remarked that the Bazi-gar group Bedey "often admit that their immediate ancestors came from Ghazipur, or Upper India" (Wise 1883:217). Both Wise (1883) and N.U. Ahmed (1962) mentioned that the Bedey used an argot or secret language with their own people while conversing with the villagers in Bengali. In 1991, I noticed that the Shandars of Rupsa usually speak Bengali among themselves as well as with the outsiders, whom they call Khamor. They use Thar, an argot language, in times of distress, warning their kin of the impending danger, in connection with their trade, or "to maintain their ethnic identity or boundary within the wider society of Bangladesh" (Rahman, 1990:74). Thar has no script of its own or written grammar. The Shandars are a distinctive ethnic group. Despite the fact that they have been in contact with the larger society for centuries (700/800 years according to them) in connection with their profession, they did not merge totally with their non-Bedey neighbors. In course of time they have been culturally influenced by the dominant society in their dress, food habits, religious beliefs and festivals. But

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 131 socially they still live separately among their own kin members. In his account of the 'Bediya' Wise observes that men and women "dress like ordinary Muhammadans, having laid aside the jackets and petticoats formerly worn" (Wise 1883:214). Previously men used to wear lunoi (long loincloth worn by men) and genii (vest) or shirt, and women wrapped a sari around them. Now the Shandar men wear trousers and shirts when going to the town and women dress in sari and blouse and undergarments. Bhatty states that in Uttar Pradesh in India the "lower class women are trying to imitate the upper class women, who are now urbanised, in matters of dress... " (Bhatty 1975:372). It appears that Shandar women are copying the urban middle class women in matters of dress. Shandars presently dress the way people in the wider society dress, particularly when they are going to meet them with connection with their business. Shandar children attending schools in Kaliganj or the ARC wear the same school uniforms as the non-Bedey children - boys wear trousers/shorts and shirt and girls salwar-kamiz (long cotton trouser and loose top garment reaching to the knees) and dupatta. a rectangular scarf that is folded and pinned to the shoulders. In addition to that, Shandar school girls often tie scarves round their heads as a symbol of purdah. just like the non-Bedey girls. This conforming to the norms and behavior of their non-Bedey neighbors shows

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 132 that the Shandars are consciously changing their ways of life after the model of the former. It is often noticed that people from the fringe of society eager for a merger in the larger society adopt the dress of the other in order to gain an equal status. While several researchers have studied Bedey life, it is only in Taylor's work that I find some reference to their eating habits. He mentions that "they are partial to poultry, and their boats are generally well stocked with fowls and ducks, they eat all kinds of animal food... (Taylor 1840:238). N.U. Ahmed remarked that on the occasion of a wedding the Laua distribute "payesh" - a sweetdish prepared with rice, milk and sugar (N. U. Ahmed 1962:245). During my stay in Rupsa, I noticed that they cook "payesh" on special occasions. Like the majority of the Bengali they are more fish-eaters than poultry-eaters. In Bangladesh fish, poultry and meat are highly regarded foods of the well-to-do, the poor surviving on rice and lentil. They do not eat "all kinds of animal food" and stay away from forbidden meats such as pork. I shall discuss the religious beliefs and rituals of the Shandar later. Here I want to point out that some of the rites and ceremonies that are performed by the Shandar in Rupsa have been borrowed from the wider Bengali society. The main religious rituals celebrated by the Shandars are the Urs, the Bheura and the Milad Sharif.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 133 While Milad Sharif is observed on the birthday of Prophet Muhammed, Urs is celebrated on the death anniversary of a pir or saint. Both these occasions are celebrated by the Muslims of the wider society. Shandars of Rupsa celebrate the urs of the pir Fazlul Huq on the 9th of the Bengali month of Aarahvan (from the middle of November to the middle of December). Scholars are of the opinion that pirism had its origin in the Hindu ideal of guru (teacher, mentor). Bengali Muslims, many of whom were converts from Hinduism, "made this concept deeply rooted in the society" (M.A. Khan 1965:lxxx). The concepts of pir and daroah (shrine) became popular among the local people. I noticed that several religious Shandar women visit the abode of the pir of Atroshi, a place in the district of Faridpur. They also make offerings at different shrines in Dhaka on the fulfillment of their wishes. Another important rite performed by the Shandar is the bheura or the floating of the raft. M.A. Khan states that the festival of Bera dedicated to Khawaj Khizr was widely observed in the eighteenth and nineteenth century by high and low "on the last Thursday of the Bengali month of Bhadra" (M.A. Khan I965:lxxxiii). The month of Bhadra is the fifth month of the Bengali calender (from the middle of August to the middle of September). Wise (1883) observes that it coincided with the breaking of the rains and and was

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 134 celebrated by the Muslims as well as by the Hindu boatmen and fishermen. Wise (1883), N.U. Ahmed (1962) and Siddiqui (1976) mention that the Bedey asked for the blessings of Hindu deities at the time of illness and their women tattooed "the forehead like their Hindu sisters" (Wise 1883:213). I noticed no puia celebrations in Rupsa and the foreheads of the Shandar women are clean without any trace of tattooing. When any child is sick, Shandar women make a pledge to send offerings to the darcah (shrine of a Muslim saint).

Identity of the Shandar Shandars belong to the Bedey or Bediya community who are regarded as nomadic people by the dominant Bangladeshi society. F.R. Khan who studied the caste system of village community in Dhulandi in the district of Dhaka, makes certain observations regarding the 'Bediya' whom he refers to as one group of the "low Muslims" (F.R. Khan 1962). In observing their social behavior, he remarks that during "their short stay in the village they do not mix and establish matrimonial relations with the other people of the village. Their sons and daughters are married within their own Bediya caste in different parts of the country" (F.R. Khan, 1962:228). He states that they practice endogamy and do not interdine with other groups such as Jolahas (weavers) or Kulus (oil-pressers). He remarks that while other groups have subsidiary occupations, i.e., cultivation, the Bediya

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 135 remain faithful to their hereditary tasks. He notices that most of the year they are out of the village moving to different parts of the country. Even when they are in the village they do not mix with other villagers. Taylor (1840) and Wise (1883) as well as F.R. Khan (1962) refer to them as nomadic people who move about the country by boats for about nine months of the year and for the rest of the year settle down in the village. My findings in Rupsa show that while a number of the Shandar continue their nomadic life in boats, a large number of them have settled down in the village. The settlement began with one of the Shandar leaders who came to Rupsa 100/150 years ago with his group. The process of sedentarization is still going on. As to my questions about their favoring sedentary village life to the wandering boat life, several of my informants (men and women) gave me a number of reasons that encouraged them to settle down in the village. The first reason they show is lack of space in the boat. With the increase in number of children it becomes difficult to live in boats. Some of the women (Bibi and Mariam) mentioned natural disasters, such as cyclone and flood, to be another reason for sedentarization. They remarked that villagers are suspicious about wandering people and do not allow them to anchor their boats near their village. Some of my male informants (Farid, Amin) observed that

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 136 boat life does not provide a conducive atmosphere for children's education. As boat-dwellers move on from place to place the education of children gets disrupted. Several of the middle-aged Shandar men who read up to Grade VII or IX, mentioned that they could not complete their education because their fathers did not stay in one place for a long time. Another male informant who served as the member of the Union Parishad from 1984 to 1988 observed that he was able to continue his schooling because the family boat was permanently anchored near the village (he did not say where but I think it was in Rupsa because several boat-dwellers wait near the village for a chance to settle down in the village). He, however, dropped out after Grade IX. Rahman (1990) informs us that the first settlers, who being peddlers were also pearl collectors and makers of shana (a tool used by weavers), found the area a "good and suitable place for business" (Rahman 1990:149). The rivers and the weaver villages that lie across the Lakya provided them with opportunities to pursue their professions. Moreover their friendship with the local people encouraged them to settle down. He further informs us that the Shandar have forwarded a number of other reasons, such as ecological change, development of improved communication systems, security of life and property, and attempts to abolish the villagers' prejudice against them and increase their status, that led them to prefer a settled life.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 137 Rahman explains that as "many areas of Bangladesh no longer remain under water for a long time" (Rahman 1990:152) the Shandar face difficulty in navigating their boats which in turn, hampers their peddling business. Moreover, with improved communication the demand for their goods, especially in the rural areas, has greatly decreased. Thus faced by dual threats to their livelihood they preferred to explore other sources of income. This could be possible if they settled down. Rahman further observes that many groups of the Bedey, including the Shandar, are settling down "to ensure security of their life and property. They said that there was a time when life and property in boats were much secured" (Rahman (1990:154). Presently none of the Bedey groups feel secure in boats. Another significant point mentioned by Rahman is that the Shandar believe that sedentarization would be able to alleviate the villagers' prejudices against them. Moreover, it would also increase their status in society (Rahman 1990). Taylor refers to "the Bhudiyas" as "another low and impure caste... who reside on the water throughout the year, and move about from place to place... (Taylor, 1840:237). This comment indicates their nomatic nature. On the basis of his observations of the settlement pattern of the Shandar Bedey of Rupsa, Rahman (1990) calls them "quasi-nomadic

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 138 people." He states that "some boat-dweller Shandar-Beday are still fully or partially nomad while others are partially sedentary people." In his views the house- dwellers are less nomadic while the boat-dwellers are less sedentary. Because of this dual characteristic of their settlement pattern, he liked "to call them a quasi-nomadic people in order to report the realities of their present pattern of life" (Rahman 1990:8). Commenting on their relations with other people of the village, Levy refers to the Census Report of 1901 which mentions the classification of the Muslims of Bengal into the Ashraf or "upper-class including all undoubted descendants of foreign Muslims (Arabs, Persians, Afghans etc.)" and the Ajtaf that includes the 'functional groups', such as weavers, cotton-carders, oil-pressers etc. Levy, however, mentions a third group, the Arzal, consisting of "the very lowest caste" which included among others the Bediya (Bedey), "with whom no other Muhammadan would associate, and who are forbidden to enter the mosque or to use the public burial ground" (Levy, 1957:73). He further tells us that in the Arabian Peninsula the gypsy groups were regarded as inferior beings by the rest of the inhabitants. All the studies mentioned above focus on the nomadic nature of the Bedey lifestyle that relegated them to a peripheral position in relation to the larger society.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 139 Economic activities of the Shandar With sedentarization their occupations and lifestyles have changed to some extent. Presently some of the Shandars work as locksmiths, umbrella menders, helpers in the bus, etc. (See Tables 7 and 8). In Bangladesh the bus driver is accompanied by a 'helper' who collects fares from the passengers and cleans and washes the bus. While men with some education (e.g., Grade VI to IX) work as mechanics in factories, graduates from high schools might get jobs in the mills. Boat-dwellers are mainly pearl collectors and fishermen. These people are mostly poor. Despite their sedentarization, the Shandars have not become agriculturists. They buy land for the purpose of building a residence, not to cultivate it. In any case there is hardly enough land in Rupsa that could be turned into arable land. The Shandars are basically self-employed people. Hen are engaged in the pearl trade and in fishing and other occupations mentioned above. Women are still peddling articles moving from place to place. The only difference is the change in the form of their merchandise and the mode of their carrying their wares. In the past women used to carry the wares on the head in a basket and go peddling from village to village which they term as 'doing gaon.' Now they carry their merchandise in bags tucking them under the aims when visiting the houses in the city. This could be seen as modern version of 'doing gaon.'

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 140 Table 7. Distribution of Pear1-Women by Husbands' and Occupation: No. of women =50

Occupation 20-29 30-39 40-49 >50 Total

Unemployed --- 01 01 Pearl Trader 02 12 07 06 27

Bangle Seller - 01 — 02 03 Fisherman 01 02 01 01 05 Others 01 02 - 06 09 Total 04 17 08 16 45

Total 45 Widow 04 Divorcee 01 Total 50

Table 8. Distribution of Pear1-Women by Husbands' Age and Occupation: No. of women = 10

Occupation 20-29 30-39 40-49 >50 Total

Unemployed -——— 00

Pearl Seller - 02 01 01 04

Bangle Seller - 01 —- 01

Fisherman — - 01 01 02

Tailor 01 ——— 01

Locksmith -—- 01 01

Bus Driver - - 01 - 01 Total 01 03 03 03 10

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 141 Instead of the heterogenous items that included from utensils to thread and needles, they now deal in pearls and semi-precious stones. More about the changes in the pattern of the trade have been discussed later. During my fieldwork in Rupsa I found that while men may supplement the income of their wives, the latter are mainly responsible for the sustenance of the family. From my discussions with the pearl-women I could get some idea of their income. As most of the time they spend as they earn, it was difficult to get a concrete idea of their monthly income. Most of them who work as agents of mahaians (stockists or wholesalers) mention a fixed amount as their salary. But most of their income comes from the profit they make on the sale proceeds. This income is also not fixed. Someday they might bring home Tk. 5000.00 and for the next ten days there may be no income at all. Table 9 reveals that in 1991, nine women out of ten of my sample group earned an income between Tk. 1300.00 and Tk. 6000.00. Table 10 shows that women's income ranged between Tk. 1000 and Tk. 4000.00, while family income went up to Tk. 6000.00 and above. Table 10 was prepared on the basis of information received from pearl-women in 1989 during the survey of the area. The discrepancies present between the two Tables demand an explanation. It is most likely that in 1989, pearl-women did not disclose their real income to the ousiders (the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 142 surveyors) who questioned them about their income. On the other hand, by 1991, I was a familiar figure in the village and regular visitor to Shandar houses. It was possible that as they came to know me better they trusted me and gave me plausible accounts of their income and expenditure. Tables on husbands' occupation (Table 7 and 8), pearl- women' s income in 1991 (Table 9) and family and own income as given in 1989 (Table 10) should be helpful in understanding the economic situation of the Shandar family. It needs to be pointed out that in 90 percent of my sample 'family income' means the income of the husband. In one case 'family income' includes the income of the married son who lives with the parents and contributes to the family fund. My investigations show that their expenditure far exceeds the income they presented for the survey. It could be argued that their families meet the rest of the expenses. In my sample 70 percent of the women belonged to single families and 30 percent to extended families. In the single families I found that women are the main income earners. Although the husbands say that they "do business," most of the time they are at home. Besides by talking with the women, their children and their relatives, I found they bear the major portion of the family expenditure. Several of them categorically stated that their husbands give no money to meet family expenses.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 143 Table 9. Distribution of Pear1-Women by Income: No. of women = 1 0 (in 1991)

PW Salary Profit Other Ind.Inc Total

# 1 800.00 4000.00 1260.00 — 6060.00

# 2 500.00 4000.00 1200.00 - 5700.00

# 3 - - 600.00 4000.00 4600.00

* 4 500.00 2000.00 350.00 - 2850.00

# 5 500.00 3000.00 620.00 — 4120.00

# 6 -- 300.00 1000.00 1300.00

# 7 1000.00 4000.00 760.00 — 5760.00

# 8 -- 800.00 5000.00 5800.00

# 9 1000.00 3000.00 700.00 - 4700.00 # 10 --- 15000.00 15000.00

Ind. Inc. = Independent Income

Table 10. Distribution of Pear1-Women by Own and Family Income: No. of women = 50 ______(Income in Taka)______Income Own Income Family Income 1000.00 16 01 1001.00 - 2000.00 29 06 2001.00 - 3000.00 04 08 3001.00 - 4000.00 01 07 4001.00 - 5000.00 00 09 5001.00 - 6000.00 00 05 >6000.00 00 14 Total 50 50

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 144 On the other hand, they mentioned giving expense money to the husband. Even in one case where the husband is an active pearl trader and earns good money, the resposibility of feeding the family is still the woman's. It was difficult to find the income of the husbands. Women could not give any estimate of their husbands' earnings and I could not ask the husbands about their income. The reason was that my probing questions about the pearl trade had already made men suspicious about my real intentions in the village. I, along with my research assistant, was taken for CID (Central Intelligence Department) agents. It took some effort to aleviate their suspicions. I did not want to make situations worse by asking men about their income. That would have confirmed their suspicions and ended my fieldwork. However, by asking indirect questions, observing behavior and gossiping with the neighbors I found that men occasionally earn an income by selling pearls, catching fish or repairing lock and key. But they are not regular contributors to the family fund. We noticed that women who are the main income earners in the family have authority in the family and participate in decision-making in important family matters. But it is interesting to note that whether a woman is earning or not, the head of the family is still the husband. In her study of the work participation of rural women in the Third World

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 145 Agarwal notices that in countries where male supremacy is the norm "Even a boy of 12 could be cited or could cite himself as a household head in the absence of a male adult!” (Agarwal 1985: A-160). In his discussions of the economic activities of the Shandar, Rahman remarks that Shandars would not accept the occupation of other group of Bedeys, e.g., they would not catch snakes (Rahman 1990:558). But it is noticeable that both men and women are on the lookout for professions other than their own. Several Shandar men own shops in the city; one man who is a matriculate (graduate from high school) works as an engineer in the cotton mill, while another young man is preparing to be a lawyer. The engineer also heads the government administrative unit in the village. Several of the villagers are working abroad in Norway, in the Middle Eastern countries and in Malaysia. Perhaps inspired by the example of their men a couple of women expressed willingness to go to the Middle East even as domestic servants. These women are quite poor and were burdened with the responsibility of the family. Studies of the traditional life of the Bedey community show that economic and household activities are shared by both sexes, and often "men engage in cooking or taking care of children. On the other hand women often help their husbands in building a dera or repairing a boat" (N.U. Ahmed 1962:237). A dera is a dwelling, usually a hut with

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 146 compartments within. During his fieldwork among the Laua Bedey N.U. Ahmed noticed that women of that group sold bangles and toys (N.U. Ahmed 1962:236). The present researcher found during her fieldwork among the Shandar that the Bedey pattern of life observed by Ahmed more or less persists even now. For example, their residence quarters are constructed in similar fashion and the general traits of the Bedey community, such as living among themselves, using an argot language, self-employment, settling their disputes in their village council and women sharing economic responsibility, are very much present in the present lifeways of the Shandar. Thus despite their claim that they are a part of the rural society, the above factors show the differences between the Shandar and the larger society which may create obstacles in the path of their merger of the communities. Still it is undeniable that the Shandars are moving from their own traditional lifeways to that of the larger community.

An Outline of the Social Structure The aim of this section is to give an idea of the social system of the Shandar community of Rupsa, that I believe, will be helpful in understanding the behavior of the pearl-women. It will also be useful in enumerating the rights they might enjoy and the responsibilities they bear. The village is inhabited only by the Shandar division of the Bedey community. The whole village is a large

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 147 kindred. According to them everybody is related by consanguinal, affinal or fictitious relationship. This creates a very informal atmosphere between Shandar men and women. While Shandar women may avoid encounters with strangers, they exhibit no such behavior before a kinsman. They regard affines as well as fictive relatives as kin. Shandar men have no hesitation in dropping in at some sister's or cousin's house at any time of the day. It would be considered rude to object to such visits by 'relatives.' On the other hand, women too feel free to bathe along with men at the mosque-ghat (which is the main entry point to the village). Shandars are a close-knit ethnic group and in many ways the impact of the group on the individual members becomes evident. In the past they usually lived in groups in the Bahar or the fleet of boats. At present, even after partial sedentarization, Shandars still show the tendency of living in isolation among their own people. Even though sedentarization has taken place to a large extent in Rupsa, people who are still living in boats prefer to anchor their boats on the bank of the village where a large section of their group has settled down. They constitute a part of the kindred society and participate in all its activities. Moreover, they often wait for an opportunity to buy a plot of land and settle down in the Shandar village. They would not consider venturing into the non-Bedey locality even if

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 148 that, meant getting land at a cheaper price. They are willing to pay a higher price for land in Rupsa, because as they explained, they want to be with their own people. This kindred group stays together despite the differences or competition they might experience among themselves economically or socially. The group follows the same code of conduct in the face of impending threats on their privacy by outsiders.

Family. Household. Marriage and Divorce Despite the strong kinship feeling, the Shandar household is a single family, consisting of the parents and the unmarried children. In a few instances a widowed mother or a sister is found living under the roof of the son or the brother. The Shandars have a patrilineal system and the father is the head of the family. In the families where men are the main bread earners, major decisions are taken by men, while in the families where women are the main income earners, important decisions on family matters are taken by men and women jointly. As the Shandars are Muslims by religion, they follow Islamic rules in marriage and divorce. Most of the customs pertaining to marriage ceremonies are observed by the Shandars. Both men and women participate in the ceremonies. The pre-marriage rituals, such as telai (rubbing turmeric paste mixed with herbs and oil, on the bodies of the bride and the groom to make the skin look beautiful) and mendi

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 149 (coloring the bride's hands and fingers with henna; the groom colors only his little finger) belong to the women's domain. In the case of the groom, it is his brother-in-law who bathes him. Women also extend a lending hand by carrying water in seven pitchers. Marriage is a happy occasion and friends and relatives come from distant areas bringing gifts in the form of household goods, saris, ornaments etc. A feast is arranged on this occasion and invitations along with betel leaves and sugar are sent around, depending on the purse of the bride's family. On one occasion the groom's father bore the expense of the marriage including the feast, because the bride's father who was his brother (it was not clear if he was his brother or cousin) was too poor to afford it. During the feast men and women take their food together. Unlike the larger society men and women are not segregated at the marriage reception or at the feast at Rupsa. The Shandar practice endogamy. They do not intermarry with groups like the Sapuria (Samperia) or the snake charmers whom they consider inferior to themselves. Matrimonial alliances with the members of the non-Bedey society, as has been pointed out earlier, have not gained popularity yet. Because of the attitude of the other society, Shandars are not enthusiastic about forming marriage alliances with their neighbors from the former group. It is noteworthy that most of the non-Bedey spouses

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 150 of the Shandar are from the lower strata of the wider society. Usually they marry within their group and choose a groom or a bride from another Shandar who is related to them. I attended a wedding where the girl's parents brought her from Pubail - another village where a branch of the Shandar live - to Rupsa for the purpose of marrying her to the son of the father's brother. The girl was chosen by the groom's parents. The boy was reluctant to marry her as she was dark and not educated. He wanted an educated city girl. When I questioned his educational qualifications he felt embarrassed and admitted that his demand was unjustified. He, however, eventually agreed to marry her and the wedding took place. The criteria for choosing a bride usually are fair complexion and good looks as well as good behavior and efficiency in housework. At the time of the wedding the bride is presented with gifts that consist of clothes (preferably silk), gold or silver ornaments that include bangles, necklace or a chain, earrings and nose-pin, and toiletries such as hair oil, face powder, nail polish, lipstick, a comb and ribbons. In the Shandar society a marriage alliance requires the bride's father to give pon or dowry in the form of money to the groom. Although the transaction of dowry has been made illegal in Bangladesh by the Dowry Prohibition Act (1980), the custom is very much prevalent in the country. The

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 151 giving and taking of dowry is regarded as the symbol of social status of both parties. This tradition of the larger society seems to have trickled down from it to the Shandar community. We were informed that in the past the tradition was that the bride's father used to receive bridewealth from the groom's family. He was given a certain amount of money of which he was supposed to spend a portion on the wedding. A married woman is entitled by the law to mehr or dower from her husband. In the event of a divorce the Shandar woman has to leave behind everything that she might have accumulated during her married life. It is in conformity with the rules of the panchavet or the village council of the Shandar community. The argument in favor of such an arrangement is that since it was under the awnings of the husband that the wife got the opportunity to earn and accumulate wealth, it is the husband who has the right to her property. Moreover when a Shandar divorces his wife, the children remain with the father. We were told that the wife receives her mehr or mohorana (dower) as the Shandar women call it. The dower is the sum of money payable to the wife, the amount of which was agreed upon by both the parties at the time of the marriage negotiations. Half of the dower is considered as paid at the time of the wedding in the form of gifts to the bride and the other half remains to be paid later.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 152 Inheritance i) Right to inherit parental property: The Shariah law (as practiced in Bangladesh) assigns a Muslim woman half of what her brother or brothers inherit of the parental property and one-eighth share of that of the husband's. But several Shandar women observed that women of community do not receive their share of parental property. Some of them told me that in their community girls do not inherit property. After the death of the father the son or sons have all the rights to his property. Only if the father leaves something for the daughter during his lifetime, then she will get it. Women have cited examples where brothers deprived the sisters of their rightful share. This often makes a sister, especially if she is a widow, dependent upon the brother. Even if she earns her living by selling pearls, she continues to live in the paternal home under the aegis of the brother. Commenting on the reason for a woman not receiving her due share of the parental property, the Shandar women observe that if a sister claims her share of the property she might get it from the brother but the relationship between the siblings would deteriorate. Thus in consideration of keeping a good relationship, the sister often forgoes her claim. This is the general pattern in rural Bangladeshi society, where women often let their claims to the parental property go in order to maintain a

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 153 good relationship with the brothers. They want to leave an option open in case of divorce or widowhood when they might have to return to the parental home. Brothers are expected to take care of widowed or divorced sisters and their children. They do not want to antagonize or alienate the brother who would be the head of the family after the death of the father and ruin their chance of a welcome in his house (Cain et al. 1979; Kabir n.d.). Shandar women further informed me that a woman can go and live in her parental home and take her food there, but she will have no property in her own name. One Shandar woman informed me that if it is a small property, it usually gets registered in the name of the brothers, and the sisters do not press their claims. But in case of a large property, the siblings (both brothers and sisters) may divide it among themselves.

ii) Right to inherit husband's property: One of my female informants told me that after the death of the husband, his father (if he is alive) gets the entire property. In the Shandar community, the wife has no claim over the husband's property. If the father-in-law dies after the husband, then the children inherit the property. As girls do not inherit property I believe by *children' she meant boys. The wife may have the managerial responsibility of the property. This Shandar woman states categorically that the wife has no claim on the husband's property; she is a "la Sharik" (without a share).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 154 The Village Administrative Units i) The Panchayet: The Shandar has a village council which they call the Panchavet (Council of Elders) for settling their disputes of all kinds and forms. They take pride in the fact that no Shandar has gone to the legal courts with his complaints. Every dispute is settled among themselves. The panchavet is composed of sixteen pradhans (headmen) from different Shandar areas of the country. Rupsa is considered the headquarters of the Shandar community. I was told by Shandar elders that previously Shandars used to gather in Rupsa every year for a month in the month of Aghrayan (November-Deeember) and settle disputes which had been kept in abeyance for the whole year. Now they have relaxed the system to some extent. Instead of making it compulsory for other Shandars to come to Rupsa for the settlement of their disputes by the panchavet at Rupsa, the local pradhans have been empowered to settle the disputes of their own areas. In case of an emergency, they can invite pradhans from Rupsa to help in reaching a decision. The panchavet is an all-men affair. There is no female pradhan and women do not participate in the panchavet activities. In Rupsa, pradhans settle disputes in a baithak (assembly, gathering) in front of the village mosque which is attended by the elders of the village. The mandal who is a messenger, is required to circulate information about the impending baithak among the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 155 villagers. He gets a fee of Taka 10. The party seeking justice has to deposit a certain amount of money as a fee to the fund of the panchavet out of which the refreshment (i.e., tea and snack) expenses and the mandal/s fees are met. Panchavet is the main council or village court that deals with all kinds of legal (civil cases), social or marital problems. The panchavet has the power to try a case, give a verdict and to fine or inflict punishments. The panchavet listens to the grievances of both the parties and testimony of the witnesses. One of the Shandars informed that in the days when he was a pradhan. a jury used to help the panchavet in carrying out justice. He used to engage a clerk to record the statements of the witnesses. During the settlement of a dispute one of the Pradhans present is appointed as the chairman and he is given the responsibility of pronouncing the verdict. People usually abide by the decisions of the panchavet. No one wants to go to the legal court which entails huge expenditure and consumes a great deal of time. The position of pradhans and mandals are hereditary. They enjoy special status and privileges in the society. But while the common villagers want the traditional system to continue, the new generation opposes it. Young men question the eligibility or capability of a pradhan who hold his position by virtue of hereditary rights. They want a

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 156 pradhan to be chosen on the basis of his wisdom not depending solely on the hereditary line. Under the present system decisions in the panchavet have always been taken by the elders. I was told that in the past young men hardly dared open their mouth at the baithak unless they were asked or permitted to do so. Now the young men of Rupsa resent that and want their voices to be heard loud and clear. In fact, they want their cohorts to be included in the panchavet. This consciousness of the young men of their rights is in turn, resented by the elders who view it as a sign of insolence and a show of disregard for the elders of the village.

ii) The Gram Sarkar Parallel to the panchavet there exists another form of organization in Rupsa. Known as Gram Sarkar. it is a governmental administrative unit at the village level. This organization is headed by an official also known as gram sarkar (village official). The gram sarkar is assisted by a secretary and twelve members. All of them, including the gram sarkar. are local Shandar people. The gram sarkar (the administrative unit) is responsible for maintaining law and order and implementing development works in the village. The gram sarkar also attends the panchavet meetings or baithaks. Usually he does not interfere in the proceedings of the meetings. It is only when an accused refuses to accept the decision of the panchavet that he intervenes and

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 157 takes necessary actions, e.g., reporting the case to the police. He is respected in the village as the representative of the government. It should be pointed out here that the composition of the panchavet and the crram sarkar may overlap. The same person or set of persons may belong to both the organizations.

Belief and Rituals The Shandars attend the prayers on Fridays in the local mosque situated on the bank of the river, perform namaz. and keep roza (fasting). They celebrate the Eid-ul-Fitr that comes at the end of the fastings in Ramadan, and the Eid-ul- Azha when animals are sacrificed. Women are comparatively relaxed on matters of religion such as saying prayers five times a day or fasting for the month of Ramadan. On the other hand they are quite particular about holding the milad (a religious function in the name of Prophet Muhammed) on the Prophet's birthday, or making a pledge to offer shirni (sweetdish prepared with milk and sugar) at the shrine of a saint for the quick recovery of an ill child. Another festival noticed during the fieldwork in the village is the urs or the festival that is held in the name of a saint who has disciples among the Shandars of the village. One of the wealthy Shandar man organizes urs every year on behalf of his dead father who was a devoted follower of the saint. On this occasion religious songs are sung by folk-singers and a feast arranged where the village is

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 158 invited. The whole village participate in the occasion and senior members of the community assist the person who holds the urs. beginning with the planning of the festival to the distribution of food among the invitees. The entire village takes a festive look. Women and children happily move around in beautiful clothes. One of the sisters of the organizer informed me in 1991 that she had bought new sari and gold ornaments for the occasion. The festival continues for two days. A village fair is also arranged on this occasion. People from the neighboring ARC open stalls for food and toys and make a little business. A ferris wheel is also set for entertaining children. This is also an occasion for people from other areas for visiting their relatives in Rupsa. Thus apart from its religious aspect, the urs serve social and economic purposes too. As Huda, the organizer of the urs remarked, he does not believe in holding urs: it is primarily to make the villagers happy that he organizes the festival every year. Some of my female informants told me that they visit shrines of saints located in other parts of the country. The Shandar believe in Khaia Khiiir. the pir or saint who dominates the waterways. Although most of the Shandars of Rupsa are sedentary, still they hold the saint in great awe and reverence and perform the Bheura ceremony in his name to procure his blessings. Shandars, both sedentary and boat people, participate in this festival. On this occasion

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 159 they float a bheura (a kind of raft made of banana trees) in the river at the early hours of the morning. This ritual of floating a bheura is vital for them because they spend most of their time in boats. Even those who have settled down on land keep up the tradition of the Bedey community and perform the ritual with great solemnity. It is important for them to invoke the generosity and kindness of one under whose awnings they had spent life for generations. The celebration of floating the bheura takes place in the month of Bhadra (August). We attended the bheura of Sharif Dewan, a Shandar who lives in the adjacent village of Fullara. He has earned the respect of the villagers of the neighboring areas as a devout saint-folklorist. During the festival, the pious man sits in meditation for seven days. On our visit to the festival we noticed that five candles were burning at the place of meditation. The saint explained that these candles represent power of crvan (knowledge), darshan (vision), sraban (hearing), baak (speech) and pasham (literally means wool or hair of the body). I think by pasham he referred to 'touch.' (I believe the word to be sparshan which means 'touch.• However, I did not ask for an explanation because I was there to listen to him and not to ask any question.) He was showing us a favor by discoursing with us while his disciples were waiting for his attention. Under the circumstances, I accepted whatever explanation he gave.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 160 The beginning of the meditation by a pious man is indicated by raising red flags from the rooftop. At the end of the meditation after seven days the flags are brought down. Women usually do not have any role in the bheura except placing the first offerings on the raft. They, however, can attend it as devotees and get a share of the feast that is arranged on the occasion. A woman of Rupsa claimed that she had been ordered by the saint in her dream to float a bheura. As women do not participate in this ritual, her son performed it on her behalf. We were, however, told in 1991, that a pious woman sat in meditation for bheura. The Shandar women are very fearful of ghosts and evil spirits. They refuse to go out deep at night even at the call of nature as their latrines are situated away from the house, lest they should see "small dark children dancing around or other strange things and collapse on the ground" (observed Bibi, a female informant). In the evening in several Shandar houses incense is burnt by young children, usually by girls, prior to their saying prayers. They are also afraid of the power of sorcery which they believe can cause one's death.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 161

Fig.16. A banana-raft prepared on the occasion of the Bheura.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 162 The Shandar Bedevt As I Saw Them in 1991 My experience of the Shandar Bedey in 1990-91 was somewhat different from what was described by the earlier researchers. When I saw them they were still a closed, largely endogamous and trading people, solving their problems in the Panchavet (the village council) and rarely going to the judicial courts for the redress of their grievances. And their women contributed to the family income significantly. Yet certain factors such as, i) sedentarization. ii) Islamization and iii) modernization seemed to have reshaped their lifeways. i) Sedentarization: Instead of continuing to live in boats like nomads, the Shandar are gradually settling down on land, giving up their movement altogether. Sedentarization brought them in contact with the non-Bedey larger community. Interactions with the other community resulted in inter marriages, friendship, interest in education and adoption of professions other than their own. In fact, several Shandar confided that the contact with the sedentary people taught them what good life was. Before that, they remarked, they had been ignorant. ii) Islamization: Although the Bedey converted to Islam probably 150 years ago, they had been referred to as "the lowest" (Levy 1957) and "impure caste" (Taylor 1840), "forbidden to enter the mosque or to use the public burial ground" (Levy 1957). N.U. Ahmed mentioned that a local

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 163 Muslim of Bionniya remarked about the Laua Bedey that they were “Muslims only in name" (N.U. Ahmed 1962:233). The Shandar Bedey claim to be Muslims like any other Muslims. We noticed that they not only say their prayers regularly in the village mosque, but also arrange for their children to have religious lessons from the non-Bedey imam (person leading the prayer) of the mosque. They are no longer barred from entering a mosque in the non-Bedey areas. In fact, I was informed that presently the Shandar burial ground which is located in the ARC is used by their non- Bedey neighbors as well. The influence of Islamization is most evident in their upholding the ideologies of purdah and patriarchy that are interpreted in Bangladesh as restricting women's movements and subordinating them to men. Their present attitude toward women is definitely a departure from their traditional norm that allowed women freedom of movement and association. The above issues were discussed with Shandar men in the context of female employment. Islam does not object to women's seeking employment, but social realities emphasize sexual segregation and highlight the importance of women's roles as wives and mothers. Beck states, Social patterns of sexual segregation and male guardianship over females are found in all Muslim societies, although they are most prevalent in the middle and lower classes" (Beck 1980:37). Several Shandar men observed that as they were Muslims

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 164 it was proper that their women observed purdah and did not venture outside the home where they might be seen by men. They also remarked that if women were engaged in income- earning men cannot have authority over them. They appear to believe that by emphasizing purdah and not allowing their wives to work outside the home they are behaving like good Muslims. I think establishing themselves as good Muslims is important for them in gaining an entry into the larger society. Information provided by N.U. Ahmed (1962) shows that the members of the dominant society think of them as Muslims in name because they do not perform 'Shariat' and their women do not observe purdah. During the first phase of my fieldwork, several Shandar men complained that although they abide by Shariah, members of the wider society did not regard them as proper Muslims. The working women remarked that although they ought to observe purdah by staying at home they cannot afford to do so. I found that the wives of the three rich Shandar men I talked to show different expressions of purdah. Huda's wife does not work outside the home, but she bathes in the river and visits her relatives living in nearby houses. The wives of Nil Mia and Hafizuddin stay indoors. I was told by one of the wives of the latter that if she wanted to visit her parents in Tongi (about 10 miles from Dhaka) she would need permission from her husband and would be accompanied by him.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 165 Although the Shandar emphasize the religious aspect of the Islamic ideologies as the reason for their observing them, I think the issue of social status and recognition is equally important, if not more. I think they are upholding the religious issues as strategies for developing their social position and status. iii) Modernization: Modernization seems to have entered the Bedey life as a result of their contact with the sedentary larger society. They not only used the modern modes of transportation, but possessed electronics, their children went to schools and colleges and several of them had adopted non-Bedey professions, such as working as an engineer in the mill or managing a shop in the city. Their desire to modernize often became explicit in their willingness to prepare their children for professions such as medicine and teaching. Modernization has affected their social life too. Now, during weddings, instead of traditional wedding songs which are in Bengali, modern film songs blare out of the loudspeakers throughout the night with temporary recess for the prayer times. The elderly women lament that nowadays people do not care for the rural wedding songs. The three factors mentioned above have transformed a nomadic people into a semi-sedentary community. However, it would be wrong to assume that they have changed totally. A large section of the Shandar community (about 47% of those I surveyed) is still continuing their life in boats. The boat

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 166 people are not unfamiliar with modern technologies which is evident in their use of a television or a camera. While the Shandar are exploring other venues, their main profession still continues to be the pearl trade, big or small. Beside, while men advocate purdah. their wives go out to sell pearls and other things.

Summary The outline of the Shandar society has been presented to show some important social norms that govern the life of the pearl-women. The most noticeable feature is the strong kin-feeling that dominates the behavior of the pearl-women in their interactions with the inhabitants of Rupsa. While the Shandars as a whole are experiencing gradual social change as a result of sedentarization, the position of Shandar women has not changed for the better. The Shandar women carry on their responsibilities as before, but their rights and privileges appear to have diminished to a great extent. The Shandar villagers of Rupsa are greatly influenced by their non-Bedey neighbors and advocate the norms and values of the wider society. This is reflected in their preference for the ideologies of purdah and patriarchy as well as in their changing life-style. Presently most of them prefer settled life to nomadic. It is apparent that although they belong to a separate ethnic group, the Shandar of Rupsa are gradually losing their identity. They are a

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 167 group of people who are experiencing transition from one type of lifestyle to another, from nomadic life to a sedentary life. As a result of such a transition the situation of the Shandar women, who are the main focus of this study, has changed both socially and culturally.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER V CASE STUDIES

In this chapter I present the case studies of two Shandar pearl-women and a male Shandar pearl trader. All of them are the main providers of their families. My purpose in presenting them here is to show the difference between their social status, their views toward life, their lifestyle, and their attitude toward the concept of a woman working for an income. While the story of Bibi tells us about the sufferings of her early life, her responsibilities of and obligations to her family, that of Sufia gives us the picture of a successful pear1-woman. Huda's story is an account of male supremacy that has crept into the Shandar community and curtailed the economic activities as well as freedom of movement of Shandar women.

The Storv of Bibi I first met Bibi, an energetic woman of 56, at the house of my cousin Aruna where she came with two of her daughters to sell pearls. Aruna buys pearls from her regularly for herself and has recommended her to several of her friends. Aruna, who works for an NGO, also buys pearls from her on behalf of her colleagues. I soon became a part

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 169 of Bibi's clientele. Bibi is a dark complexioned, big, cheerful person with a twinkle in her eyes. Her pleasant countenance and friendly manners make her popular with her clients. During my stay in the village of Rupsa she became my staunch supporter and stood up for me whenever somebody cast doubt upon my real intentions in the village. She always defended me by saying I am their "aoon lok" (own people). Bibi loves to talk and whenever she could spare time, either on Fridays when she stays at home or on her return from Dhaka in the evening she would talk to us (my assistant and me) about her childhood, the ways people lived in the past, their sufferings and her hopes and aspirations. Bibi comes from a large family, with five brothers and three sisters. Three brothers and a sister died at an early age. Her forefathers had land in Pubail in the district of Gazipur situated north of Dhaka. But as the people (she means the Shandar people) in those days did not realize the worth of land they preferred to roam around in boats from village to village "doing oaon" (visiting a village for the purpose of doing business). In her childhood she saw men earn their livelihood by mending umbrellas, repairing locks and keys, and making teta - a harpoon-like tool used by fishermen for catching fish. Women sold glass bangles and utensils. But on the whole she thinks men were idle and it was women who worked to keep the family manning. In her words, "Purushra boisha thakto. meyera churi bechto" ("Men

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 170 sat idle, while women sold bangles"). During the una (dry season) days women used to leave the boats in groups of twenty to thirty and went away to the villages with their wares. Then they broke into smaller groups of ten and stayed in the houses of villagers whom they were acquainted with. They were allowed to stay there free of charge and they arranged for their own food. Using that place as their temporary residence they moved around in the village and sold the merchandise to the villagers. After doing business for ten to twelve days they would return to the boats having collected rice and khud (fragments of a grain of rice, usually given to the poultry and occasionally taken as food by impoverished people). At the end of their work men and women used to indulge in merriment. During the hot months of Chaitra (the last month of the Bengali calendar; from the middle of March to the middle of April) and Baishak (the first month of the Bengali calendar; from the middle of April to the middle of May) while sailing in boats from place to place they would take a dip in the river, collect shells from the river-bed and look for pearls. When they found any, they saved them in a small glass phial to be sold later in the village along with other things. Bibi's mother, her mother's mother and her father's brother's wife used to peddle glass bangles in the village. Bibi started her peddling career at the age of 9 when she

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 171 accompanied her mother carrying a tiny dhama (wicker basket) on her head. She remembers that the first day she went to "do gaon" she had a capital of one rupee and four annas (British Indian monetary units) and a stock of twelve dozen glass bangles. She was a very active little girl and helped her mother in taking care of her younger siblings. She often helped one of her needy aunts out of her own income. It is obvious from the account of her childhood that Bibi's family suffered hardships that compelled a child to join the family in earning an income. Bibi however, blames her father's mother, who controlled the ancestral property after the death of her husband, for their sufferings. Bibi thinks that her grandmother indulged her younger son. Bibi's uncle was childless but he had a wife who had domineering influence over her mother-in-law. Bibi thinks that it was out of fear of her younger daughter-in-law that her grandmother did not render any financial help to her father who had a large number of children. She observes that she refused to help them even when they needed it most. Her father was a simple man who avoided complications and took care of his own family. Their relationship with the grandmother deteriorated further when during the illness of one of her younger brothers her father begged assistance from his mother. But the old woman showed no mercy. Her father could not afford the cost of medical treatment and the boy died.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 172 Their misfortune reached its climax when the family fell victim to the Great Bengal Famine of 1943. Although Bibi was then six years old, she still remembers the hardships they endured during the famine. The village gruel kitchen used to distribute cooked food among the villagers. They distributed cooked rice once a week and for the rest of the week they doled out khichuri (a hotchpotch of rice, lentil and spices). Bibi tells us that she could not eat khichuri: she ate rice only once a week that she obtained from the gruel kitchen. For the rest of the week she lived on other things. She searched for edibles in ponds and bushes and came up with things like greens or stalks of water hyacinths. She lost three of her brothers during the famine. One of them died of starvation. Even now when she narrates the story of her brothers' deaths her eyes swell up with tears of pain and sorrow. It was towards the end of the famine that Bibi's father moved with his family to Tongi, the industrial area north of Dhaka situated on the bank of a river, and joined other Shandars there. For some time they lived on the relief goods e.g., biscuits and powdered milk that were handed out by different government and non-government organizations to the famine-stricken people. Her father sold some of the things and accumulated a little capital for business. Her mother contributed to the family by selling glass bangles. Later they moved to another place, Rampura, which is closer

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 173 to Dhaka. Bibi's first marriage took place when she was seven years old. But as she was still a child she continued to live with her parents. She never lived with her first husband. Bibi tells that her handsome husband eloped with another man's wife. She informs us that the woman's relatives performed black magic on him which resulted in his death. Bibi's parents gave her in marriage again when she was sixteen. She is still married to the same husband. Her husband worked as a locksmith (he still does) and she maintained the family by selling glass bangles and other household items. But as the number of children increased both husband and wife worked out a strategy for taking care of the family. If she went to "do gaon" for eight days, her husband stayed in the boat and looked after the children, and if he went to "do gaon" she would do the same. They spent about 25 years at Rampura. It is only 14 years since they migrated to Rupsa when her husband inherited his father's homestead. Prior to their permanent migration, they used to visit Rupsa to attend community festivities. There was no house on that land. Later, her eldest son who is a rich mahaian (stockist/wholesaler) built the house for his parents. I was told by one of Bibi's daughters that their father gave away the land to the eldest son. She told me also that it is the duty of the eldest son to look after the parents.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 174 The ancestral property of Bibi's father is lost forever. She blames the inconsiderate behavior that her grandmother displayed toward them for the loss of the property. After the death of her younger son and his wife, the old woman wanted to move in with her elder son, Bibi's father. But as Bibi's mother could not forgive her cruel behavior in the past she refused to give her shelter. Taking advantage of her helplessness one of the village headmen of Pubail made her transfer her property to his name in return for food and lodgings. Bibi laments that although subsequently it was the elder son and his family who took care of the woman until her death, the property was already gone. Presently Bibi is trying to recover some of it with the help of the lawyer husband of one of her clients. Bibi's present residence is located on the north western side of Rupsa. It is one of the houses built around a quadrangle on the the bank of the Balu. This area is used as a common ground by the people who live there. People often traverse this area in order to go from the make-shift ghat (landing stage) to the interior of the village. There are nine tin and bamboo houses around the quadrangle. Six of them belong to Bibi's eldest son, Rahim, and the rest to their neighbor Shahjahan. The house Bibi lives in with her family, comprising herself, her husband, two sons, and a daughter-in-law, is made of corrugated iron sheets with an earthen floor. The

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 175 house consists of one large room partitioned into two sections. In the larger section a big bed occupies most of the space. Beside the bed there are a few inexpensive ordinary-looking pieces of furniture, such as a wardrobe, a dressing-table (vanity), a bench and a couple of chairs. This is Bibi and her husband's bedroom but it also serves as a place to receive visitors. Up on the three sides of the room near the ceiling there are wooden planks that serve as shelves for storing bedding, baskets, clothes and utensils. The other section of the room serves as a bedroom for her married son and his wife, and a kitchen for the family. No fence surrounds the house, nor is there any verandah. A couple of dried-mud steps lead straight into the main section of the room. There is no television or cassette- player in the house. Only an electric fan hangs from the ceiling. Her youngest son who is a student, sleeps in his eldest brother's house. The very look of the household is the evidence of the financial uneasiness of the family. Bibi is the mother of five daughters and four sons. Her eldest daughter died young. All her daughters are married and except one, work as pearl-women. The youngest daughter Rimi, who was married in 1991 has a small baby and stays at home. Bibi's eldest son who is a rich pearl trader is married and lives with his family in the same area across from his parent's house. Her second son lives at Rampura with his family. The

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 176 other married son lives with the parents, and is unemployed. Bibi is trying to send him to the Middle East in search of work. Sheema, the daughter-in-law who lives with her, was in charge of the cooking and until recently Rimi helped with the household chores. She was not pulling on well with her husband and he wanted to get rid of her. He confided in me that he wanted to marry a city girl who was still waiting for him. He married Sheema because his parents wanted him to. But he did not like her. I noticed also that he had a tendency to ignore her. In fact I never saw him to speak to her. His youngest sister once remarked that he would not accept even a glass of water from her. Sheema's father came to take her to his village but when he came to know about her pregnancy he left her with her in-laws. Just before I left Dhaka for the USA I heard the news that Sheema had given birth to a child (that died afterwards) and was recuperating in her paternal home in another village. Under the circumstances the arrangement suited everybody. Bibi, the main bread winner of the family, spends most of her time in Dhaka in pursuit of her occupation. Although her husband claims to work as a locksmith, most of the time he is at home. I doubt if he makes any contribution to the family at all. According to Bibi, she takes care of all the expenditures, big and small. I found that she buys the food for the family, pays for her medicine and entertains guests. She told me that she decides who needs what and provides the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 177 necessary goods, including clothes, to the family members. Her eldest son, Rahim, occasionally buys clothes for her family and the youngest son, who deposits money in the lending samiti (association) of the village, sometimes helps his mother with the interest he receives on his deposits. She remarked that during the Eid one of her sons-in-law gave her a sari while her eldest son bought clothes for the father and the brothers. She also observed that her sons- in-law brought fruits for her when she was ill. But these are only occasional gifts. For the daily meal the family depends on her income. Bibi claims that she has no savings, rather she is in debt to her mahaian from whom she had borrowed money on an earlier occasion. As the entire family is dependent on her income alone, it is very likely that she has no savings. She spends as she earns. Every day on her way back home she buys fish and vegetables from Thataribazar, a large marketplace in Dhaka, known for quality fish and meat. Other groceries she obtains from local grocery shops. She does not buy anything in bulk. All her shopping is done daily. Her husband and the youngest son occasionally help with shopping. The married unemployed son spends most of his time loitering with his friends. Bibi worries about him a lot and observes that with him away to the Middle East, her burden will lessen. The youngest daughter is already married and they would have only the youngest son with them.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 178 As the size of the family would become smaller, she would not be needing to work as hard. She plans to give up selling pearls after repaying her debt to the mahaian. She hopes to open a shop at Rupsa and sell chopped logs of wood for fuel, bangles and fancy things, and provisions. Both husband and wife would mind the shop. Although she plans to give up selling pearls, she hopes to visit her clients socially. Bibi goes to Dhaka every day except Friday. It is only on Fridays (an official holiday in Bangladesh) that she takes a rest and stays at home. Unless she is asked by one of her clients to collect the dues, she does not disturb them. She sometimes goes on a visit to Rampura and meets her friends and relatives there. Bibi provides us with interesting accounts of the marriage customs that were followed in the past. Usually grandmothers acted as matchmakers. There were certain traditions that were observed in the selection of a bride. The prospective female in-laws would judge her merits by putting her to a couple of tests. Firstly, she would be asked to prepare the hookah (a smoking-pipe made of coconut shell filled with water and a small wooden pipe with a tiny funnel-like earthen bowl at the top to hold the tobacco and the cinder) using a minimum quantity of tobacco. The other test was that she had to pluck their gray hair without their noticing it. If she could perform both the tasks to the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 179 satisfaction of the elderly ladies, a matrimonial alliance between the families of the boy and the girl was arranged. The question of taking the girl's consent did not arise at all. Even the marriages of Bibi's own daughters were arranged by the elders. But now, she observes, parents try to guess the preference of the girl because time has changed and boys and girls of the present generation marry according to their own choice. The most interesting observation Bibi makes in connection of the marriage system prevalent in the past is about the authoritative role the mother of a girl played. She remarks that in those days women had position and people valued their opinions. The attitude of the mother was, in Bibi's words, "Buira ki koibo. amar maiva" ("She is my daughter, what can the old man [meaning the father] say"). The other custom she mentions is the behavior of a prospective son-in-law toward the girl's mother. He would bring her gifts and try to win her approval by spending money on her. But after a while she would drive him away and look for another young man. As Bibi puts it, "Mukh muiccha iharur bari diva bidav kore" ("She wipes her mouth and drives him away with a broom”). To my astonished question that if she drove away propective young men then how would she get her daughter married, Bibi replies with a smile that the mother had already selected mentally the groom for her daughter but she did not feel embarrassed to

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 180 accept gifts from others. Asked if the father had any say in the matter, the reply was "Buira ki koibo. Amar maiva. ami ia bolbo tai" ("The old man has nothing to say. She is my daughter, whatever I say stands"). Even if the father liked a particular boy, the mother's decision was final. At present things are different. Now both husband and wife together take decisions in family matters. I was invited to the marriage of Bibi's youngest daughter. It took place at a time when I had taken a break from the fieldwork and returned to Dhaka for a short period. The day before the marriage Bibi sent two of her daughters to formally invite me. They presented me with a beautiful wedding card that was printed on behalf of Bibi and her husband, Hossein. As I had a previous engagement I could not attend the wedding. But I sent a silk sari with a blouse piece as a gift for the bride. The next time we met Bibi was genuinely sorry that we could not attend the wedding. She informed us she had special chicken birun (roast) prepared for me. I was quite touched by her friendly gestures. Moreover, she stated that the entire marriage ceremony was videoed and had I been present there I would have been in the video too! The marriage expenses were borne by Rahim. Memories of past sufferings, present hardships or family responsibilities could not dampen her spirit. Most of the time she is in a jovial mood. She is subdued only by

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 181 chest pains or earaches that she often complains of and by the fear of a ghost. She warns us repeatedly that under no circumstances should we go outdoors at night. A talkative woman she is always ready to tell us stories about the "British days." Whatever she tells us about the past she terms them as the events of the "British days." She often tells others that I am writing a book about the Shandars and she is providing me with informations about the "British days." But it is undeniable that she proves to be a valuable source in learning the past of the Shandar. Bibi is a resourceful person and when I showed my interest in their (Shandar) wedding songs she set out to contact the woman who had a fairly good reputation as a singer. But when she demanded 500 taka. Bibi became disdainful and got hold of her sister-in-law and asked her to sing a song for us. Together they rendered a few songs in a vulgar form of Bengali. With a little help from the singers it was not difficult to follow the songs. They were melodious and mournful depicting the sadness of a newlywed girl who is leaving her natal home for her husband's village. That day Bibi proved to be an excellent singer. Bibi's story brings to light several points of the Shandar past life. Even when they were poor they could engage in merrymaking after a day's hard toil. They took hardship in their stride and went on with their work. They believed in the evil powers of sorcerers and the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 182 mischievousness of ghosts. Women had a very special position in the society and their opinions counted. But despite that, they had no say in their own marriage which was arranged by the parents or guardians. Although the financial situation of the family has improved with peddling in pearls, still in Bibi's opinion, past days were better. She thinks that things have changed now, but not necessarily for the better. In conclusion I could say that Bibi is a remarkable woman, not so well-off, but friendly and hospitable. I have been always welcome in her house. She is the best friend I found at Rupsa. I have narrated the story of her sufferings in the early stage of her life and her present hardships. But my intention is not to project her as a poor woman. She is in a better position than most of the poor people from the larger society where both men and women struggle just to keep alive. But compared to other successful pearl-women she cannot be considered as a well-off person. I shall introduce next a younger pearl-woman and I hope that the differences in the life styles of these two women will be helpful in understanding Bibi's situation.

The Storv of Sufia Sufia is a woman of about 35. Her mother is a pearl- woman and her father is a locksmith. It has been about eight or nine years since her family has settled in a house.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 183 Before that they lived in a boat. Sufia lives in an extended family which consists of herself and her husband, four children, the mother-in-law and an elderly sister-in- law. The wife of the younger brother of her husband lives with her children in an adjacent house. Her husband is working in one of the Middle Eastern countries. She maintains a separate household. Shahjahan's brother's wife, Jasmin, is a non-Bedey young woman. She provides useful information about Sufia's household. She also throws light on the younger Shandar men's preference for non-Bedey women for wives, which I already noticed in the course of my fieldwork at Rupsa. She remarks that her husband is an educated man and he did not want to marry within their communty. Her marriage was arranged through a go-between. She further added that her family did not know at the time of the wedding that her husband was a Bedey. Her husband's family suppressed their Bedey identity because her family would not have agreed to an alliance with a Bedey family. However, she is well adjusted to her situation. Although I have met non-Bedey wives who are engaged in the peddling business, Jasmin does not work as a pearl-woman. Her husband does not want her to work. Her family is maintained with the money that her husband remits from time to time. Jasmin proved to be a good informant. Sufia told me that the house was bought by the husband

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 184 and wife jointly. Her eldest son, Shahed, claims that it was bought by his father with his money. I believe both husband and wife contributed to the purchase of the house. The house is built with corrugated iron-sheets and has two rooms and an attached kitchen where women cook and often take their food. Her husband takes his food in his room. There is another room built on a separate foundation which is used as the children's study and her sons' bedroom. The larger room is shared by Sufia and her husband while the other room serves as the bedroom for her in-laws and her daughters. The house had neither a verandah nor a fence. One simply walked into the house. But when I paid my last visit to the village nearly six months after the fieldwork, I found a pleasant transformation of the house. Still tin- roofed, the house has brick walls, a verandah with star designed iron grills, and a bamboo-fenced garden in front of it. There is a small low gate made with bamboo plaits leading to the house through the garden. In the main room the furniture was comprised of a beautifully carved wooden cupboard, a showcase, a steel wardrobe, a bed, a table with a tablecloth and a couple of chairs. Previously, there was a bench placed on one side of the room. Later, it was removed to the verandah. Both the cupboard and the showcase have glass doors and the contents of both are visible from outside. The cupboard displays

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 185 clothes and family pictures and the showcase has an array of things such as utensils made of stainless steel, imported glassware and crockery. In their daily life they use the stainless steel utensils, but they bring out their china when they have visitors. On the table rests a round tray with three or four glasses. On top of the showcase there are a number of things arranged such as a large 20w TV with a cover, a cassette player-cum-transistor, a large battery-operated emergency lamp with a flashlight attached to it and a plastic basket to keep odd things. From the rear wall hangs the picture of the Kaaba, the religious place in Mecca, that is revered by Muslims all over the world. Sufia is an orderly person and her house shows it. We noticed that even before leaving for the city she would engage in little things such as making the bed, dusting the furniture or straightening the tablecloth. She has well- mannered children. All of them go to school. Her elder daughter, Shahin, is in the 8th grade and the elder son is in the 7th grade. The younger children (a girl and a boy) are in lower grades. Shahin is a good student and earned the praise of others both for her intelligence and good manners. I found the children friendly and well-behaved. After school Shahin spends her time mostly at home although Rupa, the younger daughter, moves around with her friends. Shahin often helps with housework after school. She would

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 186 normally take care of keeping the place neat and tidy. The cooking is done by Sufia's sister-in-law and there is a maid servant to help with washing and cooking. Sufia washes her own clothes and occasionally lends a hand in cooking. She leaves money with her mother-in-law who buys the daily grocery from the market. Sometimes her son or the younger daughter goes to the market too. Sufia herself often buys fish, vegetables etc. from Dhaka. Shahjahan, Sufia's husband, explained to me Bedey men's attitude toward female employment. He observed that because of the adverse criticism by the larger society they do not want their women to sell pearls. But deprivation often compels some of them to let their wives sell pearls. He does not want his daughter to be a pear1-woman. But at the same time he does not want her to sit idle at home. Both Sufia and her husband want their children to get educated and get a good job. He would like her to be a doctor. Sufia does not want her daughter to work as a pearl-woman because of the hardship of the trade. Neither would she like her to work in a garment factory where women have to work along with men. Jasmin observes that Sufia bears all the expenses of the household, such as food, clothing, children's education etc. According to Sufia's son, his father has a pearl shop in the city and a bangle shop in the village located right in front of their house. But as business was slack in 1991

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 187 ne did not earn a regular income from his pearl shop. His bangle shop operates only during the Eid seasons when young girls and women buy glass bangles, shahjahan is the secretary of one of the samitis where both men and women deposit money and borrow occasionally. Host of the time he is busy with the samiti. He kept the saroiti fund and the accounts in the house. On one occasion while waiting for Sufia in her room I saw a woman deposit money with him for her samiti account. Shahjahan works from time to time also as a mahaian of Indian pearls. I do not know how much Shahjahan earns or what is his contribution to the family expenditure. But from my discussions with various informants I could gather that Sufia keeps her own money and spends most of it for the family. She told me that sometimes she gives her earnings to her husband and takes it from him whenever she needs it. But most of the time she keeps the money. Shahed, on the other hand, told me that Sufia keeps her own money and whenever Shahjahan needs any money he asks her for it. He added that his mother gives money for groceries every day and decides what are the things to be purchased from the market. He told me also that on the occasion of Eid that year, his mother spent more than Tk.3500.00 to buy clothes for the children. While their mother pays for the schooling, their father buys the yearly stock of stationery for them. Sufia has bank accounts and deposits money in the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 188 samiti. Her children are also members of the samiti. Sufia, however, sometimes borrows money from the samiti. But from her lifestyle and the account of the family expenditure I formed the impression that she earns more than she told me about. Sufia informed me that decisions on family matters are taken by husband and wife jointly. She consults her mother- in-law on important matters. Jasmin observed that Sufia is respectful of her mother-in-law. Every day before leaving for Dhaka she would tell her mother-in-law. If the older woman asks her not to go to Dhaka, she would not go. The account of the lifeways indicate that the household of Sufia is well organiized, children well brought up and the husband has a good source of income. She takes care of the family and the couple are keen on their children having good education. Bibi, on the other hand, always worries about her third son. She has no bank account and has incurred debt on account of him. Her household lacks most of the amenities Sufia's house has. Her children are not well-educated. Her husband does not earn much as a locksmith. He sometimes makes small contributions to the family. On one occasion his youngest son told me that his father paid his doctor's bill. In Bibi's family I noticed that most of the time her husband does what she asks him to do. An elderly man, he fetched tea for us whenever we visited them. Her sons could

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 189 not: be found for an errand. One thing I have noticed is that despite the pearl- women's being the main providers of the family, the position of household head belongs to the husband. Both men and women take it as natural that men should be regarded as household head. Except in a couple of instances where widows head their families, the husbands are the household heads. In the next section I introduce Huda, a rich pearl trader with whom I discussed issues such as female employment, the origin of the Bedey, the arrival of the Shandar in Rupsa, and purdah.

The Story of Huda One of the Shandar men who was helpful in my fieldwork in Rupsa is Huda. A middle-aged man of medium height (about 5*6") and light build he has a pleasant personality and is easily accessible. He is a wealthy pearl merchant with considerable influence in the village. He is also a member of the oanchavet. The only son of his parents, he inherited the entire paternal property. Although one of the richest men in the village, he has no pretensions about him. He is gentle and courteous in his behavior toward others. While in the village he is usually clad in a aenii (vest) or a shirt and a lunoi (a piece of cloth tied around the waist going down to the ankle). Only when he visits the city does he change into a shirt and a pair of trousers. He has

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 190 always been hospitable to me and whenever Bindu (my female assistant) and I visited his house we were offered tea and snacks. As an experienced, respectable and intelligent member of the community Huda was in a position to furnish me with information about the Shandar views on the origin of the Bedey and the Shandar social structure as well as on pearl and the pearl trade. Moreover, our interviews with him gave me an opportunity to get a glimpse of his own views on topics such as women working outside the home for an income, purdah. education of children and the environment of the village. The residence of Huda is located on the north-east corner of the village and is enclosed by a fence. Within the compound the houses are arranged around a bare-looking courtyard. Huda lives in an one-storeyed brick building on the southern side of the compound. There are two more structures built on the eastern and western sides of the courtyard. The one on the eastern side is a cottage built with earthen foundation, plaited-bamboo walls and tin roofs and is partitioned into two rooms. One of the rooms is occupied by his mother and a widowed sister. In the other room lives the family of the sister of Huda's wife. Next to the cottage there is the area where a tubewell has been installed for the use of the people living within the enclosure. Facing the cottage is the kitchen. Beyond this

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 191 place is the latrine. Although the tubewell is enclosed by some sort of a curtain perhaps to be used as a bathing place, I saw his wife return from the river which flows by the back of the house after talking a dip there. On the western side of the courtyard is a large tin-shade that houses machinery from his ice-cream factory that was no longer working when we saw it. During our last visit to Huda's house we noticed that this place has been converted into a room for the use of the members of his family. The front room of Huda's building that serves both as a bedroom and a living room, is stacked on one side with an array of electronics, e.g., a large color television, a big cassette-cum-transistor, a couple of showcases with beautiful decorative pieces that include toys, dolls and figures made of shells, crockeries and imported glassware. In the corner stands an elegantly carved wooden wardrobe that is divided into two sections; the upper section has glass panels while the lower panels are made of wood. On the opposite side is a king-size bed where we often found him busy making items of pearl jewelry. Along the western wall there stand three or four chairs for visitors. It is worth noting that the articles mentioned are the standard ones found in a fairly well-to-do Shandar house. They may vary in quality or price but on an average these seem to be the popular items collected by Shandars in order to display their newly-acquired wealth. The other interesting thing is

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 192 that I noticed almost identical items of furniture and electronics in middle class non-Bedey households in Kaliganj where they are displayed in the bedroom that serves as a sitting room for visitors as well. In these areas the bedroom is often the best room in the house and hence close relatives and female visitors are usually entertained there while unrelated men are received in an outer room. He were mostly ushered into the bedroom and there we talked with the women or the heads of the household. Only on two occasions we were received by the masters of the house in an outer room that serves as a sitting room. On both these occasions we went to talk to the men. Huda has a son and a daughter from his first wife from whom he is separated. Both the children are married. The daughter lives in a separate household with her husband while the young son and his wife live with the father. Huda has three daughters from his second marriage. Beside his widowed sister he has two other married sisters who live in their own households. His mother and his widowed sister maintain a separate household within his compound. So does the family of his wife's sister. I do not know how this family ended up in Huda's household. However, I do know that the husband of his wife's sister went to Iraq to work for the Honda Co. for two years. There is a possibility that he left his family in Huda's charge. And on his return he continued to live here. At present he earns his living

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 193 by selling pearls in the houses of foreigners. He does not allow his wife to sell pearls because he thinks it would lower his prestige before his friends. Although there are three distinct households, all of them live under the aegis of Huda who is regarded as the head of that small family circle. Huda is a regular supplier of pearls and pearl jewelry to one of the popular handicraft shops, Aarong (lit. warehouse, entrepot) that has branches in Dhaka, Chittagong and other cities of Bangladesh. An expert craftsman, he creates with his own hands different items of jewelry e.g., necklaces, anklets, bracelets, bangles and earrings, and supplies them to Aarong. He told me that he supplies yearly goods worth Tk.2,000,000.00 and earns 15% profit which comes to Tk.300,000.00 per year. Sometimes his wife helps him with his work. On a couple of occasions we saw him sit in consultation with other equally skillful senior pearl traders and plan and experiment with various designs for the jewelry. He produces exquisite items that attract the fancy of a customer. Whenever we praised him for his handiwork, he looked happy and satisfied. Huda explains to us that the pearl trade was his ancestral occupation. His grandmother was engaged in selling. His mother still is. Two of his sisters and his own daughter are engaged in the same occupation. Although Huda does not want his mother to work any more, she refuses

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 194 to listen to him. She tells us that she has no intention of begging her son for spending money. Earning an income gives her money as well as independence. His widowed sister also works as a pear1-woman. One of his married sisters, who lives in a separate household with her family,is a pearl-woman too and earns a substantial income. She states that her husband, who is a good income earner, tried to dissuade her from working, but without any success. She refused to comply with his wish. She reasons that earning gives her extra money for spending. She is given to niceties and needs that extra income. The other sister is married to a big mahaian. who is a man of wealth and position. She used to be a pearl-woman, but with the improvement of their financial situation she gave up selling pearls. Her husband does not want her to work as a pearl-woman. I was told by her husband's younger brother that it would lower his brother's prestige if his wife is found selling pearls. Huda's daughter works as a pearl-woman because her husband, who is a budding mahaian. wants her to do so. She often accompanies her married aunt to Dhaka as a partner. But neither Huda's wife nor his daughter-in-law work as pearl-women. He explicitly tells us that his wife sometimes expresses her desire to work as a pearl-woman. However, she cannot do it because he does not approve of it. Although his son sometimes works as a minor mahaian. he cannot ask

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 195 his wife to sell pearls, because he is still living in his father's house. From the pattern of female participation in pearl selling that follows from above it appears that Shandar women mostly comply with the wishes of their husbands and stop working when their husbands could afford to keep them at home. But at the same time, there are instances where women continue to work even though their income is not vital to the family. Older women continue to work to keep their independence and younger women, to have their own spending money. I was told that a woman takes up the profession at the adesh or order of the husband (Huda's daughter, for example). It also shows that Huda could control only the women who are under his direct control, i.e., his wife and his daughter-in-law. In Bangladesh, women are expected to take care of home and children and men are to earn and provide for the family. This gives authority to men to dominate over the household. In families where men are the sole income-earners, women usually take decisions on matters of acquisition and perparation of food, household affairs and minor family matters. On important family matters they are usually consulted by their husbands, but the final decision is taken by the latter. I found the reflection of the same phenomenon in the Shandar community of Rupsa which could be interpreted as the result of the interactions between the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 196 Shandar and non-shandar of the area. I want to mention here that unlike other non-earning wives in the village who are dominated by husbands in family matters, Huda's wife is handicapped by no such disadvantage. Her neighbors comment that as a second wife she has influence over the household affairs. Second wives in a Bengali household are thought to enjoy a pampered position. The neighbors insinuate that her husband's wealth and position have given her airs. Perhaps her sole authority in the family uncramped by any interference from a mother-in-law helped Huda's wife in developing her assertive nature. Moreover her husband's position in the society adds to her status. This is not a unique feature. It has been noticed in other societies as well that the position of the family is often one of the determinants of a woman's status (Oavis 1980). Despite Huda's affirmation of his authority in the family I have noticed his wife speaks to him in a forceful voice, while he speaks to her in a tone that has a touch of indulgence in it. There might be some truth in the neighbors' observations after all. Huda remarks that although his wife wants to sell pearls he does not allow her to do so. But I have met his wife and she did not appear to be unhappy about it. In fact, not having to earn an income could be advantageous to her on several counts. First of all, she does not have to spend the whole day in the city moving from

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 197 house to house to sell pearls and return home in the evening totally exhausted. She can stay at home and enjoy all the amenities her husband has provided her with. Her movement is not confined within the compound of her household. She often visits neighbors and relatives who live in nearby houses. Besides it gives her time to take care of home and children. In contrast to a pearl-woman, who spends most of her time outside the home, Huda's wife can spend more time with her husband and children. But most of all it gives her status and prestige as the wife of a rich man who does not need to earn a living. Huda is a literate person who read up to the 7th grade. He tells us that his father attended a primary school when their fleet of boats was anchored near a village. But as the Bedey fleet did not stay in one place for long, his grandfather moved along with others and that was the end of his father's education. Huda could pursue his education as the result of sedentarization of the group. He comments that the Bedey ways of drifting from one place to another deprived the members of his community of having proper formal education. They, of course, learnt by word of mouth passed from generation to generation how to keep account of the loss and profit in their trade. Still lack of a formal education, in Huda's words, left them in a state of ignorance and illiteracy. Moreover, he observes that they were not aware of the worth of proper education. They had

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 198 no concept of what "education" means. They led a leisurely life. Men collected pearls from oysters and women sold glass bangles. In his opinion people of his community were easy-going in the past. If they "did gaon" (rounds of the village) for one day, they would live off it for the next seven days. They would pass their time in merrymaking. I was told by other informants too, that the Bedey used to sing and play dhol (drum) on their return to the boat in the evening after a day's work. Their contact with the settled community made them realize that while the villagers were receiving formal education at the school they remained illiterate. This as Huda puts it, "opened their eyes." They looked into the paribesh (environment) of their own society and started sending their children to school. This, however, was possible when they gradually settled down on land and could take advantage of the facilities the school offered. Huda is in favor of educating children "for their own future." He believes that education gives a man choices in life; he can either seek an employment or engage in business. It is noticeable that whenever he talked about the career of a Shandar he referred to men only. From his often-made remarks that women should stay at home I surmise that he is not in favor of women working outside the home. When asked if after receiving education a Shandar would desire to be like a member of the other community, he

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 199 replied that a majority of the youngsters want to leave their ancestral occupation and go for an employment even in foreign countries. In fact, his own son wanted to go to the Middle East. He, however, was able to stop him from going there. He wants his son to work with him in his pearl business. He further observes that while sons are interested in adopting professions other than their own, the parents think that they should engage in a profitable trade, whether traditional or otherwise. As for himself Huda is satisfied with his own occupation because that is what he understands most. Huda laments that the social environment of Rupsa is not conducive for a child's education. Friends and relatives are dropping in at odd hours and that disturbs a student from minding his lessons. He complains that his son was going astray in bad company. Now he has straightened out, got married and joined the father's business. He occasionally makes a deal or two on his own which the father encourages. While Huda has liberal views on education, he has reservations on women working outside home for an income. The women of his own household are not allowed to sell pearls. To my question as to how Bedey women in the former days were allowed to peddle glass bangles in villages, his reply is that things were different then. Now contact with the larger society and exposure to the life style of the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 200 non-Bedey villagers have made them desire "to be like them." In other words, the influence of the other society had impact on the Shandar life. And following the model of the larger Muslim society he has withdrawn the women he could control (his wife and his daughter-in-law) from the labor force. He wants them to stay at home and observe purdah. He believes that as Muslim women they ought to observe purdah and should not be seen by outsiders. The other reason forwarded for not letting his wife work is that he does not like to live off his wife's earnings. Islamic ideology and male chauvinism led him not to let women of his household work. Beside, as a man of ample resources he can afford to maintain the family with his own income alone. It is interesting to note that while Huda wants his children to be educated, he does not wish the daughters to engage in pearl selling (although he has no control over a married daughter) but rather stay at home. In the pearl- women's family the tendency is to educate daughters for better and more prestigious occupations, such as medicine. Huda expects his son to continue with the family business. But the pear1-women and their husbands (for example, Sufia and Shahjahan) want their sons to take up employment and not sell pearls. It appears to me that in affluent families like Huda's, that already enjoy status and prestige, the father wants the son to take over family business from him, while in the average families parents want children to

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 201 engage in occupations that would bring status and prestige (employment in government service) and money (working in the Middle East) for the family. In Huda's family things needed for the household are bought by both the husband and wife in consultation with each other. He hands over the money for the family expenditure to his wife who spends it in accordance with the needs of the family members. The daily grocery shopping is done by his son, while Huda buys the fortnightly supply of rice, lentils etc. in bulk. He remarks that although his wife is free to spend as she pleases, yet for something expensive she would request him to get it for her. He usually obliges. Huda takes pride in telling the history of his ancestors. On the basis of similarities between their language, Thar, and Arabic he claims an Arab ancestry for the Shandar. He tells us that there is no ootra (clan) system in Arabia. It is only in the sub-continent, in India Pakistan and Bangladesh, that such a system prevails. I think, by ootra he means "class." But I dared not correct him lest he interpret it as my insolence. I certainly had no desire to antagonize him by making him look like a fool or an ignorant person. Huda has conservative ideas about the place of women in society. He thinks that a woman's place is in the home where she should take care of the household and look after

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 202 her husband and the children. He believes that as a Muslim it is his duty to follow the religious tenets and keep his womenfolk in purdah. But his views on the urs and bheura. the two semi-religious rituals that are celebrated in Rupsa are interesting. Huda celebrates urs in the name of saint Fazlul Huq on behalf of his deceased father. In fact, he is very much respected for arranging the festival which the villagers of Rupsa look forward to. Huda spends thousands of taka on that occasion. The tomb of his father is decorated, religious songs are sung by folk artistes, a buffalo is slaughtered for the feast to which the entire village is invited. But he confides to us that personally he does not believe in the decorating of the tomb or arranging the musical session. Still he goes along because his fellow-villagers expect him to do so. He remarks that it is out of respect for his father and to make the villagers of Rupsa happy that he celebrates the urs every year. As to the bheura he remarks that this festival has no mention in Islam. Yet it is celebrated in their village and devotees, mostly women, participate in it. He does not believe in it. Yet as it is a local festival he takes interest in it. It occurs to me that perhaps this is his way of saying that basically he is a man of modern ideas who does not believe in rural rituals. The above observations point to his deep fellow- feeling. In order to keep others happy he makes himself do

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 203 something that he has no faith in. He honors the expectations of his friends and relatives for whom the urs is as important as the Eid. Beside, as a member of the panchavet. he attends its session which are occasionally held in his house. We noticed his concern for relatives when they were in distress. When one of his elderly uncles suddenly had a heart attack Huda with the help of others took him to the Suhrawardy Cardiovascular Hospital in Dhaka and stayed overnight with him. For the next few days he was busy with the arrangements of his ailing uncle's treatments. We often come across Huda in the house of the pearl- women who are my informants. Since they are related to him by marriage or blood, he drops him for a casual chat and often joins us in discussions. A man of status, he is well respected and is always welcome in the houses of his neighbors. Huda always maintains a friendly attitude toward us. But he has a way of avoiding an unpleasant situation without making anyone unhappy. I make this observation in the context of an event that concerns us. At the beginning of my fieldwork when I was hunting for an accommodation we requested him to help us find one. He promised to arrange an accommodation for us but never came up with one. I think that either for some reason or the other he did not want us in the village or he genuinely could not find a place suitable for us. I would opt for the second possibility

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 204 because I was told by Huda himself that prior to my visit to Rupsa a male researcher came and stayed in his house. So I see no reason why should he object to the presence of another researcher there unless he has something against me as a woman. One of the pear1-women commented that he is a rich man; why should he bother about others. If we overlook this incident that delayed my fieldwork to some extent, I must admit that Huda is an intelligent and competent person who co-operated with me and on several occasions gave me useful information about the Shanadar community.

Summary The accounts of the pearl-women and the pearl trader show us the differences between their lifestyles as well as their views toward life. Especially the role they play as income-earners for the family is interesting. In most of the families where the husband is the sole income earner, the wife takes decisions mainly regarding acqusition and distribution of food. In Huda's family he takes the major decisions, albeit in consultation with his wife, but in the pearl-women's households the decisions are taken jointly by husband and wife. In one-income families where the husband is the sole earner the authority lies with the husband. He might indulge his wife and hand over to her the money for household expenses to be spent as she pleases but the real power lies with him. She cannot go against his wish. In the double-income families where both husband and

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 205 wife are engaged in earning an income, women have greater authority and more say in family decision-making process. In this context I refer to Shukla (1987) who found that husbands in "single-career families" had greater power than the husbands in "dual-career families." She pointed out also that wives in "dual-career families" had greater power than wives in "single-career families." Moreover, I found that the pearl-women have control over their own income which they spend according to their own decisions. In several cases they make decisions about pursuing an occupation and sometimes may decide against the wishes of the male household heads. I believe that the examples of these three families would help in understanding the position of women in the Shandar village of Rupsa.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHASTER VI THE TRADE NETWORK AND THE PEARL-WOMAN

The purpose of this chapter is to determine the nature of the pearl trade and its importance in the life of a pearl-woman. The chapter is divided into two sections: in Section I, I give a brief historical account of the pearl trade in India in order to emphasize its importance in socio-economic context. In Section II, I focus on the pearl trade in present-day Bangladesh and the involvement of the pearl-women in it. It is necessary that we have a concept of the pearl-woman's role in the trade network, her relationship with the mahaian (stockist, supplier) as well as the clients, and the strategies she employs in the face of competition from other pearl-women. In her struggle for survival a non-literate woman from the lowest strata of the society shows remarkable acumen for business that deserves taking notice of.

A Brief History of India's External Trade Literature both from India and elsewhere reveals that in ancient times India had a flourishing trade with east and west. Its trade routes, ports and maritime trade had been mentioned in the Arthashastra (a 4th century B.C. text on

206

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 207 polity by Kautilya, the minister of Chandragupta Maurya), in early Tamil poems and in Pali texts. The Tamil poem Silappadiaaram ("The Jeweled Anklet"), traditionally believed to have been composed by Karikalan, a Chola king of the 1st or 2nd century, gives the name of Kaviripattinam, the chief port of the Tamil land (Basham 1963:471). Basham, however, believes that it was written centuries later (Basham 1963: 471-472). Pali texts, such as Questions of Milinda. probably of the 1st century and a story of the 6th/7th century mention Indian merchants sailing to Alexandria, Burma, Malaya or China (Basham 1963:229). The Periolus of the Erythraean Sea written at the end of the 1st century A.D. by an anonymous Greek writer and Ptolemy's Geography of the following century, indicate that much of India's maritime trade was carried out through the southern ports (Majumdar et al.1978:202; Basham 1963:230). Historians believe that there was a trade relation between India and Persia prior to the 7th century B.C., especially because the trade with Babylon was largely via the Persian Gulf (Rapson 1955). The main articles of export were gold, gems, silk, ivory and ivory goods. The chief ports were Muisiri, Korkai and Kaveripattinam in the south, while on the west coast Bharukaccha (modern Broach), Supara and Patala were important ones. Korkai on the Tamraparni River was the chief port for the pearl trade.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 208 Ancient Indian literature reveals that by the time of Buddha (6th century B.C.) India had commercial links with Burma, Malaya and islands of Indonesia. Its trade with the West was also advanced. Basham informs us that Indian luxury goods were in great demand in the Roman Empire (Basham 1963:228). Caravans carried goods from Benares, the chief industrial and commercial centre in early Buddhist days, westward to the sea ports of Bharukaccha (Broach), Sovira (the Sophir) and its capital Roruva or Romka. "Westward of these ports there was traffic with Babylon or Bavaru" (Rapson 1955:189). India's commercial relations with Persia existed as early as the times of Darius Hystaspes. Historians argue that the Arthashastra and the Greek Literature prove that in the 4th century B.C. India had advanced in material wealth and had extensive trade relations with foreign countries. The Arthashastra recorded that trade with the south was of greater importance because of gold, diamonds, pearls and other gems and conch shells that the south produced. Smith informs us that the "goods most sought by the foreign visitors were pearls from the fisheries of the Tamraparni river in Tinnevelly," beryls, corundum, gems of various kinds from Ceylon, and pepper and spices (Smith 1981:160), among other things. Rapson gives us similar information about trade during the Maurya rule (4th century B.C. to 2nd century B.C.) that

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 209 gold, silver, "jewels including pearls from Southern India, Ceylon and beyond the sea" (Rapson 1955:431), muslins, silks etc. comprised the commodities exported from India. The ancient sculptures show that jewels, gold and pearls were in demand in the domestic market too. Indian women were fond of wearing jewelry. Earrings, bangles, anklets, ornate necklaces, and wide girdles of "linked gold with hanging ropes of pearls" (Basham 1963:214) were worn by them. The maritime adventure of the Tamils in the 2nd century B.C. led them to South East Asia and in the 1st century A.D. they were in close contact with Egypt and the Roman Empire. Indian kings sent embassies to the Caesars. Historians believe the earliest mission was sent by the Pandyan king of Madura in South India, who was received by Augustus at Athens in 20 B.C. (Basham 1963:231; Majumdar et al. 1978:203; Smith 1981:160:). Smith (1981) mentions that a trade relation existed between India and the Roman Empire during the rule of the Kushana kings. This is corroborated by the fact that the copy of the head of either Augustus, Tiberius, or Claudius was found on some of the coins of the Kushana kings. He further states that the overland trade with West Asia from remote times was conducted through Persia, Mesopotamia and Asia Minor and when the trans-Asian routes were blocked by the Parthian rivalry the traffic was diverted to the west coast sea ports of India (Smith 1981:159-160).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 210 The sea route across the Indian Ocean from the Red Sea wsa occasionally used in the pre-Christian era, but in the 1st century B.C. ships usually crossed the Indian Ocean taking advantage of the monsoon winds (Basham 1963:230). Before the time of the Guptas (320 to 550 A.D.) India had established commercial contact by sea with China. The Chinese imported spices, jewels, perfumes, and other luxury goods from India. In her trade with the West, India mostly took gold in exchange, although sherds of pottery and glassware from the West have been found at Arikamedu, near Pondicherry (Basham 1963:230). India bought silk, fine cloth and porcelain from China and pottery from the Muslim World "numerous sherds of which have been found" in South India and Ceylon (Basham 1963:233). The most detailed account of this trade belongs to the first century A.D. Towards the later part of this century a Greek sailor, living in Egypt undertook a voyage to India and recorded his experiences in a book called The Periolus of the Erythraean Sea. This book gives a detailed account of the active trade between India and the western countries. It not only mentions important harbors on the coast such as, Barbarike, Barygaza, Muziriss, Nelayud, Bakarai, Korkai and Puhar, but also informs us that ships built by the Indians arrived with merchandise that consisted, among other things, of pearls (Majumdar et al. 1978:202-203). One is inclined to conclude that along with precious stones, spices and

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 211 muslins, pearls too were "in great demand in western countries" (Majumdar et al. 1978:203)). Moreland in his discussion about the population of Vijayanagar in South India during the 13th-16th centuries remarks that "the pearl fishery at Manar [sic] attracted a crowd of estimated at 60,000" and he finds that the description of Paes, the Portugese traveller who came to India in around 1500 A.D. still fits in the year 1597 (Moreland 1962:10). This shows that pearl fishing was taken as a livelihood by a large number of inhabitants of the Mannar area in Vijayanagar indicating the importance of pearl in the economy of the land. In fact, pearl was one of the most important exportable items in India's trade with the West. Abdur Razzak, who came to India from Persia in the 15th century and visited Vijayanagar, throws light on India's external trade and mentions pearl to be one of the principal items of export (Moreland 1962). Moreland informs us that regular trade relations existed between India and Persia. He makes an interesting observation regarding the pearl fisheries in the Gulf region. He states that the "pearl fisheries at Bahrain on the opposite side of the Gulf also found their market among the merchants visiting the place" (Moreland 1962:204). If we compare the preceding observations we are faced with contradictory accounts of the pearl trade. However, we

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 212 can come round the problem by assuming that, while in ancient India pearl was an exportable item, by the time of Akbar, the Mughal Emperor of India (1555-1606), the character of the trade changed - instead of exporting pearl, India imported it. Why this change? Moreland opines that the enterprise was "highly speculative." He observes, Pearls were of course greatly in demand among the upper classes, but Indian waters had nothing approaching to a monopoly of their production, as they were imported from various places, particularly from the Persian Gulf, and the income derived from the enterprise, while it was important to the men engaged, cannot have been sufficient to make a material difference to the population of the whole country (Moreland 1962:136). Maddison (1971) notes that in Mughal India the ruling class had an extravagant lifestyle, with a great demand for luxury goods such as "high quality cotton textiles, silks, jewellery, decorative swords and weapons" (Maddison 1971:15) which were produced in handicraft industries that grew up in urban areas, often under royal patronage. At present India's pearl trade is mostly concentrated in South India. Hyderabad in Andhra Pradesh is known as India's pearl capital. Although the supply of local pearl diminished, the demand for it in the domestic market did not. Lawrence (1992) observes that despite its being a landlocked state, Hyderabad became a pearl center when Muslims conquered India. After the death of Aurangzeb in 1707, when the disintegration of the Mughal Empire was imminent, the Nizam-ul-Mulk, a high official, installed

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 213 himself as the autonomous ruler of Hyderabad (Maddison 1971). Lawrence quotes one of the pearl dealers of Hyderabad who commented that the Muslims have been the traditional market for pearls” (Lawrence 1992:6). The trade depends largely on imported pearls from Basra, China and Japan that include both natural and cultured pearls of different quality, size, shape and hue. The topic of India's trade relations with other countries has been touched upon in order to establish the fact that pearl had been one of the items that featured in India's trade relation with foreign countries in ancient and medieval India. Even now the popularity and demand for pearl play a large role in India's domestic commerce. With the above account of India's flourishing trade in the past, especially in South India, I move to the topic of pearl fishery in Bengal which is relevant to my present study of the pearl trade in Bangladesh. During British rule in India, district magistrates prepared reports of topographical survey of the areas under their jurisdiction that included the land, the people, their customs, and occupations as well as principal commodities of trade and commerce. In the District Gazetteer of Mymensingh (in Bengal), Sachse comments on the sudden importance of pearl fishery in the area of Astagram on account of the find of a pearl for which the fisherman was paid Rs. 200 on the spot by a dealer. A Dacca merchant paid Rs. 800 a few days later and it is said that the same pearl has since been sold in

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 214 Calcutta for Rs. 22,000. Mussels are collected by fishermen along the banks of the rivers especially in Bil Mashka, and anyone who likes may search 100 for 4 annas. Most of the pearls are of a rather dark pink colour (Sachse 1917:81). Sachse's observation brings out several relevant points: i) That pearl fishery was popular in Bengal. ii) That the highly-priced gem fetched a negligible price for the fishermen who collected it. He was given a paltry price for his find while it was sold for a price 110 times higher than what he received. iii) That at the collectors' level, pearls could be obtained cheaply, 100 for 4 annas. (An anna was l/16th of a rupee, the monetary unit of British India). iv) That the pearls were of high quality. v) That pink pearls, the most coveted and highly expensive pearls in present Bangladesh, were available on the banks of her rivers. vi) The quality of the pearl and the demand for it merited mention in the District Gazetteer. It is evident that by that time, people on the banks of the rivers especially, took interest in the search for pearls. Taylor (1840) and Wise (1883) mention that the Bedey moving around the country in boats collected pearls from fresh water mussels (shell fish; oysters), which they sold to the local people. The pearl trade as it is now in

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 215 Bangladesh and the trade network and women's involvement is discussed in the next section.

What is a Pearl? Before going into the different aspects of the pearl trade it is appropriate to add a brief note on pearl and its uses in the Bengali society. I talked and interviewed Shandars, city jewelers and a scientist who has been researching more than 25 years on the cultivation of pearls in ponds. We discussed the formation of natural freshwater pearls in mussels - a kind of bivalve mollusk, and the creation of cultured pearls. I shall here talk mainly about the natural pearl. Begum et al. observe that a "natural pearl grows when a foreign particle settles into the visceral tissues of bivalve mollusc [sic] and is being subsequently covered with its nacre" (Begum et al. 1990:223). M. Ahmed, the scientist, gave similar information when I interviewed him. He told me that whenever a foreign particle enters the soft inner fleshy part of the mussel, it creates an irritation in it. In order to heal that irritation created by the foreign body (the nucleus), the epithelial cells or the lining of the shell gives out a secretion called nacre, that coats the foreign particle in layers. Gradually it hardens and together with the foreign particle forms a lustrous shiny gem, the pearl. He further informed me that the mussel that lies half-opened in the river bed, closes abruptly when

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 216 attacked by some underwater creature. As a result of this jerk tiny shell particles drop on the mussel and form the nucleus. One of the Shandar men told me that pearls are formed when "at some stage sand grains enter the oysters and create the nucleus." The cultured pearl is also formed in a similar way. The only difference is that the foreign body is inserted into the mussel artificially from outside "along with mantle graft" (Begum et al. 1990:223). Mantle is the outer fold of the skin of a mollusk's viscera. The mantle piece taken from another healthy mature mussel is inserted into a mollusk. It is put into the wound already created by an incision. The nucleus is placed near the mantle graft (Begum 1990: 224). One of my Shandar male informants told me that pearls are formed naturally and insisted that no pearl can be produced by "injection" (by insemination). Pearl is primarily used in making various kinds of jewelry. Some of the Shandar men stated that it is used also for making medicines. The shell of the mussel was previously in demand in button factories. But as plastic and nylon buttons are replacing shell buttons, shells are no longer in demand in the button industry. However, I have seen in the city shops and boutiques beautiful decorative pieces made from shells and the mother-of-pearl (the inside portion of a shell). Shells are used also in making lime. The bulk of the shells are sold to poultry farms as poultry

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 217 feed. The same happens to the mussels which Hasud Ahmed describes as tasty edible things which are supplied to big hotels like Hotel Sheraton in Dhaka. My Shandar informant, however, told me that they do not eat the mussel which is used as poultry feed. Several Shandars remarked that pearl collection is their traditional occupation. And that is how the early settlers became rich. But presently most of the pearl traders do not engage in pearl collecting. One Shandar man observed that the work is like the work of a "sweeper" (person employed to clean dirt and filth) because it requires one to handle dirt, mud and the peta. the raw flesh of the mussel. They employ poorer Shandars who dive, collect and sell pearls to the mahaian or stockist.

The Trade Network The trade network involving the divers, the mahaian. the pearl sellers - both men and women, and the customers controls the bulk of the pearl business in the country. The demand for pearl in Bangladesh is not a new phenomenon. For a long time it has always been in great demand among the well-to-do class of the sub-continent. What is striking is its widespread popularity among the middle-class women. While in the past it was usually the privilege of a rich woman to wear a string of expensive pearls round her neck, now a Bangladeshi woman of a middle-class household too can afford to have jewelry made of pearls. This has been made

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 218 possible by a group of women who bring pearls literally to her doorstep offering to sell them at an affordable price. As price depends on the quality of the pearls, these women keep pearls of different qualities to suit the pocket of their clients. Since 1971, after the liberation of Bangladesh from Pakistani rule, there appeared in the city of Dhaka a group of women pearl sellers who became known as the muktawali (pear1-women). These women entered the pearl market and became a link between the mahaian and the female clientele. A mahaian is a person who is a stockist of the merchandise and supplies the women with pearls either on credit or on cash payment. Most mahaians are from the non-Bedey community. There are, however, some Shandar Bedey who work as mahaians. By clientele I refer to the middle- and upper- class women who are almost regular customers of the pearl- women. From informal talks and discussions with both Shandar men and women we learnt about the mechanism of the trade, the interactions between the pear1-women with the mahaian and the clientle, their obligations to both, as well as the hardship and problems they face in pursuit of their occupation. In the following pages I sketch different aspects of the trade organization and its impact on the life of a pear1-woman.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 219 The Divers The diving process for the collection of pearls from the rivers of Bangladesh involves several factors. Shandar men and women informed me that the pearl collection season is from Aswin (the sixth month of Bengali calender - from the middle of September to the middle of October) to Chaitra (the last month of Bengali calendar - from the middle of March to the middle of April). Rahman (1990) mentions the season for pearl collection as from November to April. One Shandar pearl trader observed that pearl is collected from mid-October to mid-July. I had been told that rich Shandars lend advances to the prospective divers working for them in the diving season in order to enable them to meet the necessary expenditure of their families during the season and before the process begins. The food expenses and other expenditures during the working period are met by the divers from the advance received from the employer. They leave in a group for the location where pearl is expected to be found and return to the village with the haul when the mission is accomplished and get paid by the mahaian. The pearls are handed over to the latter who in turn sells them to the merchants. The divers or collectors may work individually or in work-groups. When working individually, they keep their own collections, but if they are working in a work-group they divide the collection among themselves. The Shandar

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 220 mentioned that other collectors, especially children and women, often gather mussels from the banks of rivers on their own and slash them in search of pearls. This sort of search does not yield large-sized pearls nor is every mussel endowed with a pearl. Usually grain-like pearls, locally known as ihur. abound in an ordinary mussel. Whenever a large pearl is found, which, as a Shandar pearl trader remarked, can be one in a thousand, it is sold to the pearl merchants for a high price. The divers of Rupsa collect mussels mostly from the Balu and the Lakhya. Sometimes they go to distant areas in search of oysters. After collecting the mussels the Shandar split them open and scoop out the mussel which they keep in a water-filled vessel. Later, they extract pearls from the mussel or peta as they are locally known, by squeezing them in the water. After washing them they keep the pearls in different phials. It is because it needs handling of raw peta and shells which are smelly that most of the Shandar pearl traders regard extracting pearls from mussels as a dirty job and do not participate in it themselves. The occupation is often looked down upon. Several pear1-women told me that they do not collect pearls, they sell pearls. It is poor men and women who collect pearls in cold water in a winter morning. None of my sample pear1-women is married to a diver or pearl collector.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 221 The methods of employment and payment of advance to the divers and the process followed by them in collecting pearls resemble the processes involved in the pearl trade in the Persian Gulf region where the "official pearl diving season, known as the Ghaus, lasts approximately from 15th of May to 15th of September" (Dickson 1959:484). Dickson refers to salaf or "the borrowed sum" which is advanced by the naukhuda or "captain of a pearling boat" to the diver. He observes, As the diver is a poor man and must give his family something to live on during his absence the naukhuda now advances him a sum of about Rs.35, called salaf. or "the borrowed sum'. The law of the land compels the naukhuda to make this advance, and each year the amount of the salaf is fixed by the shaikh. On return from the dive four months later, whether the catch has been good or bad, the crew must be given a second payment called tisaam. This sum, like the first, is intended to enable a man to maintain wife and family during the coming months (Dickson 1959:486). In Bangladesh, however, it is the local rich man or the employer who makes the advance payment to the divers and also there is no "law of the land” compelling him to do so. It appears to be a mutual or conventional agreement between the two parties. But the similarity between the modes of the operation in Bangladesh and the Gulf regions is remarkable. It points to a possible historical link between the traders that led them to follow almost identical procedures in pearl collecting. It is difficult to give an idea of how much money the diver makes. It is, however, understood that they do not

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 222 come up with a bagful of pearls every time they dive for it. As one of the important pearl traders remarked pearls are rare things. If one is lucky one can come up with several oysters containing pearls, and again it may so happen that even after splitting open 1000 oysters they would fail to get one good pearl. Rahman (1990) gives an idea of the price at which the divers sell pearls to the village mahaian. The price may vary from Tk. 200.00 to Tk. 10,000.00 a bhari or more depending on the quality of the merchandise. A bhari is a unit weight equal to 180 grams. Rahman's discussion shows that the mahaians buy pearls from the divers at a cheaper rate and then sell them to a bigger mahaian from the city or to jewelers at a higher price. For example, if the mahaians pay the divers Tk. 200.00 a bhari he would sell it for Tk. 300.00 a bhari: if he pays him Tk. 1200.00 a bhari he would sell them to the jewlers for Tk. 1400.00 a bhari and so on. During my fieldwork some of the Shandar pearl sellers complained that they do not get proper price for their goods. It is the mahaians who make profit on their labor.

The Mahajan As pointed out above, both Shandar men and women are involved in the pearl trade. Shandar men, who are excellent divers, gather pearls from mussels scooped up from the river-bed and sell them to local as well as to city mahaians who used to come to the village in order to buy pearls from

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 223 -them. Some of the senior Shandars reminisced about the pearl trade in the past when mahaians from India and Pakistan used to visit Dhaka with the purpose of buying pearls. They expressed regrets that owing to their ignorance of the pearl business, they handed over their catch to the local merchants who supplied the foreigners with pearls and made profit at their (the Shandars') expense. Later, when they were able to establish contacts with the foreign mahaians. the local merchants intervened and put a stop to the visits by the foreign mahaians to Dhaka. Instead, they made an arrangement with them to visit their countries with supplies of pearls. Thus the Shandars were deprived of any profit they could have made from dealing with the foreign mahaians directly. Now they sell pearls to the local or the mahaians of Tantibazar, a section of old Dhaka where mahaians and jewelers have their shops. As a result, pearls worth Tk.2400.00 a bhari are sold for Tk.800.00 a bhari. It is the mahaian who fixes the rate.

The Method of Transaction

i) The S u p p Iv : We have found that there are four types of mahaians from whom the pearl sellers get their supplies: i) Shandar mahaians from Rupsa, ii) the city mahaians and iii) mahaians from Sylhet and Mymensingh, districts outside Dhaka known for good quality pearls, and iv) mahaians from India. The rarity of a sizable, good quality natural pearl

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 224 raises the question of the basis of the development of the trade in the country. If natural pearls are of limited supply then what is the core of the pearl trade? Interviews with jewelers and mahaians from the jewelry market of the city of Dhaka indicate that as good quality natural pearls are not abundant in supply the trade depends, to a large extent, on imported cultured pearls which are smuggled in from India. In Bangladesh cultured pearls and Basrai pearls - which, I was told by a poddar (jeweler), are natural pearls that are artificially enlarged with the help of chemicals - are more popular. Basrai is a derivative frome Basra, a place on the Persian Gulf, famous for pearls. He claimed that cultured pearls are smuggled into Bangladesh from Japan via a third country, hinting at India. One of the leading Shandar suppliers of pearls and pearl trinkets to city boutiques confirms the observation. According to him at present 1/16 of pearls are local and 15/16 come from outside. He, however, remarks that the Basrai and other pearls coming from outside too are natural pearls. The city jewelers hint at the popularity of foreign cultured pearls, because of their availability and relative cheapness in comparison with the natural pearls locally found. The pear1-women, on the other hand, insist that the pink pearls they sell are all local. The Indian merchants bring Basrai pearls along with jewelry made of semi-precious

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 225 stones, such as garnet, turquoise, simulated diamonds, locally known as A.D.(American Diamond) etc. and beads of different colors. Several pear1-women informed me that seed pearls are bought by Indian merchants in bulk. Later these are crushed and mixed with some chemicals and turned into white longish pearls. These are known as Basrai pearls. Because of their cheapness and easy availability they have gained popularity in Bangladesh. While good quality Basrai will sell at Tk.400.00 a bhari. good quality pink pearls will go easily for Tk.1500-2000 a bhari. The difference in price also depends on the fact that while pink pearls are natural pearls, the Basrai is manufactured. Natural pink pearls of good size and color are very expensive. We were informed that the price of a single large pink pearl could start from Tk.5000 and go up to Tk.20,000 to Tk.30,000 depending on its size, color and lustre. The pear1-women insist that while the foreign mahaian supply them with basrai and other stuffs, they get pink pearls from the Bangladeshi mahaians. But a pearl of good size and color is a rarity. Shandar men state that when such a pearl was found in the past, it was sold under a special arrangement. Interested mahaians would buy the pearl jointly. The procedure that was followed was interesting. Several of them would make a bid for it. The bidder and the seller would held each other's hand in the manner of a

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 226 handshake under the cover of a sheet. They would negotiate the price by counting the joints of the fingers, for example, one joint would indicate Tk.100, two, Tk.200, and so on. After the bidding was over the highest bidder would buy the pearl. Later, following the same method he would sell it to a bigger mahaian. The remarkable part of the whole procedure was that he had to share the profit he made with persons who were his co-bidders in the first place. The rationale of this custom was that it prevented one from getting the monopoly of the pearl. The pearl-women have the option of doing business with any of the types of mahaians mentioned earlier. They usually make use of all the sources. I was told by my informants that while for natural pink pearls they contact the Tantibazar mahaian. for Basrai and other items mentioned earlier they depend on the Indian mahaian and/or the local Shandar mahaian from Rupsa who often get their supplies from outside, either from different parts of the country, or from India directly or through the Indian mahaian. The pearl- women have regular mahaians who supply them with the merchandise and they usually buy or get their goods from them. But if the customer wants something that their regular mahaian cannot supply then they would go to other mahaians. Besides, they told me that there are different mahaians for different types of goods, such as pearls, stones and stone-set jewelry, and A.D.s.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 227

Fig.17. opposite A pearl-woman stringing pearls

Fig.18. below. Pearl jewelry made by a pearl-woman.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 228

Fig.19. A pearl-woman making jewelry with stones and beads.

Fig.20. Jewelry made of stones and beads.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 229 From our discussions with the pearl-women we could gather that the system followed was that the local village mahaian buys pearls from mahaians from different areas and later supplies the pearl-women with the same. There is another category of wealthy village mahaians who themselves visit India several times a year and get the supply of pearls and stones (smuggled in) from Bombay and other places in India. We noticed several young Shandars, who are mahaians of minor category, produce bunches of pearl strings from their bags and lend them to pearl-women. On one occasion we saw a pearl-woman receive pearls from one of the young Shandar, who informed her that her mother, another pearl-woman, was a candidate for the goods too. Most of the pearl-women confirmed my assumption that they usually get their supplies from the village mahaians. There is no female mahaian in the village. When we wanted to know why there was no female mahaian. one of the young Shandar men replied, "Women cannot get (a supply of) pearls." I was surprised by that answer because if a woman could get pearls as a pearl-woman what prevented her from getting it as a mahaian? It is not a question of the bigger mahaians not trusting them. They often procured the supply from mahaians on credit. What I think to be the reason that prevented a woman from becoming a mahaian is lack of capital that is needed in a pearl business. During our fieldwork,

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 230 however, we noticed that a woman might work on behalf of her husband and lend or sell pearls to a pearl-woman and receive payment from her. Although there is no female mahaian in Rupsa, I met one pearl-woman who lives in Dhaka and owns a shop in Gulshan Market which is managed by her husband. I met her when she came to the village to attend the wedding of one of her relatives. Beside the local (village and city) and foreign mahaians. mahaians from different parts of the country, e.g., Chittagong, the sea-port, and Mymensingh and Sylhet, both places known for good quality natural pearls, come to Dhaka with their merchandise. The well-to-do village mahaians too, visit those places for their stock of pearls. We were told by Abu's wife, who is a pearl-woman, that he spends 20 days out of 30 in Sylhet in connection with the business. Another wealthy Shandar, Huda, is a supplier of pearls and pearl goods to the city boutiques. He informed me that his yearly supply of goods to Aarong is worth Tk.2,000,000.00 and he makes a profit of 15 percent which comes to Tk.300,000.00 a year. Rahim, the eldest son of one of the senior pearl-women, is another big mahaian who visits India often in order to get his stock of pearls from there. There are some young men in Rupsa who work both as mahaians and artisans too. We saw Abu, who is a regular visitor to Sylhet bring out bunches of pearls and give them to junior

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 231 mahaians. for making pearl strings, earrings and other fancy things. Our conversations with the pearl-women revealed that beside the local and foreign mahaians. they do business with merchants from outside Dhaka too. While the mahaian may visit the village once a month in order to bring supplies and collect money due them, the pearl-woman herself might visit mahaians outside Dhaka and get her supply of pearls for two or three months. When the supply is exhausted, she returns to the mahaian in order to make payment and also to get a fresh supply of stock. Initially, the pearl-woman pays the mahaian a small amount of money as a partial advance payment for the merchandise. Later, when the whole stock is sold she pays the entire debt off. For example, for pearls worth Tk.20,000 she would probably pay the mahaian Tk.5000 at the time borrowing the pearls, and the rest of the money would be paid after the sale of the goods. It is the mahaian who keeps the account and settles the business later. When a woman is borrowing pearls from the out-of-town mahaians. they often come to the village in order to find out about her financial condition before handing over the merchandise. Even though she pays some collateral in the form of gold ornaments, the mahaian checks her credibility as a borrower. However, it appears to be the standard procedure that in case of a beginner or a novice, a pearl-woman has to deposit her address and some

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 232 gold as a collateral with the mahaian. Usually after four or five months they get their gold back. Later, when they had done business with them for a long period, the pearl- women need not deposit any collateral. They get their supply on credit. The women often work as the salaried agents of the mahaian. However, we realized that there is another category of pearl-women who work independently. Instead of working for the mahaian. they buy pearls from him and sell them on their own. The method of payment seems to be the same as that followed by the pearl-women of the other category.

ii) The Rate; The rate or price per bhari at which pearls are to be sold is fixed by the mahaian. If a pearl-woman is able to sell it at a higher rate she keeps the profit. But if for some reason she has to sell it at a loss, then the loss is hers. Several of them informed me that sometimes they have to sell at a loss for various reasons. For example, if the time for making payment to the mahaian is approaching they will sell the merchandise even at a loss in order to please him by making at least a partial payment on time. They do not mention to him about selling the merchandise at a loss. They simply tell him that it had been sold on credit. They gradually repay the difference or in another situation where the relationship between the mahaian and the pearl-woman is smooth, the latter after the elapse of a year or two admits

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 233 to the former about using up the money due to him. She is often pardoned. The usual procedure is that either she compensates for the loss or the mahaian deducts it from her salary. If the mahaian. on the other hand, is in need of money he may permit the pearl-woman to sell the pearls at a rate lower than the one fixed earlier by him. Although the rate for the sale of pearls and other jewelry is fixed by the mahaian there is an arrangement between him and the pearl-woman that if the goods are rejected or returned by a customer for being of an inferior quality, the mahaian will take them back. Most of the time the pearl-woman herself fetches the stock or in case of a village mahaian it might be brought to her. While women deal directly with the mahaians and clients, men often help them by procuring goods on their behalf or taking part in the negotiations with the mahaian.

iii) The Remuneration: As the main focus of the project is on pearl-women we investigated their situation in the trade. The issue of remuneration of a pearl seller deals with the salary the pearl-women get or the profit they earn in the business. We found two systems followed by the pearl-women in the trade. A pearl-woman either works as a salaried agent of the mahaian or she may work independently. The majority of them work as salaried agents of a mahaian because of the lack of capital needed for an independent venture.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 234 In the case of a salaried agent, one woman informed me that if a pearl-woman sells her goods on credit, she does not get her salary. But she will get her salary even if she fails to sell her merchandise. Another pearl-woman remarked that if she cannot sell her goods she would receive no salary at all. From their contradictory statements it appears that there is no uniform method followed in the payment of salary to pearl-women. In most cases it depends on the relationship between the mahaians and the pearl- women. Their monthly salary varies from Tk.500.00 to Tk.1000.00. Besides the regular monthly salary another source of remuneration for pearl-women is the profit they make on sale of pearls. Even though the pearls belong to the mahaians they do not get the profit. They get only the price they fix for the goods. The pearl-women earn extra income also by selling a stone-set of A.D. (consisting of a necklace, a pair of earrings and a ring), or bead set (consisting of a string of beads, earrings and a pair of bangles), by doing a repair job or by stringing pearls for their clients. The goods they sell they procure from different mahaians. There is another category of pearl-women who are in favor of doing business independently (Table 11). They buy the pearls from a mahaian. in cash or on credit, and sell them on their own, profit or loss being theirs. They do not have to account for it to the mahaian. They sometimes get

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 235 the supply by making partial payment. Some of my informants remarked that it is the women without capital who work as salaried agents. They observed that the mahaian sells goods on credit to trustworthy persons. We were told that no matter whether the pearl-women make a profit or not they have to meet the mahaian's demand and pay the price he asks. These women prefer buying pearls on cash payment because one has to pay a higher rate for buying them on credit. Sometimes they buy their stock of pearls and other things from Tantibazar, the wholesale market for pearls and other gems. Moreover, most of the jewelry shops are located here and in the neighboring area of Islampur in old Dhaka. In my sample 60 percent of the pearl-women are salaried agents and 40 percent are independent pearl sellers (Table 12). It is difficult to give a correct estimate of how much money the women make. Most of the time they are vague about how much they earn a month and how much they spend. Their usual answer is that they spend all the money for family expenditure. However, from my discussions with them I could gather that 90 percent of them earn between Tk.1500.00 to Tk.6000.00 a month. As it was not possible to get a figure of their monthly income from them directly, I concentrated on getting data on the goods they sell, pearl and others, their quantities, and price. From their confusing accounts I could come up eventually with my own calculation that I presented in Table 9 (See Chapter IV).

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 236 Jarina, the tenth pear1-woman mentioned in Table 9 is an independent pearl-seller who informed me that she has no fixed income. If she earns Tk.5000.00 one day, she may not earn anything for the next ten days. I could not get details of what she gets by selling what. It was a difficult situation. I tried to find out her income on the basis of the Tk.5000.00 she mentioned. I calculated her income to be Tk.500.00 a day which means Tk.15,000.00 a month. At first I found it unbelievable in comparison with other pear1-women, salaried and independent. However, she told me that she has bank accounts and also saves in the samiti, a village association. She mentioned also that she bore the expenses of the marriage of her elder son out of her savings in the bank. She also paid the money needed to send the same son abroad (to the Middle East). In none of the situations did she borrow any money. If these factors are taken into consideration then the figure makes some sense. Besides, she appears to have a large territory to do business. She told me that she visits clients in other cities as well which means she has the opportunity of selling more pearls than the other women who restrict their financial ventures to Dhaka alone.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 237 Table 11. Distribution of Pear1-Women by Type of Income: No. of women = 5 0

Salary Ind. Profit Total Pearl-Women 29 21 50

Table 12. Distribution of Pear1-Women by Type of Income: No. of women = 10

Salary Ind. Profit Total Pearl-Women 06 04 10

Interactions with the Mahaians and the Clientele i) The Pear1-Women and the Mahaian: As to the treatment meted out toward them by the mahaian. the pear1-women observe that usually it is cordial. Whenever they visit them, pearl-women are offered tea and snacks. However, the defaulters are treated harshly. One of the women informed me that a mahaian even beat a pearl seller (who can be a male or a female) if payment is not made regularly. She, however, admits that it applies to male pearl sellers who supply pearls to the city jewelry shops. Women are not assaulted physically. One of the senior pearl-women observes that mahaians are severe on defaulters and scold them harshly if they fail to pay their dues. She mentions an interesting incident where she accompanied other pearl-women on their visit to the mahaian. The latter refused to let her (the informant) leave until one of her companions, who was a defaulter, paid

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 238 the money she owed him. She insists that women are beaten too by the mahaian if they fail to make regular payment. This does not ring true to me because she is the only woman who makes such a statement. It could be a story manufactured to earn the sympathy of the listeners and also a strategy to bring attention to the hardships a pearl-woman undergoes in order to carry on her responsibility to the family. However, she informs us that her relationship with her mahaians is cordial. Previously, the pearl market was dominated by the male traders - both the mahaian and the pearl sellers being men. Women's role was confined to gathering mussels for pearls on the bank of rivers or the canals and peddling various articles that included glass bangles, household goods etc. Men used to, and still do, supply pearls to the jewelry shops in Old as well as New Dhaka. In the course of their trips to the jewelry shops they came in contact with foreigners who work in various international organizations or diplomatic missions in Dhaka. The pearl sellers began to visit them at home at their request and sold pearls to them at a cheaper rate than they could get at the shops. The arrangement suited both the parties. The foreigners got pearls at a cheaper rate and the pearl seller got a new set of customers. It was at this period around 1971 the Shandar men got the idea of bringing women into the scene to try to sell

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 239 pearls in Bangladeshi households in the same manner. They realized that while men would be refused an entry in a local middle- and upper-class houshold a woman can easily gain an access. Moreover, it is easier for a woman to establish rapport with another woman often across the class distinction. Women told me that they got inspired when they saw one of the pioneering women of this business improve her financial condition by selling pearls. Besides they found it easier to sell pearls than peddle other things. Now instead of carrying a heavy ihaoi (a wicker basket) on their head they can stuff their wares in a purse and move around with ease. Beside acting like a strict businessman, the mahaian comes to the rescue of a pearl-woman when she is in need of financial assistance. One pearl-woman tells that she borrowed money from the mahaian in order to send her son to the Middle East in search of work there. The arrangement was that she would repay him as soon as the son starts sending money home. The son, however, complicated the situation by returning home in two weeks' time. The mother is trying to send him back, again with the help of the mahaian. On being asked why the mahaian should lend money for the second time while the first instalment remains unpaid, the pearl-woman replies that he in his own interest would help her because it is the only way to realize his money. The remittance sent by the young man would go to pay

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 240 the debt off. It is interesting that this incident has not caused a deterioration in the relationship between the mahaian and the pearl-woman. The mahaian is willing to advance money to her in the hope of realizing the previous loan. The other sign of good relationship existing between a pearl-woman and her mahaian is that she gets as gifts new clothes from him on festival occasions like the Eids (the Eid-ul Fitr and the Eid-ul-Azha, two main festivals observed by the Muslims). ii) The Pearl-Women and the Clientele: The pearl-women spend the whole day from morning to evening visiting their female clients in different parts of the city, both in the old and the new sectors. A large number of their clients concentrate on the residential areas like Dhanmandi and Gulshan where middle- and upper-class Bangladeshis and foreigners reside. The pearl-women occasionally supply pearls to jewelry shops and boutiques located in those areas. The manager of one of the shops informed me that they do not visit the shops alone. They are accompanied by their husband, brothers or sisters. Most of the time they bring their sisters along. The companions, however, do not participate in the bargaining that goes on between the buyers and the pearl-women. In the initial stage the pearl-women are provided with letters of introduction by their old customers and sent to their friends and relatives. This reference is needed to

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 241 gain an entry in the house of a new customer. The other method of getting a customer is to approach her directly and offer to show her the merchandise. As the women are experienced salespersons, the customer is often persuaded to buy something or to make promises to see them again in near future. It is the first method that is usually followed because both the customers and the pearl-women can refer to the old acquaintances, if needed. Especially if there is a dispute about the price, payment or the quality of the goods the reference comes handy; both the parties can ask for the first customer's advice and intervention. Pearl-women sometimes may seek their clients for help and advice on their personal matters. One of my informants who has lost most of her paternal property to a non-Bedey headman in a distant village is presently trying to recover some of it with the help of the lawyer husband of one of her clients. There is no designated boundary or area restricting a pearl-woman's activities. One is free to sell her pearls to whichever customer she likes. Most of the pearl-women confided to us that usually they do not visit each other's clients. It is an unwritten agreement among them. They avoid such a situation where one might find oneself in the house of the client of another pearl-woman for fear of quarrels and bad feelings among themselves. They remark that it is possible that a pearl-woman

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 242 intentionally ruins a rival's business by selling her pearls at a cheaper rate to the rival's customer and thus win over a new customer for herself. It is relevant to note here that when they initiate novices into the business, the latter are advised by the former to keep away from their clients. A pearl-woman is sometimes seen in the company of another pearl-woman. The second woman, I was told sometimes go as a partner or as a novice who is initiated by a senior pearl-woman, usually a relative, into the business. The reason for taking a partner has been explained as a precaution in the event of accident in the city, or sexual harassment in the absence of her client by any male member of her household. But usually the pearl-women try not to take a partner because in that case they have to share the profit with them and often pay for their transportation and food in the city. The pearl-women usually sell their goods to their clients on credit. Sometimes they receives partial payments for their goods, the rest to be realized in a month or two, the arrangement being made by mutual agreement. This, I believe is a strategy they follow in order to keep customers in the face of competition from other pearl-women who might be on the lookout for new customers. This arrangement not only makes the clients happy as it releases them from the obligation of making an immediate payment for the goods

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 243 bought, but it also binds them to their pearl-women. Although clients may do business with several pearl-women, they usually prefer to buy goods from their regular pearl- women. Thus the pearl-woman with one stroke keeps her client and wards off her competitors. It also helps her to get new customers through her old customer. It is obvious that the pearl-women have taken advantage of the popularity and demand for pearl among the middle- class Bangladeshi women and have won regular customers by selling pearls to them at a rate cheaper than in the jewelry shops. Moreover, they bring the merchandise to their doorstep and thus save them from making a trip to the jewelers who might be charging higher price for the same item. Thus one can observe that by taking advantage of a given situation the pearl-women have created a niche for themselves. As to the relationship between the pearl-women and their female clients it appears to be very informal. They visit the clients to sell pearls, or to collect arrears or simply to tempt them with freshly arrived strings of pearls beautiful in color and exquisite in lustre. They may drop in there any time of the day they find convenient, and if they need to stay in the city overnight they would find a place to sleep in the clients' house. Most of the time they are entertained with tea and snacks and sometimes with lunch too.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 244 The form of address that is prevalent between the pearl-women and their clients is interesting to note. It is based on the use of 'apni' (vous) and 'tumi' (tu) that signifies the superior/inferior relationship between the addressee and the addressed. Once contact is established the pearl-women call their clients respectfully as "Apa" which in Bengali means "elder sister," and address them as 'apni' (vous) irrespective of their age. The clients in turn address pearl-women as 'tumi' (tu), thus designating an inferior position to them who, after all, belong to one of the "lowest class." On several occasions I noticed that inspite of the informality that exists between the two parties, the pearl- women are not treated as an equals in status. Whenever they visit their clients, they are offered seats lower than that the customer is occupying. They might sit on a wicker stool or squat on the floor. While supervising the handiwork of the pearl-women, who might be asked to mend a pearl bracelet or string pearls into a necklace, the clients, whom the pearl-women refer to as bibi shaheb (the lady), might often squat with them on the floor too, but the pearl-women are not expected to share seats with them. The forms of address used and the difference maintained in their relative status are clear indications of the social distinctions that create a gap between two classes of women who are bound to each other in a kind of symbiotic

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 245 relationship. The very fact that the pearl-women use the reverential 'apni' for their higher class client without hesitation shows that the class distiction has been accepted by both the clients (who have nothing to complain about) and the pearl-women. This observation finds support in the study of the sociology of language by Brown and Gilman that "The difference in class practice derives from the fact that the reverential V was always introduced into a society at the top" (Brown and Gilman 1985:256). Thus the acceptance of the higher position of the client and the use of the pronouns to show it are indications of the superior/inferior status that exists between the two. It seems that by calling the client "the lady" and addressing them as "apni" the pearl-women accept their own inferior position. I never heard a pearl-woman complain about social injustices that they are met with in their dealings with their clients. But Ashraf, one of my male informants relates an interesting story. He had been to Iraq where he worked for an automobile company for a while. At present he is back in Rupsa and occasionally sells pearls in the houses of foreigners and upper- and middle-class Bangladeshis in the residential area of Gulshan. In the latter households a mat or a sheet is spread usually in the verandah for the male pear1-seller to sit and work. He observed that on one of his visits to a Bangladeshi client he asked for drinking water which was brought to him in an aluminium vessel. He

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 246 was highly offended by this treatment. In a Bangladeshi middle-class household an aluminium 'glass' which is considered cheap is usually kept for the servants or people of the lower class of the society. Ashraf's objection was that by offering water in an aluminium 'glass' the host family equated him with servants. He observed that it was because he was a bedev that he was meted out with that kind of disrespectful treatment. It would be interesting to note here that aluminium or tin utensils, including 'glasses' are widely used in the households of the pearl-women. In fact, I drank water from an aluminium 'glass' in Ashraf's house which neither he nor I thought of as unusual. The fact remains that while the use of aluminium utensils is universal in Rupsa, their use in the larger society is limited to menials; that was what hurt Ashraf's pride when he had expected to be treated as an equal.

The Impact of the Trade on the Pearl-Women As selling pearls is vital for the sustenance of their family, it has the utmost priority in pearl-women's lives. Every day after completing their daily household chores, or having arranged to have them done, they leave for the city in.pursuit of their occupation. The sojourn not only brings them in contact with their clients, it also exposes them to different kinds of lifestyles. The impact is apparent in their persons, the way they wear their dress, the way they try to be respectable in their demeanor by covering

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 247 themselves well with a scarf or the end of their sari and the way they avoid contact with unrelated males in the village. But in the city they appear to be relaxed, reflecting the influence of the city life, where women have largely discarded purdah. In the cities girls who graduate from the college attend co-ed universities where some of them not only get education along with boys, but participate with them in cultural and political activities. Although there are women's colleges that offer graduate and post-graduate courses, not all of them have facilities for honors courses (specialization in a particular discipline) and post graduate courses. The girls often move around in rickshaws, visit friends, go to school or go to the market in the company of a friend or sister. They may wear sari or salwar-kamiz. as they might choose to do; but usually they do not cover their heads with the end of the sari or the dupatta that goes with the latter dress. However, young unmarried girls are expected to return home within a stipulated time, preferably by evening. Married women from middle-class families have joined the labor force in a large number. Income earning has given them freedom of movement and association. They go to work either by rickshaw or the transportation provided by the office for the members of the staff, both male and female. At the office they work along with men. Most of the working

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 248 and non-working women do the shopping for themselves and the family members. They might go to see a movie or a play with friends. At home, they often meet their husbands' friends when they come to visit their husbands. They also accompany their husbands to parties where, however, they usually join other female guests; it may be in the same room or in another room. Most of the women cover their heads only in front of the elders, especially in-laws, and when they hear the azan (prayer call for the Muslim given out from a mosque). In the upper-middle or the richer classes of the society women have more freedom of movement. In some of the families women accompany their husbands or friends to the club for a weekly game of Bingo or to attend cultural functions. The more westernized women attend the annual western style dance arranged by the club. They also participate in the charity balls that are usually organised in winter by different social organizations for fund-raising purposes. Some of them may go abroad unescorted for vacation or for higher studies. In that case, they often arrange for a relative to take care of the husband, the children and the household. It needs to be pointed out that inspite of their enjoying greater freedom of movement the major issues of their lives such as marriage and inheritance are still largely controlled by their male guardians. Elderly women mostly stay at home, and often

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 249 engage in religious activities. Although they prefer to use ahomta (veil) they may come out and talk to men if necessary. Usually women, both old and young do not like to speak to strangers. The lower-class women who come in contact with the above-mentioned women in course of their livelihood are often found copying the way that they wear a sari - with several pleats tucked at the waist in the front and one long end of the sari hanging over the left shoulder. The young girls working as maid servants wear both sari and salwar- kamiz and like city girls do not cover their heads. Their clothes are provided by their employers. They try to speak in the refined language that is often used by the city women. Elderly women sometimes cover their heads when they go out into the street on some errands. Young girls walking to the garment factories also wear their sari in city-like fashion with no ohomta. The poorer peddling women or the construction workers usually wrap the sari round them which also means that they do not need to spend money on the accessories that go with a sari e.g., blouse and petticoat. The above observations are made with regard to a section of Bengladeshi women who have greater freedom of movement in comparison to the majority of the female population. I want to point out that the city women comprise a small section of the population. The 1990 population report shows that out of 55 millions of the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 250 female population of Bangladesh, 47 millions reside in the rural areas (World Bank I990:xiii)). It is in the rural areas that the hold of purdah and patriarchy is most felt. The pearl women who come from the lower class of the society can see the differences in their life style and that of the city women. When visiting their clients they try to behave like the lower middle-class city women who still observe certain modes of purdah e.g., covering the head with a ohumta or using a chadar. or avoiding contacts with unrelated males. They wear their sari the way it is mostly worn by city women and often use ahomta or chadar while travelling. But as they travel mostly by the public transportation it is not possible for them to avoid the company of unrelated men. Beside being influenced by the city women in their appearances they also realize the importance of education that has given the children of these households oportunities and various alternatives in life. In the home front the trade enables a pearl-woman to retain the traditional freedom of movement and association that was common to the Bedey women in the past. As an income earner she enjoys a certain authority in the family and shares decision-making in important family matters. While a section of Bedey women is being denied this freedom by their husbands who no longer need the earning of their wives, economic necessity is instrumental in compelling the husband of a pearl-woman to allow her the kind of freedom

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 251 essential to her occupation. As a pearl seller she traverses daily long distances by bus or goes about her business on foot or takes her meal in a city restaurant or buys vegetables and fish in the city market. All these activities naturally bring her in contact with unrelated men for which she is not accountable to anyone. This is an important impact of the trade on the life of a pearl-woman. During my fieldwork in the village I observed that education is given the main priority in a pearl-woman's household. Almost all the school-going children are in the school, the expense being borne by the mother. Several of my sample expressed the wish that they would like their children to be educated. I have the impression that in the course of their close association with the customers they could see how children in the larger society get education that would help them in their career. This might have inspired them to educate their children in the hope that they too would be able to find a better life by virtue of their education. They often commented that lack of education was the cause of the miserable state of their community. In fact men admitted that in the past they were ignorant. It is the contact with the wider society that has opened their eyes as to the importance of education in changing the face of a society. The adverse impact the trade has on a pearl-woman is that it tells on her health and energy. Most of them

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 252 complain about hardship and long hours that make them awfully tired by the end of the day, especially if they are to come home and prepare the evening meals for the family. None of them want their daughters to follow their suit. They want their daughters to follow professions such as medicine and teaching, which incidentally are preferred by the middle-class society as suitable professions for respectable women. The pearl-woman who has established herself as a necessary element in the pearl trade network carries on her work as something essential for the survival of her family. The concept of women's liberation or freedom to control her own life does not seem to concern her. She does not view her occupation as a doorway to independence which she enjoys daily during her sojourn to the city. To her it is a struggle for survival, and often a pearl-woman remarks that she would gladly give up her work and stay at home only if the husband could afford to keep her there. One middle-aged woman, however, informed me that she began her pearl-selling career to support her family expenses. But now although their financial situation has improved through the pearl trade of her husband she is determined to sell pearls as long as she can because she wants to have her own spending money. The same opinion was voiced by a woman over 60 whose son is a rich Shandar pearl trader. She does not like to ask her son for spending

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 253 money. Thus while most of them complain of hardship, there are some women who like to continue selling pearls for personal reasons.

Trade-Related Problems We often held informal discussions with Shandar men and women regarding problems a pearl-woman faces in the course of her business. Our discussions were enriched by the probable solutions to the problems as suggested by the Shandars themselves. This section is devoted to the enumeration of the problems and hazards the pearl-women come across in pursuit of their profession as well as the solutions they view as appropriate for solving their problems. The first and foremost problem mentioned by a pearl- woman was lack of capital. Almost all of them who were engaged in earning an income by selling pearls complained that they were handicapped by lack of capital for their business. It appeared from their talk that the pearl-women had to arrange for their own capital which they rarely possessed. Lack of capital makes them dependent on the mahaian from whom they get their merchandise on credit. The beginners had to deposit some collateral, in the form of gold ornaments mostly. Those who could arrange for capital by borrowing from a relative perhaps, operate independently. Sometimes they take loans from the village samitis (associations) formed by the Shandars themselves where both

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 254 men and women could deposit a certain amount of money weekly and borrow from when necessary. They get interest on their deposits. However, they try to avoid borrowing from the samitis because of the high rates of interest charged. They rather preferred to borrow from a relative to whom they did not have to pay any interest on the loans. There is no samiti or association organized exclusively by the women for the women. And there is no network among the pearl-women for exchange of trade-related information. As the pearl-women were not in the position of depositing collateral, they did not get any help from the commercial banks. In Bangladesh the Grameen Bank (literally means rural bank) initiated by Dr. Muhammed Yunus, a university professor, has proved to be a very successful enterprise that enables poor men and women to undertake various income-earning projects. By forming groups women (and men) could borrow from the Grameen Bank without having to deposit any collateral. Loans from the bank are given to poor women to encourage them in their projects such as dairy and poultry farming and trading. Although the main purpose of the Grameen Bank is to help rural women, we saw no sign of such a bank in Rupsa. In Kaliganj we found the branch of a commercial bank which is mostly patronized by the local people. The women of Rupsa were not even aware of the Grameen Bank nor did any official or staff of the bank visit them in order to motivate them to join the bank. We came

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 255 across one pearl-woman (she was not one of the sample) who approached the Grameen Bank for a loan by joining the group of her sister who lived in a different village. But she did not ask for a loan for facilitating her pearl business. She asked for and later used the loan for selling crockeries, and not pearls. When asked why would a pearl-woman not mention selling pearls as her occupation, she replied that she did not think it wise to disclose her involvement in the pearl-trade which, she hinted, could be an illegal business. Whatever be the reason the pearl-women have not yet benefitted from the Grameen Bank. Men complained that they tried to get loans from the government co-operative banks which were formed to render help in the agricultural sector. Obviously they had no success there. As the villagers were not very literate perhaps they did not know the formalities of the banks. Moreover, as the pearl trade involved smuggling in of a large quantity of pearls from abroad they did not want to disclose it to others, especially to bank officials who would be interested to know their occupation. (I was confirmed in my theory of their dealing in smuggling pearls from their unwillingness to give us, outsiders, accommodation in the village.) Harassment by the police was mentioned by several women as one of the serious problems faced by pearl-women. Sometimes on their way to a client's house their bags get

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 256 searched by policemen on duty who might have noticed them in the locality on earlier occasions and knew them to be pearl- women. They are often accused of selling smuggled goods. One of my informants told me that on one such occasion, she ended up bribing the policeman with money and a string of pearls just to avoid an arrest. A senior pearl-woman narrated a situation where she and her daughter were actually challenged and taken to the police station. Later her eldest son, who was a mahaian came and rescued them by paying money. The police interrogated mother and daughter about the business of the son. Both the situations show that the police harass the pearl-women in order to extract money from them. Trouble with the police has been mentioned by researchers of other societies as one of the major problems the female traders face (Jain 1981; Schuster 1982). Besides the police harassment, there was the danger of being mugged. Moving in pairs in the company of a partner was cited as a strategy for avoiding potential muggers. Sometimes that may not work well either. An elderly pearl- woman mentioned an incident when, accompanied by her young unmarried daughter on her way to a client's house, she was confronted by a group of young men who thought she was trafficking in women. She gave them the slip by entering the house of an acquaintance.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 257 I mentioned the samitis. relatives and the mahaian to be the sources which a pearl-woman can borrow money from. A pearl-woman needed money for her business as well as for meeting the expenses of the family. The responsibility of the expenditure often landed a pearl-woman in a difficult situation. Desperation may lead her to borrow money even from an outsider. During my fieldwork I came to know of an event involving one of my informants who had to agree to give her daughter in marriage to the man she borrowed money from for non-payment of the loan. The story is related in Chapter VII.

The Solutions: The solutions that emerged from our numerous discussions were suggested by the Shandars themselves. Both men and women felt that the government ought to help in solving their various problems and facilitate their carrying out the business in a more proficient and organized way. They felt that the government should have a policy to provide them with capital. They observed that the commercial banks and the government co-operative banks that operate in the cities should relax their rules and help them in getting loans. They suggested that since pearl is in great demand abroad, the government should assist the pearl- trade by giving financial aid to the pearl traders and also by introducing projects for the cultivation of mussels for a larger supply of good quality Bangladeshi pearls.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 258 In order to avoid police harassment which often leads to big financial losses, the Shandars suggested that the pearl-women ought to be provided with proper licenses that would give their business a legitimate look and save them from unnecessary harassment by the police.

Summary In this chapter my object was to describe and analyze the economic activities of the pearl-women. I began by giving a brief account of the pearl trade in India in the past. Then I moved on to the present century and dwelt on the nature of the trade as seen by the Shandars in the immediate past. This brought me to the discussion of the relationship of the pearl collectors and the stockists or the mahaians. I tried to point out the similarities between the pearl trade in Bangladesh and in the Gulf areas. The customs of giving advances to the pearl collectors and the latterfs obligations to sell their catch to the businessmen who provided them with advances are almost the same in both the areas. As my main focus is on the pearl-women I tried to discuss their roles in the business, their interactions with the mahaian and the female clientele and last but not least, the problems faced in the trade and their solutions. In the next section, I discuss issues that I feel are necessary to understand the image of a pearl-woman. I focus on her social and legal statuses, her motivations for pursuing an occupation and her aspirations for the future.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. CHAPTER VII THE PROFILE OF A PEARL-WOHAN

In the preceeding chapters I described the physical environment, socio-economic activities, social structure, and beliefs of the Shandar people. In this chapter I present the image of a pearl-woman that takes shape under the impact of various socio-economic and legal factors governing her life. I discuss the lifestyle, motivations and aspirations of a Shandar woman and try to understand her status in the family and society in the context of the above-mentioned issues. A pearl-woman is a person from a marginal sector of the Muslim society of Bangladesh, trying to maintain her family with her own labor and effort. She lives in a close-knit community within the larger society. Two social dicta appear to govern her life; the traditional Bedey norms and the traditional Islamic values of the Muslim society with which she comes in contact in course of her economic activities. A proper evalution of her situation would be possible if we picture her both in her own environment within the fold of her own community as well as in the world outside her own community. This strategy enables us to assess the degree of adjustments she makes in her life under 259

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 260 different situations, the amount of freedom she enjoys, and also the power or authority she wields in the decision making process in the family. Group norms and kin feelings lead her to act in certain ways which may or may not be in conformity with the ways of the larger society. The different values that direct a pearl-woman's behavior are primarily in the socio-economic situations. The Islamic ways of the larger Muslim society, especially in the rural areas, are not in favor of women working outside the boundaries of their homes. The Shandars, on the other hand, are dependent on the income a woman earns outside their homes. There are other situations in connection with the position of a woman in which the Shandar show contradictory behaviors and treatment. While the Shandar are eager to uphold the Islamic ideology of purdah, they neglect other religious tenets governing the life of a woman, e.g., the right to inheritance. In this chapter I examine the issues that are vital in the Shandar life from the perspective of a Shandar pearl- woman. I begin with the issue of purdah and analyze the compromises a pearl-woman makes in her handling of the matter. Her position and role in the family, her participation in the socio-economic activities and also in the decision-making process.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 261 Purdah and the Pearl-woman The pearl-woman lives in an environment that makes her movement within the village free and easy. Unlike a Muslim woman from the larger society, she does not observe purdah in the village before unrelated men. As the Shandar consider the whole population to belong to the same kin group, no one in the village seems to be regarded as an unrelated man. There are a few outsiders who are in the village in different capacities, such as the imam (the man who leads the prayer), the live-in teachers, or a couple of men married to Shandar women. They have easy access to the household of a pearl-woman. For example, we saw the imam of the village mosque enter the house of a pearl-woman with whom we were conversing, and along with others join the conversation. He came to see the husband of the pearl- woman, who is the secretary of the mosque. The imam also gives religious lessons to her children. The pearl-woman did not make any effort to maintain purdah. either by withdrawing herself to the inner section of the house or by covering her head with the end of her saree. It appears that the Imam who is respected and addressed as "Hujur" (Sir) has special status and privilege in the village and as such no one objects to his presence in the house. The sense of strong kin feeling makes seclusion of women before relatives unnecessary. This is noticeable especially when they bathe in the river at the mosque ghat

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 262 (landing stage) side by side with men. The question of separate bathing places for women does not seem to arise here at all. Not only are there men bathing at the same place and at the same time, there are passengers who might be disembarking from boats at the same ghat. On a number of occasions I myself have been helped by a bathing Shandar woman in getting off the boat. The behavior of a pearl-woman as pointed out above does not conform to the ideology of purdah which under no circumstances allows bathing of men and women together in full view of the whole world. In a Bangladeshi rural Muslim household women maintain purdah by bathing either at a separate place or at separate time. I mentioned earlier that because of the nature of her occupation a pearl-woman enjoys the traditional freedom of movement and association. On the other hand, Islamization has implanted in the Shandar the notion that as Muslims it is their duty to prescribe purdah for their women. As the issue of seclusion dominates the life of a woman and restricts the economic activities of a working woman it is necessary to discuss the meaning and scope of purdah as determined by Islam and their interpretation by the Muslim society. While Islam allows women conditional freedom of movement and does not prevent her from working, the society restricts her activities to the confines of her home. Islam allows a woman freedom of movement as long as she covers

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 263 herself well. Women in the rural areas observe purdah by wearing the buroa (a cloak that covers from head to foot, with openings for the eyes) which is the symbol of physical purdah. As mentioned earlier, modern city women from the middle and upper classes largely have given up the buroa. In rare cases one finds working women going about her business wearing a buroa. They maintain purdah in their dress, in their speech and their movements. They cover their bosom with the sari or with a dupatta. Occsionally they cover their heads with the anchal (end of the sari that hangs over the shoulder). Elderly women may use a chadar to cover their whole body as a sign of purdah as well as respectability. Women from the wider society follow certain patterns of behavior in their contact with men. They avoid discussing their personal problems such as feminine hygiene with or in front of men. They may visit male doctors for general complaints but for gynecological problems they prefer female doctors. Another way the city women maintain purdah is by keeping a respectable distance from unrelated men and avoiding any physical contact with them. In buses and trains there are designated areas and compartments for women who want to travel in purdah. Conservative city women do not usually come out before unrelated men. Such situations where a man might call on an errand are generally handled

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 264 through servants. Modern womer do converse with men in course of their daily activities, running the house or working at the office. For example, they might be found buying vegetables from a vendor, bargaining for a sari from a sariwalla (peddlar of saris), or talking to the shopkeeper. At the workplace they usually do not cover their heads but maintain propriety in dress and manners. In the poorer section of the society women working as domestic servants or construction workers or peddlars of black soap (a kind of detergent for washing utensils) and ashes (used for scrubbing pots and pans) do not observe purdah. They do not wear a buroa and rarely cover their heads with the anchal (end of the sari). Thus we can see that in Bangladesh purdah is maintained through certain actions such as covering oneself properly, avoiding interactions with unrelated males, not moving around unchaperoned (although in the city women often go about their business without an escort), and in extreme cases remaining within the four walls of the home. But most important is the way the society interprets or looks at the issue of purdah. In Rupsa where men advocate purdah. I noticed women returning home in wet clothes after taking a dip in the river. I did not find them to be particularly concerned about observing purdah. I also found young women changing clothes with doors open. This sense of relaxation, I

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 265 gather, emanates from their internalization of the concept of the whole village as an extension of their home and its inhabitants their kin. The internal/external dichotomy is noticeable in their relation with the world outside the village. A pearl-woman can let her guard down while she is in the village. But she has to observe the codes of purdah when she is stepping outside the village. The whole concept of seclusion or purdah in Bangladesh depends on the meaning and interpretation given by the religious leaders of the society. Islam meant purdah for the 'protection' of the person and honor of a woman. But in the hands of men, the powerful segment of society, it became a tool of oppression that denied the woman freedom of movement and imprisoned her within the four walls of her home. I would like here to discuss briefly the meanings of purdah as defined by Islam, its social interpretations and its import on the life of a pearl-woman. In the Quran there are verses which highlight female modesty; especially in Sura 24:30 it explicitly specifies the codes of behavior for women. Papanek quotes from Arberry's translation of the Quran which gives the edicts of the Sura Al-Nur as follows: And say to the believing women, that they cast down their eyes and guard their private parts, and reveal not their adornment save such as is outward; and let them cast their veils over their bosoms, and not reveal their adornment save to their husbands or fathers, or their husbands' fathers, or their sons or their husbands' sons, or their brothers, or their brothers' sons, or their sisters' sons, or their women

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 266 or what their right hands own, or such men as attend them, not having sexual desire, or children who have not yet attained knowledge of women's private parts... (quoted by Papanek 1982: 23). If we look carefully we shall find that the above verse lays emphasis on the categories of people before whom a woman ought to observe purdah expressed through modest behavior and proper dress. It details the code of conduct or behavior that a woman should follow. Papanek points out that the Sura (verse) mentions "a veil over bosom, although not over the face” (Papanek 1982:23). contrary to the Quranic injunctions, the system of purdah as practiced in the Muslim societies of South Asia, especially in rural Bangladesh tends to make a woman "invisible” by insisting on the use of the buroa. In the urban areas, however, other forms of purdah are observed. Thus while in the 7th century Arab society women were allowed freedom of movement as long as they covered themselves well, in the 20th century South Asian societies women are denied freedom of movement in the name of religion. It is the interpretation of the Quranic edicts by the religious leaders in different societies that deviated from the original meaning of purdah and put restrictions on a woman's income-generating activities outside home. If we examine the verse Al-Hur or other verses dealing with the issue of purdah. nowhere shall we find a prohibition against a woman's working outside her home. All that is demanded of

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 267 a woman is that she maintains modesty in dress and behavior. Beck observes that "Islamic laws do not forbid women the right to seek employment: in fact they allow women to own and control property" (Beck 1980:36). Purdah can be both physical and spatial. Spatial purdah creates separate worlds for men and women by segregating their living quarters as well as workplaces while physical purdah entails the use of a veil, a burqa or covering of some sort. Vatuk in her discussion of the purdah system prevalent among women in South Asia points out that purdah could be maintained by observing certain standards for feminine behavior: "Shyness" of demeanor, avoidance of eye-contact with males, avoidance of loud speech and laughter (particularly in the presence or within the earshot of males), and the limitation of conversation with the non-family males to necessary, work-connected topics. They include also such gestures as rising (or crouching on the floor) in the presence of male visitors... (Vatuk 1982:70). Vatuk also quotes S. Roy (1979) and Jeffery (1979) who emphasize the importance of modesty in a purdah-ridden society. In Bangladesh purdah is related the issues of honor, shame, prestige and status of the family. It is also viewed as the symbol of the affluence of her family that can afford to keep a woman from working for an income and hire male and female servants to work for her. Papanek on the basis of McCarthy's report observes that in East Bengal (present Bangladesh) villages women are supposed to remain within their homes "where their household tasks lay" (Papanek 1982:28). Thus in the society where a woman's

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 268 place is considered to be at home a woman can attend to her household work without having to venture outdoors. In Bangladesh women stay at home mainly for two reasons. In the traditional families women stay at home because they observe purdah. They stay in women's domain and busy themselves with their household works and devote their time for the welfare of the family members. Earning an income and providing for the family is considered men's responsibility and comes within men's domain. When the pardanashin (women who observe purdah1 go out they are escorted by their male relatives. Staying at home is not always the symbol of purdah. It is often the sign of prosperity of the family. For women of affluent families staying at home means not working for a living. It does not necessarily follow that they are confined to their homes. Their movements are not restricted like those of the traditional women. They 'stay at home' because they need not to earn for a living. Their time is divided between doing or supervising household work, shopping and visiting relatives and friends and attending to social obligations. They are the ladies of leisure who add to the status and prestige of their males by staying at home. It ought to be remembered that in the rural areas where 85 percent women of Bangladesh live, the society is traditional and conservative. Women of the middle-class

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 269 families observe purdah and confine themselves to indoor activities. But women from the poorer families who have to supplement the family income cannot afford to do so. But they value observance of purdah as a sign of respectability. The above discussion is useful in understanding the extent of a pearl-woman's observance of purdah. X have discussed the question of purdah in order to show that although the Shandar men are willing to adhere to the ideology of purdah. in practice their women are far from observing it in the presence of the males of their community. Examples of their behavior cited earlier cannot be interpreted as conforming to the "standards for feminine behavior." A pearl-woman attempts to make a compromise in her behavior between the freedom of movement and association which she needs for her profession and the system of purdah which as a Bangladeshi Muslim woman she is expected to observe. We noticed that while she is very free in her movement and relaxed about purdah in the village, even in the presence of men who might drop in for a chat, she takes care to dress properly when leaving for the city. Like a city woman she wears a sari and a blouse and undergarments and uses a large rectangular chadar (a scarf usually 2 1/2 yards long) as is often donned by conservative women, to cover the upper part of her body and the head. I find this to be an interesting phenomenon because according to the Quranic

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 270 injunctions that is exactly what a woman is supposed to do when observing purdah - cast her veils over her bosoms and not reveal her adornments to outsiders. She appears to have made an adjustment between the village norms that she follows at home and the norms of her workplace. The same woman who has been bathing at the mosque ghat in the morning could be seen at fore-noon embarking a boat from the same place modestly dressed with a veil covering her head. The pearl-woman is now entering the world of the non-Bedey where a woman is expected to maintain a particular form of propriety in dress and demeanor. This particular form of decorum is determined by the mainstream and dominant social norms. It appears that by emulating the behavioral pattern of the women of the larger society the Shandar woman is trying to gain respectability in the eyes of the larger community. She seems to belong to two different worlds. Her home and her workplace are clearly separated not only spatially, but socially and culturally they are two different spheres of activity each with its own values and priorities. When asked if the male members of their families object to their going to the city, the pear1-women reply that as long as they maintain respectability they have no problem. The Shandar men seem to be concerned about their maintaining respectability especially in the vicinity of Kaliganj which not only has the large market, but also the ghat and the bus

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 271 stop to the city, both of which are used by a pearl-woman on her way to and from the city. She avoids the marketplace because no woman (except from the poor and lower class) from Kaliganj goes there. She would only go there in an emergency, such as to visit a doctor or to take a sick child to him. On such occasions we saw a woman to be accompanied by her husband. A pearl-woman usually does her daily shopping for fish, meat and vegetables in the city on the way back home. Her explanation of this behavior of avoiding one market and going to the other is that as in Kaliganj no respectable woman goes to the market, she cannot break the local social norms and be criticized. While she would be recognized in Kaliganj as a woman from the Bahar. nobody knows her in the city. She does not need to observe purdah there by avoiding the public places. It is evident from her argument that purdah is required to be observed not only before unrelated males but also before people who know her. In the city strangers are like non-entities and the necessity of purdah before them is ignored. The women themselves are free in their behavior in the city and have no hesitation in entering a cheap restaurant for their mid-day meal. Combined with it is the traditional freedom of movement that a pearl-woman enjoys that allows her to move around in the city without any difficulty. But it is clear that as she is coming more and more in contact with the larger society, she

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 272 is being brought under pressure from her own people to make a compromise between freedom of movement and purdah. By adopting the measures mentioned above she seems to have evolved a strategy to cope with the problems that she is facing as a Muslim working woman from the peripheral society that is on its way to gradual assimilation into the wider society.

Status in the Family An examination of her role as a contributor to the family budget would help in determining the status of a pearl-woman in the family. A Bedey woman has always been an income-earner supporting her family. One of my senior informants told me that even as a child she accompanied her mother and other women on their rounds of villages carrying a small basket on her head. For their income-earning role Bedey women enjoyed special status in the community (N.U. Ahmed 1962). We found that the Shandar woman is still following her traditional income-earning activities with a certain change in the nature of commodities offered and in the modes of 'doing gaon.' The status of a pearl-woman may or may not depend on her contribution to the family budget. In the poorer families the income earned by a woman is often pooled into the family fund which is controlled by the male head of the family. In order to determine the status of a working woman we need to look into factors other than her financial

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 273 assistance to the family. As I have discussed in Chapter II, studies on women's issues have emphasized the importance of a woman's contribution to the family (Agarwal 1985) and the extent of authority and decision-making power that such a contribution may give her (Gough 1956; Sanday 1973; Ullrich 1977; Davis 1980; Standing 1985). While Gough (1956) and Ullrich argue that a woman's income-earning gives her independence and authority in the family, Sanday (1973) and Neuhouser (1989) stress the importance of the control of the resources in the development of a woman's position in the family. While it is generally agreed upon that a woman's contribution to the family fund enhances the status of a woman, there are situations where it might not be totally applicable. In a household where the family fund is controlled by the male head of the family, earning an income for the maintenance of the family might be regarded merely as a part of her duty to the family. A woman's contribution to the family coffer alone does not develop her status in the family. As Sanday puts it, contribution to the family is necessary but not sufficient to increase the status of a woman. The woman has to have control over the resources (Sanday 1973). Sanday theorizes that the control over the family resources is more important an element in the development of a woman's status in the family than her financial assistance to the family. Davis

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 274 (1980) on the other hand, mentions family position, personal character, religiosity etc. as factors contributing to the enhancement of a woman's status. In the light of the above studies we can assume that a working woman's status in the family depends on her contribution to the family fund and her control over it. Control could mean control over the family provisions as well as control over the family purse. A woman's control over the management and distribution of food among the family members could give her authority just as the power to spend the family fund independently for meeting the requirements of the family members gives her control over the family finance. Both the situations are indicative of a woman's status in the family. Like many women from the low-income families (Agarwal 1985) the pearl-woman in Rupsa contributes all or most of her income to the family budget. Table 13 shows that the majority of my sample bears a major portion of family expenditure. I found that in 8 families (out of 10) the family is dependent on the woman's income for their basic needs. The woman even bears the expense of the marriage of children. In two situations where a son was sent abroad in search of work, it was the mother who arranged for the expense money either by borrowing it from the mahaian or withdrawing from her savings in the bank. In both these situations the husbands earned practically nothing. Often

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 275 the house the family lives in is built with the income of the pearl-woman or if the husband is an income earner too, husband and wife pool their resources together to build it. Their income is sometimes supplemented by other members of the family. One woman (#1) who pays for the expenses shown in Table 13, informed me that her husband buys yearly supply of stationery for children which comes to about Tk.800.00. Her husband is a pearl trader, who I was told, owned a shop. But business was slack when I was in Rupsa and most of the time he was at home. Her children told me that for Eid their mother spent about Tk. 3650.00 for buying clothes and shoes for them. In one case (#6) the woman is an occasional pearl seller. In her family her husband and one of the sons who stays with her contribute to family expenses such as food and clothing. Case #7 told me that her husband, a locksmith, sometimes helps her financially and her youngest son who deposits money in the samiti also helps her with Tk. 100-150 from time to time. Her eldest son buys clothes for parents and his siblings, especially on the occasion of Eid. He bore also the expenditure of the marriage of the youngest sister. In another instance, the husband who is a pearl trader shares the family expenditure. Another woman (#9) observed that the family is run by the income of both the husband and the wife. Her husband is a pearl trader and earns a good income. However, I have

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 276 noticed that while the wife spends her income for the basic needs of the family, the husband spends more on things that might catch his fancy. The above observations show that while other members of the family might occasionally share the expediture, the burden of supporting the family still lies with women. One thing that puzzles me is the disparity between their income and expenditure. I have given an estimated account of both in Table 14. Either the husbands meet the differences between the two or the pearl-women earn more than they told me. I am inclined to believe the latter possibility, because by their own versions they take care of most of the family expenditure. Moreover, it is the women who are engaged from morning to evening in income-earning activities while most of the husbands are found resting in the village, playing carrom or chatting with friends. The responsibilty as a provider of the family often lands a pearl-woman in trouble. One of my informants, Banu, faced a serious problem when she could not repay the money she borrowed from a man in the city. On a previous occasion (December, 1991) she told me that the house tutor of her children, a young man from the ARC wanted to marry her teenage daughter. She did not consent to it. In June, 1992 I found that there was crisis in the family for which Banu was held responsible. It appeared that the young couple got married without the blessings of the mother who refused to

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 277 Table 13. Distribution of Pear1-Women by Expenditure: No. of women = 10 (In Taka)

PW Work Food Ed E M Rent Sal Med Total #1 1700 4500 532 1300 - 60 - 8092 #2 1560 1950 50 1000 - -- 4560 #3 2210 3000 168 330 42 60 - 5810

#4 520 1350 -- 150 30 - 2050

#5 2600 2250 215 60 - 60 - 5185

#6 400 3000 100 60 --- 3560

#7 1950 3750 - 1200 -- 175 7075

#8 1690 3000 50 450 --- 5190

#9 1950 2250 782 - 300 48 175 5505

#10 1690 3750 134 60 - - - 5634

E M = Expense Money Med = Medical Table 14. Distribution of Pearl-women by Income and Expenditure: No. of women = 10 (In Taka)

Pearl-Women Income Expenditure #1 6060.00 8092.00 #2 5700.00 4560.00 #3 4600.00 5810.00 #4 2850.00 2050.00 #5 4120.00 5185.00 #6 1300.00 3560.00 #7 5760.00 7075.00 #8 5800.00 5190.00 #9 4700.00 5505.00 #10 15000.00 5634.00

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 278 recognize the marriage. The daughter was living with her parents even after her marriage when the trouble began. It came to light that the mother had already promised to give her daughter in marriage to a city man from whom she borrowed a large sum of money. The man who was already married pressured her either to pay the money back or give her daughter to him. Banu, without telling anything to her daughter took her to Dhaka and gave her away to him. The daughter, however, managed to escape with the help of the man's wife and returned to Rupsa. Everybody was scandalized at the behavior of the mother, who denied the charge of trying to marry off a married daughter. Instead, she put the blame on her relatives in Dhaka whom she had ostensibly visited with her daughter. Her story was that they drugged both of them and later handed over the girl to that man. The story was told to me by my other informants as the latest scandal of the village. They also informed me that Banu was severely beaten by her husband for her disgraceful act. I had no way of verifying this or for that matter any other scandal because it is hardly possible to approach the party concerned and ask about the authenticity of the gossip about them. Whatever be the motive behind the strange behavior of Banu, two things became apparent from the incident. As it was the sole responsibility of a pearl- woman to provide for the family, she had to arrange for

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 279 funds needed for family expenditure either by selling pearl or by borrowing money. She told me that she had already incurred some debt and was worried about the payment. The incident about her daughter could be analyzed as a manifestation of her desperate condition. It was possible that the inability to pay the debt off made her take the devious step. The other point in question is that her husband, who depends on his wife to provide not only the basics for the family but also for the capital he needs for his fishing venture, did not hesitate to physically assault her when she was considered to be in the wrong. An analysis of these two points show a tragic link between the two. Banu's action was caused by her sense of responsibility to the family. As the main bread-winner, it was her duty to provide the bread by begging, borrowing or stealing. She chose to borrow to feed the family. She was only carrying on her duty as a provider of the family. Her husband, even though he is not the main bread-winner, is still regarded as the head of the family, the role he duly played by exerting his authority on an erring wife. This shows that no matter whether a pearl-woman is the bread-winner or not, she never attains the position of the head of the household. Even Bibi's (another informant) husband who is always at home and hardly earns an income is regarded as the head of the family, although it is his wife who bears the whole burden of the family. It is accepted by both men and women that

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 280 the position of household head belong to men. In the survey conducted in 1989 two widows and a divorcee who lived with their children were reported as household heads. On the other hand in 1991, I found that a widow who earns an income as a pearl seller lives with her young son in her brother's household. I met two elderly widows who despite their earning an income were staying in the households of their sons who were regarded as household heads. In both the situations the mothers lived in adjacent houses and arranged for their own food. Still, the sons are regarded as household heads. In situations where the husband is also a good income- earner, the primary responsibilities still lie with the pearl-woman. We noticed that while the wife is spending her income on basic things (such as food, clothing and education), the husband could be seen landing with a fancy showcase or a set of imported glassware that he had bought in the city. Similar situations under similar conditions have been noticed by researchers in other societies where women are active income-earners. Standing observes that in poor households of Calcutta "employed mothers spend all their earnings on basic household subsistence," while the male income-earners spend "more on liquor, cigarettes, cinema trips and 'teashop' life" (Standing 1985: WS-36). Agarwal makes similar remarks that men spent money "largely for their personal needs such as drink, clothes, radios,..."

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 281 (Agarwal 1985: A-155). Ghose's report on the construction workers shows that most "of their income is spent on food for the family, while their husbands' earnings are often spent on liquor" (Ghose 1984: 207). Elson refers to studies that suggest that "while women typically pool and share their income... men are inclined to reserve part of their income for discretionary personal spending" (Elson 1991: 11). Rupsa was no exception. As to the control of the family purse, I gather that it lies with the pearl-woman. Several of my informants confirmed it by mentioning that the incomes of both the husband and wife (i.e., if and when the husband is earning) are kept together in a common fund, although they might keep separate accounts of their income and expenditure. We noticed and got confirmation by asking questions that it is the pearl-woman who controls the family fund. On several occasions we found a pearl-woman give money to her husband to bring tea and biscuits for us when we visited them. It is interesting to note that on one occasion at Banu's house it was her husband who sent his young son with money to get tea for us. At that time he was earning an income as a fisherman. During our constant visits to the house of a pearl- woman we noticed that her role in the family (income-earning and controlling it) gives her authority in the family. Although there might be elderly women in the house, for

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 282 example, a widowed mother-in-law or a sister-in-law, or a young daughter-in-law to take charge of the household tasks, it is the pearl-woman who leaves instruction to them about what food to be cooked or what foodstuff to be bought from the market. Usually it is she who gives money to the husband, son or the mother-in-law for daily shopping for essentials such as rice, pulses and vegetables. Fish or meat she buys from the city market, on one occasion I saw a pearl-woman leaving her bunch of keys in the custody of her sister-in-law who lives in an adjacent house to be given to her (the pearl-woman's) husband in case he needs to open the steel almirah which is used as a safe and a wardrobe. It needs to be mentioned here that in a Bengali family (both in Bangladesh and West Bengal) a bunch of keys is the symbol of authority. The custodian of the bunch of keys is regarded as the person with power over other members of the family. The senior members are given their due respect, but the deciding power in the household affairs lies with the person in charge of the keys. Thus a pearl-woman not only contributes to the family, but also controls the purse string. Besides the pearl-woman enjoys the freedom of spending her income as she pleases. A pearl-woman may sometime try to save a portion of her income by opening an account in the bank. Several of the pearl-women confided in me that they have bank accounts in their name. Some of them deposit money in the samiti and thus earn an interest on

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 283 their money. However, as noted earlier, authority in the family does not give a pearl-woman the status of the head of the household. No matter how great a contribution she makes to the family coffer or how much power she might enjoy in the family she is not regarded as the head of the family. Because male supremacy is the norm of the present Shandar society, whether a man earns or not, the position of a household head belongs to the husband. In the households of pearl-women I noticed that age gives status, but not authority. Mothers-in-law who live with their sons' families are respected for their age, seniority and position, but the control of the household remains with the daughters-in-law. The younger women are in charge of the finances of the family and share decision making power with their husbands. I often found them handing out money necessary for family expenditure e.g., school fees for the children or money for the groceries. The most important thing I noticed was that it was the younger women, and not the mothers-in-law, who possessed the bunch of keys that symbolizes authority in the family. I was informed by several women that they consult their mothers-in-law on important family matters. I noticed that senior Shandar women enjoy certain respect from other members of their family, which may not be interpreted as power or authority.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 284 The Social Role of a Pearl-Woman A pearl-woman*'s responsibility is not limited only to her immediate family but it also extends to relatives who might be residing in places outside Rupsa. Hy key informant often goes off to Rampura (near Dhaka) to visit with her sister who might be ill or is having trouble with her children. She goes there to give a sympathetic ear to the sister's complaints or to chastise the offending son or daughter, or in case of an illness, to comfort her. Of my sample two women financially help their relatives. Mariam regularly helps her parents and Ranu occasionally helps her in-laws. While the former thinks that as the eldest daughter it is her duty to take care of her parents' family, the latter complains that her in-laws think it is her duty to help them. She mentioned also that her husband gives all his income to his parents and does not contribute anything to his own family. During our stay in Rupsa, Ranu's mother-in-law paid her a visit and demanded money from her. I was present when she asked her for money. I became curious to know the reason why her daughter-in-law should give her money. Her argument was that as the latter was earning an income it was her duty to support her whenever she needed it. The daughter-in-law, was not very happy about it. The mother-in-law, however, left a happier person, she received not only money but also a sari from her daughter-in-law. Thus pearl-women have the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 285 responsibility toward the extended family as well. Beside being the psychological and financial help to the extended families, the pearl-woman also has indirect roles in the village festivals. While she may not be directly involved in rituals such as the Bheura or the Urs. she may participate in cooking food for the invitees and the distribution of it, especially if these events are arranged by their relatives. But usually a pearl-woman does not participate in these activities for the simple reason that she has her own business to take care of. But as these occasions are important events in the village life, Shandars from different parts of the country visit Rupsa to attend them and a pearl-woman has to play hostess to the visiting relatives who might spend a night or two in her house. Thus a pearl-woman is indirectly involved in the social events. Marriage is a happy occasion in the family and in the village. Young girls and pearl-women who come from Dhaka to attend the wedding participate in rituals such as, telai (rubbing a paste of turmeric and herbs on the bodies of the bride and the groom) and mendi (coloring hands with henna), or in singing wedding songs. The pearl-woman busy with her occupation usually does not participate in the merry-making unless the wedding takes place in her own family. She however, attends the wedding-feast as her social obligation and brings gifts for the newly-wedded couple. No pearl-woman, for that matter, no Shandar woman has

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 286 any role in the village panchavet and remains aloof from it. A pearl-woman might not have any influence over the social affairs, but she definitely has a big say in the family decision-making. I noticed one of my sample to be very authoritative at home. Her husband is a timid person who does not seem to earn anything worth mentioning. Although he claims to work as a locksmith for Bangladesh Biman, the National Airlines, I have my doubts about it. Most of the time he is at home. This explains my informant's dominance over her husband. During my visits to this household it is the pearl-woman who paid for the tea and snacks that were fetched for us. Again, on another occasion when she was ill, her husband took money from her and brought the medicine from the drugstore at Kaliganj. During our house hunting, a Shandar man who almost agreed to rent a room to us, refused to do so later because his wife, who is one of the successful pear1-women objected to it. In fact her son told me that they could give the final word only after talking to his mother who was away when we visited them. I mention these incidents to emphasize the fact that in family matters a pearl-woman exerts control over family funds and family decisions. I was told by pearl-women that the marriage arrangements of their children also depend on the mother's consent. The bulk of family expenditure is carried on by the pearl-woman. She decides what is to be bought and for whom to be bought. During the two main

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 287 Muslin festivals, when new clothes are bought for every member of the family, the pearl-woman goes on a shopping expedition accompanied by the husband or the childen or both. In the household affairs she decides what food is to be cooked and what kind of fish or vegetables to be brought from the market. We were often invited to join the pearl- woman for lunch or dinner which had been prepared by elderly relatives or young daughters-in-law if they happened to live with her. A pearl-woman sometimes cooks food before leaving home for the city and on her return in the evening prepares dinner for the family. Thus we can say that despite her economic activities a pearl-woman has the responsibilities of the household to take care of.

Legal Status of a Pear1-Woman In this section I propose to draw attention to the issues of legal rights that a pearl-woman is entitled to as a Muslim woman and their implications in her life. Although Islamic laws as practiced in Bangladesh protect woman's rights in different spheres of life, such as a woman's right to consent in marriage, her right to receive the dower in the event of divorce or her right to inherit property are rarely implemented fully. Bangladeshi laws require that the consent of both the boy and the girl is obtained before solemnizing the marriage. In practice, taking a girl's consent is mostly a

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 288 formality, especially in the rural areas where the marriage is arranged by the parents. A girl is expected to give her consent. Refusal would bring shame and disgrace to the familly. Ahmed and Naher remark, A girl is socialised into believing that only parents know what is best for her and lojja (sense of shame) as a value operates in such a way as to make it a very exceptional case when a girl does not agree to the marriage arranged by the parents (Ahmed and Naher 1987:94). The pearl-women told us categorically that when they were married, the question of taking their consent did not arise. It was the parents who took decisions about the marriage of the children. Thus although they had the legal right to consent to or refuse a marriage, it did not become a reality. But it seems that a certain change has taken place in their outlook regarding the marriage of their children. Several women commented that the time has changed (in 1991) and the young people are themselves choosing their partners. So, they observed, one should take a girl's/boy's consent before arranging a marriage alliance. They further added that they should agree to their children's selection of spouses because denial may result in elopement (which incidentally is not uncommon in Rupsa) that would bring shame on the family. So in order to avoid disgrace a pearl- woman is in favor of obtaining the consent, particularly that of the daughter before arranging a marriage for her. This shows that whereas a pearl-woman (like any other woman from the Bangladeshi society) agreed to the marriage her

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 289 parents arranged, her daughter has the opportunity to consent to or refuse a marriage proposal. In marriage a woman is entitled to claim and receive her mehr (dower) from her husband. Mehr or "dower is a sum of money or other property which the wife is entitled to receive from the husband in consideration of marriage" (Choudhury n.d.:14). It is further noted If the marriage was consummated the wife is entitled to immediate payment of the whole of the unpaid dower, both prompt and deferred. If the marriage was not consummated and the amount was specified in the contract, she is entitled to half of that amount (Choudhury n.d.:14). "Prompt" is payable on demand while "deferred" is payable on the dissolution of marriage by death or divorce. In practice a woman hardly demands her dower from the husband which he is bound to give whenever she asks for it. In fact dower has become an issue of prestige, the larger the figure of the dower, the higher is the prestige of the bride's family. In the event of a divorce a Bangladeshi woman usually forgoes her mehr for fear of social criticism. Although she is entitled to her dower, she gets it on rare occasions. Claiming a dower is often considered embarassing for the woman's family. Besides men do not look kindly on a woman who wants her dower. Thus by claiming her dower she may jeopardize her chance of a second marriage. While men are not too eager to pay the dower money (personal observations) women are hardly in a position to ask for it. Moreover, in

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 290 most cases women do not claim of the dower money because of long legal procedures. In the Shandar community, a divorced wife has to leave everything behind, but I was told that she receives her dower. One of my informants told me that in case of a divorce a Shandar woman she gets her mehr. but she remarked, "What good would mohorana (dower) do when one leaves everything she has behind?" I could not verify it because none of my sample was divorced. Moreover, when the women from the larger society mostly do not receive their dower, I felt it unlikely that the Shandars who are following the examples of the other society in their life would be willing to pay the dower to a divorced woman. Islamic laws not only lay down codes of behavior for women, they also recognize a woman's right to own and control property. Islamic laws allow a woman to inherit property. N.M. Begum points out, According to Muslim law, women may inherit from their fathers the equivalent of half of what each of their brothers inherit and one-eighth of their husbands' property if they have children (N.M. Begum 1988:10). Thus Islamic laws give a woman right to inherit and claim her father's property. But here also we find the real situation to be quite different. In Muslim societies women often forgo their right of inheritance (Beck 1980; Westergaard 1983). In Bangladesh, women usually do not press their claim to paternal property in order to maintain good relations with their brothers.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 291 I referred to the Islamic laws in order to examine the situation of a pearl-woman in the light of religious laws and social custom or practice. In Rupsa, a woman forgoes her right to parental property for the same reason as already discussed in the context of the larger Bangladeshi society. She does not receive any share of her husband's property either. The above observations bring out the glaring discrepancies between law and custom that are evident in the situation of a woman from a sub-section of the Bangladeshi society. What one offers the other denies. While law gives a woman rights in theory, social realities take these away from her. It is interesting to note here that the Bedey social norms too, have undergone certain changes with respect to ownership of property by a woman. One of my informants told me that her grandmother owned property and controlled it. During my fieldwork I noticed that several pearl-women owned property (Table 15). The Table shows that out of 50 27 pearl-women owned the dwelling place. Among my sample 40 percent of the women own either the house or the boat they live in (Table 16). One of them mentioned that she and her husband jointly built the house (that makes her 50% owner of the house). But at present (in 1991) it seems that a woman neither gets her inheritance nor owns a property even if it is acquired with her income. Several of my informants told

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 292 me categorically that women do not inherit parental property. It is inherited by sons who have the responsibility to take care of the parents. It appears that in theory a pearl-woman is entitled to legal rights, but in reality she is entitled to nothing.

Table 15. Distribution of Pear1-Women by Ownership of Residence (boat/house): No. of women = 50

Self Husband Relative Rented Total 27 10 07 06 50

Table 16. Distribution of Pear1-Women by Ownership of Residence (boat/house): No. of women = 10

self Husband Relative Rented Total 04 02 01 03 10

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 293

Decision-Making Power of a Pearl-Woman During the fieldwork we were informed by the pearl- women that in their families, major family decisions, such as purchase of food, inviting people to their home, children's education, marriage, and family planning, are taken jointly by the husband and the wife (Table 17). The wife is consulted in such matters and she has a big say in the decision making. Ware reflects that in societies where upper class women are often entirely economically dependent upon men, "the poorest women are much more likely to be earning a wage... and to have a strong say in family decision making" (Ware 1981:22). Studies of other societies show that the decision-making power in the family is often dependent on the distribution of responsibilities and control of resources. Charlton observes that "Wives in poor households can have greater power if they are to retain control of their earnings" (Charlton 1984 :49). She refers to Bombay slum families where 60 percent of the working women who used their income almost exclusively for family maintenance kept and controlled it. Moreover, Charlton states that where "patriarchal system is less rigid" or where "matrilineal tradition exists" the decision-making process is not totally dependent on men. It has been noticed that in some societies, for example, in Thailand, "rural women's responsibility to feed

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 294 and clothe the family is related to their ability to keep the money they earn and to have an important say in how it is spent" (Charlton 1984:49). If we carefully examine the situation of a pearl-woman, we shall find that the above observations are applicable to her also. Coming from a society that is traditionally dependent upon a woman's earnings, in other words, where a woman is responsible for feeding the family, a pearl-woman appears to be performing her role in the family as per the social custom. She is earning and contributing toward the maintenance of the family. As it has been pointed out by researchers (N.U. Ahmed 1962) an income-earning woman had special position in the Bedey community. In Rupsa we noticed that the pearl-woman not only contributes her income to the family fund she has a control over the spending of it. We can infer, in the light of the above references, that unlike the rural families in Bangladesh which are culturally patriarchal, the Shandar society exhibits a tendency toward a matrifocal system. The traditional responsibilities of a pearl-woman to feed her family and her control over the resources give her right to participate in the family decision making. In situations where men are responsible for feeding the family and use their income to do so (for example, in rural Bangladesh and the Philippines), the responsibility for buying food is also theirs (Charlton 1984:49). In Rupsa I

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 295 noticed that in families where men are the providers of the

Table 17. Distribution of Pear1-Women by their Decision-Making: No. of women = 5 0

Topic H&W H W Others Total

Buy 35 04 07 04 50 Household goods Buy 34 04 08 04 50 utensils Invite 35 04 06 05 50 guests Marriage of 32 06 07 05 50 children Education 36 05 07 02 50 of children Outing 29 07 10 04 50 Program Visit 35 02 09 04 50 Doctor Misc. 31 06 08 04 50 Expenditure

family they buy the food, perishables such as fish, vegetables etc. and non-perishables such as rice, lentil etc. Women do not do the shopping. They are mainly responsible for the preparation and distribution of food. Where a woman is responsible for feeding the family, such as in the family of a pearl-woman, it is her responsibility to provide the food as well as the income for buying it. These two features combined together entitle a pearl-woman to participate in the major family decision-making.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 296 A pearl-woman's role in family decision-making becomes more clear if we compare her situation with that of a Shandar woman who is a "pure" housewife making no financial contribution toward family maintenance. Her role in the family decision-making is limited. Informal discussions with Shandar men who are the bread-winners of the family and whose wives are not engaged in any income-generating activities, reveal that in their households the major family decisions are taken by the husband. The wife is involved in day-to-day decision-making concerning mostly running the house. The issues of the education and marriage of children are decided by the father. Although the wife might be consulted in those matters, the final decision lies with the husband. The wife is not empowered to make any decision on her own; for example, if she desires something expensive, she would request her husband to buy it for her. The same tendency has been noticed by S. Roy (1979) among the Muslim women of Delhi and Lucknow. She observes that if they desire anything expensive they need the permission of their husbands before buying it. The Shandar men further remark that in the case of the marriage of a son or a daughter the husband's decision is final. I noticed that in the household of Huda, one of the richest Shandars, his wife takes decisions about the basic requirements of the family such as food and clothing. She informs her husband who procures according to her decisions.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 297 I was told by Huda that in major issues concerning the family members he consults his wife, but he takes the final decisions. He would decide about the marriage of his children. In the pearl-woman's family it is the mother who accepts or rejects a marriage proposal for her daughter. He noticed that the mother is responsible for the marriage expenses. He were told by pearl-women that usually it is the mother who chooses a bride for the son. One woman confides that her husband has remarked that as the daughter- in-law would be living in her house it is she who should choose the girl according to her own liking. It ought to be mentioned here that a young married son and his wife live with the parents, and it is the daughter-in-law who takes care of the household chores when mother-in-law is off to her business. Some of my male informants comment that a pearl-woman has complete authority over her husband and that the husband would not leave the house without the permission of his wife. I did not notice any such occasion where a wife commanded her husband to stay at home and the husband complied by obeying her. The comment was rather an exaggerated account of the position of the husband of a pearl-woman. But it is certain that a Shandar woman earning an income enjoys more authority and decision-making power in the family than a Shandar woman who is only a "pure"

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 298 housewife.

Motivations In reply to questions about what motivates her to work for an income a pearl-woman informs us that it is the duty of a woman in their community to maintain her family. During our interviews with pearl-women we were categorically told that the condition of the family would deteriorate if a pearl-woman does not earn an income. A woman has to work so that her children would live well and they would be raised properly. It emerges from our talks with a pearl-woman that they view their income-earning activities as a part of her obligation to the family. She believes that as a wife and a mother it is her bounden duty to fend for the family by contributing her income towards its maintenance. Acquiring the means to provide for the needs of the family is the main reason that motivates a pearl-woman to earn an income. However, a pearl-woman often complains about the nature of her work that entails hardship and long hours requiring her to spend most of her day outside home. She expresses her desire to withdraw from working only if her husband could afford to keep her at home. The same tendency has been noticed by researchers among working women from the poorer class who expressed similar views regarding withdrawing themselves from the labor force. Ware refers to studies of societies in the Middle East, Northern Nigeria

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 299 and India where "poor women may long to be kept secluded and relieved of the burden of work in the fields or in other peoples' houses in addition to their own housework" (Ware 1981:15). It is interesting to note that in Rupsa several women showed their preference for staying at home. Working women burdened with the responsibilities to feed the family work for survival. The issues of women's right and liberty hardly concern her. As Ware aptly points out, "For the majority of women in the Third World countries, poverty is a more important issue than women's rights" (Ware 1981:17). Beck observes that "for the non- western world, where many populations live in abject poverty... certain issues connected with women's emancipation and equal rights seem to be irrelevant" (Beck 1980:30-31). During my interviews with city jewelers several of them remarked that the pearl-women work hard for survival of themselves and their families. The pearl-women are not living in "abject poverty," but the responsibilty of supporting their families makes them struggle and toil hard to earn a decent income. I noticed that even in situations where the husband is also a good income earner, the wife continues with her work as a pearl-woman. Two of my informants explained that it gave them extra money to spend as they wished. Two elderly pearl-women of about 60 to 70 years of age prefer to work simply because, as one of them commented, they do not like

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 300 to ask their sons for financial assistance. The son of this woman is a wealthy and influential Shandar who does not want his mother to work. The mother however, refuses to give up her traditional occupation which she remarks gives her freedom to do as she wishes. It appears that age does not affect women's decision to work. It is the desire of maintaining their independent status inspires able-bodied women to work, irrespective of their advanced age. While younger pearl-women never talk about freedom as a motivation for working, elderly pearl-women show the spirit of independence in carrying out their profession. It seems that these women have been used to the traditional freedom of movement associated with their kind of work that is so characteristic of the Bedey community and wanted to keep on earning an income even when they need not to do so. A pearl-woman continues to earn an income and contribute it to the family fund as her resposibiliy to feed and maintain the family.

Summary The profile of a pearl-woman that emerges from the above discussions is that of a woman whose contribution to the family fund and control of it give her considerable status in the family. Her responsibilities of feeding the family motivate her to engage in income-generating activities. Her control over income and expenditure enables her to participate in important family decision-making

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 301 process. In the family her position is recognized by other women of the family, both young and old. Elderly pearl- women work for maintaining their own independence, while younger women may have access to extra money for spending as added incentive for work. All these factors taken together shows that a pearl-woman has high status in the family as long as she is able to fend for the family. Several of the pearl-women commented during our interviews with them, that their status in the family goes down if they do not earn an income. It appears that a pearl-woman's authority and status in the family depend on her fulfillment of her responsibilities toward the family. Moreover, her position remains intact as long as she herself remains within the bonds of marriage. If the marriage terminates in divorce she is stripped of everything: status, power and wealth. No matter how much she might have invested in the family she could claim no part or share of it.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Chapter VIII CONCLUSION

In this concluding chapter I concentrate on two important issues, namely eagerness among the Shandar for upward social mobility as an outcome of sedentarization and the possible emergence of Shandar women as pearl traders in their own right. In the first section of the chapter I focus on the changes that are taking place in the Shandar lifeways. I argue that sedentarization brought them in contact with the settled population which in turn, cast its influence on their values and ideas. As a result of interactions between the two groups the Shandar developed a certain willingness for identifying themselves with the other. This desire for being like the other is apparent in their emulation of the norms, values and ideologies of the larger society. I consider this desire for a different status as a positive indication of "Sanskritization." The visible changes that one notices in their living style, socio-economic situations and their attitude towards female employment reflect the norms of the traditional village community. Persuit of the sedentary life style seems to have placed Shandar men and women in opposite 302

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 303 directions. In their interest in being accepted as equal by the settled community, they are in favor of reversing the roles of women from income-earners to home-makers. Thus one observes that the same cause produces different results for two groups of the same community, i.e., men and women. I intend to analyze the issues of the effect of sedentarization on men and women separately. Although these two issues overlap and often cross boundaries, I believe that as far as possible, separate treatment of them would be useful in bringing out the situation of women in a changed social scene. Moreover, it would point out how the Shandars themselves view the role of women in family and society. In the second section I discuss the issues that are relevant to the economic activities of women who are responsible for family maintenance and are interested in improving their financial situation. I point out different sources that could be helpful in solving the trade-related problems of the pearl-women. I raise also the question whether given proper opportunity and assistance women would be able to emerge as independent pearl traders.

Sedentarization and the Shandar Changes in the Shandar Bedey ways of life began with sedentarization when their forefathers bought land and settled down on the ground about 150 years ago. Sedentarization brought changes in terms of housing pattern, dress, and language. As they came in contact with the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 304 dominant: society, primarily in the rural areas where they "did gaps," it was not surprising that in starting their new life as villagers they would be using as a model the life style of the families that they came to know in the course of their frequent visits. If we begin with the first step the Shandars took in moving from water to land, it is the housing pattern adopted for building their residence that draws one's attention. In Rupsa we noticed four types of houses - i) single- or double-storeyed brick structures, ii) single- or double- storeyed houses of corrugated iron sheet with brick foundation, iii) houses of corrugated sheet with mud foundation, and iv) houses with plaited bamboo walls and mud foundation. These are the types of structures that are used by the urban and rural people in Bangladesh in building their homes. The brick buildings which range from simple concrete building of the middle classes to the mansions of the rich upper class families are found in cities and towns, and occasionally among the well-to-do in the village. Types ii to iii are usually found in the rural areas, on the outskirts of the city or in mufussil towns and among the low income families, while type iv belongs to the poorer section of the society. The majority of the village-dwellers live in ii to iv. My reason for dwelling on the housing patterns is to point out that the Shandars built their houses on the available models they found existent in the villages.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 305 As Shandar men often talked about "good living" and "rising in life", it appears to me that in order to prove their equal status with their non-Bedey neighbors they consciously or unconsciously emulate the life style of the other. During my stay in Rupsa when I visited the neighboring non-Bedey households in the semi-urban area of Kaliganj, I noticed striking resemblances between the material wealth both the groups possessed. I found the items of furniture and the variety of electronics and electric goods that the Shandar display in their bed-cum- living room are almost identical to those present in the non-Bedey households. It could be argued that in present- day Bangladeshi society these are common household goods used by persons who could afford them. I argue that it is possible that in the process of settling down among the non- Bedey villagers, they saw these objects in the non-Bedey households and considered them to be symbols of status. Possession of such articles also marks them as a people of means with roots in the ground and not as nomads moving around in the country. I view it as their way of identifying themselves with the affluent settled community at least in the rural area. As their children attend the same educational institutions as the non-Bedey children do, they come in touch with each other which develops into a friendship. Contact with the members of the other society exposes them to a living which as some of the shandar

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 306 admitted, could be regarded as a model of 'good7 living. It appears that by copying the behavior of the settled people they are trying to establish their respectability as members of the larger community. The same desire for respectability leads them to refuse to be called 'Bedey.7 Moreover, the claim that they are 'just like others,7 meaning the non- Bedeys, is eloquent of their determination to deny any difference between themselves and the dominant society. As a result of their interactions with the dominant society important changes are taking place in Shandar social behavior. This is apparent in their adoption of the norms of the other society in the realms of marriage customs and inheritance. While in the past the Shandar custom was to give money to the bride7s father to meet the marriage expenses, now the groom or the groom7s father receives money from the former. Thus pon or bridewealth has been converted into ioutuk or 'groom-money.7 Islam does not allow ioutuk. But it has become a prevalent practice among the members of the larger society that in order to get a well-educated and well-placed son-in- law the father of a bride has to pay him both in cash and in kind. Commenting on the notion of a 'desirable groom,7 Ahmed and Naher comment that "many parents 'willingly7 gifted things to the groom in order that the marriage should materialise" (Ahmed and Naher 1987:188). This gradually led to the introduction of the system of ioutuk. originally a

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 307 Hindu custom, into the Muslim society. Hartmann and Boyce remark that "in the early 1940's... the dowry system, a traditional practice among the upper-caste Hindus, was making its first appearance among the better-off Muslim families" (quoted by Ahmed and Naher 1987:139). Despite the fact that the transaction of ioutuk has been prohibited by the government, it has become a custom in Bangladesh that the guardian of a bride would provide the couple with riches according to his own as well as the groom's status. Thus it can be said to be a status symbol for both the families. N.U. Ahmed observed in 1962 that in the Bedey community women were held in high esteem, particularly because of their earning capability. N.U. Ahmed states, "The more she can earn, the greater is the demand for her as a marriage partner" (N.U. Ahmed 1962: 241). However, in 1991, I was told by the pearl-women that among the Shandars an unmarried woman would not engage in income-earning activities. It is only if the husband permits, or as one of the pearl-women said, "Shami adesh korle" ("If the husband orders her to do so"), that a wife engages in earning an income. This appears to be a deviation from the Bedey social customs as seen by Ahmed in 1962. He states, From the standpoint of family and community economy she holds an important place. In some cases a wife will earn more than her husband, and community admiration for her will increase in direct proportion to her earning capacity (N.U. Ahmed 1962: 240). But in 1991 in Rupsa my discussions with some of the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 308 rich Shandars reveal that they expected women to give up their income-earning activities and stay at home. This reduces their status from working to non-working women and their worth as income-earning wives is no longer in consideration. Thus bringing in a wife would not mean bringing in a new source for an additional income. Rather it would mean feeding an additional mouth and incurring additional expenditure. Moreover, increasing participation of men in income-earning raises the worth of a prospective groom as a good provider. Rahman observes that by adopting new occupations Shandar men are becoming economically more important than their women. He further observes, ’’This changing situation justifies dowry which was almost unknown to this wandering people" (Rahman 1990:600). I believe these could be some of the reasons for shifting from bridewealth to ioutuk. and they have also the model of the larger society that considers ioutuk. in one form or the other, as a symbol of status and respectability. The other noticeable change in their attitude towards marriage customs is their willingness to ask for a girl's consent in the marriage. Previously the parents did not feel the need for her consent. At present they think that it is necessary to keep up with "the changing time." Some of the Shandar women told me that if they do not pay heed to the girl's opinion she might bring shame and dishonor to the family by eloping with her lover.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 309 Some of the elderly women (Bibi, Hasna) told me that in the past Shandar women owned and controlled property. Hasna told me that her father gave her the boat the family lives in. Presently, however, men control the property even if it is acquired by women. I infer control of property by men instead of women as the direct result of their contact with the larger society. Besides, by giving up their property rights under similar circumstances for similar reasons the Shandar women are behaving more like the women of the larger community than Bedey women. As the result of sedentarization Shandars came gradually in closer contact with their non-Bedey neighbors whose influence on them is reflected in their dress, occupation and language. Dress and language can act as important 'levellers' making it difficult to distinguish differences between groups and classes. It is noticeable that people from the fringe of society eager for merger in the larger society would adopt the dress, language and behavior pattern of the other in order to be less conspicuous and to gain acceptance as equals. In a comparable situation in Uttar Pradash in India, Bhatty notices that the "lower class women are trying to imitate the upper class women, who are now more urbanised, in matters of dress, styles, manners and language" (Bhatty 1975:372). Shandars are in favor of adopting occupations that are

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 310 largely followed by the members of the larger society. This leads them to give formal education to their children and prepare them for joining the work force of the other society. While the pearl trade constitutes the principal occupation of the Shandar they want their sons to be engineers, doctors, and lawyers or to take some kind of employment. While affluent Shandars like Huda and Nil Mia express opinions against female employment, Shahjahan and Farid want their daughters to be doctors or teachers. It appears that the Shandars are offering the younger generations choices and opportunities for making a place for themselves in the larger society. Changes in their attitude toward their life style and willingness toward assimilation led the Shandar to move from the nomadic ways of living to a sedentary life with positive roles in the society. There are Shandars who head the governmental administrative units in the village, and while in Rupsa I found them busy with the preparation for competing in the next election of the Union Council (an administrative unit). In the past the Shandar did not develop any social relationship with the non-Bedey villagers because they were people who moved from place to place and people without any fixed habitation were not encouraged to stay in the vicinity of the locality for a long time. The villagers' bias against the Bedey is evident from the fact that they were

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 311 often suspected for crimes committed in the villages. However, sedentarization brought the non-Bedey and the Bedey in closer contact with each other in different spheres of life. Several arguments have been forwarded by Shandar men and women as their reasons for settling down on land. Wealthy Shandars like Huda and Alam emphasize a "desire to move upward" as one of the reasons for sedentarization, while Farid and Bibi mention lack of space, difficulty in entertaining people in boats, lack of security in stormy weather, difficulty in finding suitable mooring places and so on as reason for their shift from boat to a house. One of my non-Bedey Muslim informants from Kaliganj remarked that the Shandars' desire to get absorbed into the larger society is the main cause of their sedentarization. He observed that ownership of land gives one identity and status in society. He further comments that by settling down in one place permanently one grows roots there gradually. Thus in order to have a respectable identity Shandars bought land and settled down. From the above observation it is evident that some non-Bedey think that in their desire to be considered respectable landed people the Shandars deviated from their traditional lifeways. During my fieldwork in 1991 I found that several families that had been listed earlier in 1989 as residing in boats later moved to houses on the land while others were

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 312 waiting for a similar opportunity to do so. Some of the Shandar men said that it is a step toward "good living" that enabled them to give up the boat life and live comfortably in houses like regular villagers. I find that in order to blend into the larger society the Shandar adopted several strategies. Some of the younger Shandars refuse to be known as 'Bedey' and older men sometimes refer to themselves as Manata. The majority of them identify themselves as "Shandars." They believe "Bedey" to be a term used to show contempt of them by the other society. Secondly, they are gradually giving up their nomadic life and settling down in the village. Some of them feel that their identity as nomads degrades their position in the society. Rahman (1990) notes that their refusal to be known as nomads led to the change of the name of the Jaiabor Kalvan Saraity (The Association for the Welfare of the Nomadic People), an association formed for the upliftment of the socio-economic conditions of the Bedey, to the Sawdagar Kalvan Samitv (the Association for the Welfare of the Merchants). My findings that the Shandars often identify themselves as bepari (traders) or saudaoar (merchants) is corroborated by Rahman's study. Thirdly, they provide themselves with bases for being regarded as good Muslims. They follow the religious edicts, arrange for the children to have religious education from the imam of the mosque and also support purdah and male

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 313 dominance. Fourthly, some of them are gradually changing occupations as they think trading in pearls identifies them with the Bedey group. Fifthly, most of them are keen on educating their children formally and preparing them for respectable occupations. Although several rich Shandars mention adherence to the religious tenets as the cause of their supporting purdah. my informal talks with other Shandar men reveal that criticism by the larger society is to be the inherent cause for their withdrawal of the women from working as pear1-women. The opinions of Shandar men and women from different economic levels indicate that the criticism by the larger society for their dependence on women's income hurt their feelings. They are also criticized for the freedom of movement and association their women enjoy in the course of their profession. N.U. Ahmed pointed out in the context of the marital relationship of the Laua with the neighboring Muslim community that a local Muslim remarked, "We do not intermarry with them because their women roam over the village and they have no purdah and do not observe Shariat" (N.U. Ahmed 1962:253). A similar situation has been reported by Bhattacharya in his study of the caste system among the Muslims of rural West Bengal. He observes that the Muslims of upper status deny equal status to the Shah, Patua and Momins who are graded lowest by the local Muslims "for failure of the women of these latter ethnic groups to

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 314 observe parda" (Bhattacharya 1973:128). In Rupsa I noticed that men who could afford to stop the income-earning activities of their women did so, while the others who still depended on their women's income evolved a strategy in order to escape from their non-Bedey neighbors' criticism. The Shandar women avoid visiting the near-by marketplace of Kaliganj keeping in accordance with the local norms and do their shopping at the distant marketplaces in the city. As one man said, "Amader mevera kai kore boila amaderke nichu chokhe dekhev. Er por bazare pathaile aro mando koibo" ("They look down upon us because our women work. They would criticize us more if we send them to the market"). Several young Shandar men told me clearly that as pearl-selling is not regarded by the larger society as a respectable occupation for women they do not like women of their community to get involved in it. They further added that they want social status and if their wives are seen peddling pearls in the city they would lose face. Nil Mia, a senior rich Shandar man, observes that women's place is in the home where they should be taking care of the proper upbringing of the children. He blames the economic activities of the mother that keep her away from home for a considerable time of the day for the "bad environment" of the village. He thinks that by ignoring her duty toward the family and children the woman lets her

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 315 children go astray. The same Shandar also indicates that income earning gives a woman power and authority over the husband, which as evident from his attitude, is not desireable in a community aiming for male supremacy. This is a reflection of their gradual inclination toward the ideology of patriarchy. While in the past, household chores were shared by both husband and wife, in the present Shandar society the responsibility of household management is totally on women. The number of cases where the husbands participate in household work is negligible. I came across only two such instances where the husband looks after the children or cooks food in the absence of the wife. A man performing housework is regarded by others to be afraid of his wife. One of the men who was busy cooking told me that although others ridicule him for doing women's job, he had no objection in doing it. This incident proves that sex-roles are already introduced in the erstwhile egalitarian society where men and women shared all the work equally. In N.U. Ahmed(1962), on the other hand, reports that in the Laua group of the Bedey community, men and women performed household works equally irrespective of sexes. Several points emerge from the above observations. As women of the larger rural or semi-rural respectable families do not work outside the home, any departure from such norms is suspect and subject to criticism by the leaders of the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 316 society, i.e., men. They view that the Bedey do not conform to the norms of the society that include observing purdah and keeping women under the domination of men. Presently several Shandar men support the idea of seclusion for women and advocate the idea of restricting women's movement by withdrawing from the work force. In this context I want to mention that because of the hard work several pearl-women expressed their desire to withdraw from the work force with the improvement of the financial condition of their families. One of them remarked, "Boro koster kai. Shami iodi boshaiva khawai. kai korumna" ("It is a very hardwork. I shall not work if my husband can feed me without my earning an income"). Mandelbaura observes, "When a poor family becomes affluent enough to adopt more rigorous purdah. its women are generally eager to do so" (Mandelbaum 1988:35). The pearl women, however, did not show any particular eagerness for observing purdah. They simply desired relief from hard work by withdrawing themselves from income-earning activities. Singh notices that this process of "immurement" - the withdrawal of women from the paid work force when the families' economic situation improves - occurs both in North and South India (Singh 1984). The attitude of Shandar men toward female employment can be analyzed from the socio-economic and religious points of view of the Shandars themselves. In Rupsa a wealthy

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 317 group of Shandar has emerged that oppose female employment and encourage the observance of purdah by women. In African countries of Nigeria and Uganda Kisekka observes that "strict adherence to Koranic injunctions can prevent women from farm work, but usually it affects the work only of upper class women" (Kisekka 1981:33). In Rupsa I observed that as the income of the husband becomes sufficient to maintain the family, the economic role of the woman becomes less important and is often considered unnecessary. Their economic prosperity as traders or emigrant workers abroad, allows the Shandar to behave like the upper class Muslim families where respectable women avoid the company of unrelated men and observe purdah. One of the members of the Sawdaoar Samitv told Rahman that the samitv is in favor of withdrawing women from working outside the home, because "he thinks that if their women stop going out of their boats and houses [for peddling] the status of the Bedey will gradually rise in society" (Rahman 1990:535). Seclusion of women is not only a religious ideology, it is also a symbol of the wealth of the family that can afford to keep their women from working for an income. It enhances the social status of the women who can sit at home and have the housework done by hired help. Lessinger notices that these forms of seclusion and avoidance... are maintained most elaborately and strongly by the well-to-do. To keep up such systems of gender segregation is both a drain on family resources and simultaneously a marker of the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 318 family's community-wide status. The family that keeps 'its' women at home is asserting not only its superior morality but also its ability to hire the labor of others... to replace women's work outside the home (Lessinger 1986:586). In short, by keeping women from working outside the home the affluent Shandar is emulating the behavior of the non-Bedey Muslim. To the Shandar purdah means the sign of wealth, prestige and honor, all rolled into one.

The Effect of Sedentarization on Women In societies where dependence on women's income is vital for the maintenance and sustenance of the family, freedom of movement and high place in the family as well as in the society are accorded to them. In families where men make little contribution toward the family fund, the responsibility of taking care of the family financially descends on women. Earning an income and controlling it gives women power and authority in the family. But as the situation changes with the solvency of the family attained by the active economic role of men, women are deprived of their privileges. The consequence of such a step is that women lose both their freedom of movement and economic independence and become fully dependent on men. I, however, noticed that the majority of the Shandar families are still dependent on women's earnings. In these families women are the main income-earners and providers of the family. In most of the instances women earn an income regularly while men make occasional or no contributions at

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 319 all. It is interesting to note that in these families too, men would theoretically like women to withdraw from the work force of the family. But they admit that financial constraints compel them to allow women to engage in income- earning activities. Mies notes that "Families, castes and classes which have risen economically usually seclude their women in the house, whereas all women in the poorer sections have to work along with their men" (Mies 1982:33). The Shandar men, however, state that if the situation permitted they would like their women to withdraw from working outside the home. Lessinger's observation in the context of the Tamil families of Madras that for "families that need women's earnings and rely on them, the ideology of female seclusion is clearly in conflict with daily reality" (Lessinger 1986:587) could very well apply to this category of Shandar families.

The Process of "Sanskritization" The tendency of the nouveau riche from the lower or suppresed class to follow the ideals or models of the dominant or powerful class has been noticed in other societies by researchers. Remy observes that during the colonial period in Nigeria a new elite developed among the Hausa who followed the status symbol of the Muslim Hausa aristocracy of the northern region. She quotes Rachel Yeld that this group of Nigerian men "has firmly adopted the status symbols of the Moslem aristocracy... including a

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 320 strict conformity to Islamic custom on the seclusion of wives..." (Remy 1975:363). Smock states that Ghanaian women enjoyed greater freedom in the precolonial period. But with the coming of the British the situation of women was adversely affected. With colonization by the British a Victorian idea of women's role and status that subordinated them to men was imported by the missionaries. Smock observes, "As Ghanaians became educated and aspired to be accepted by the Europeans as their equals, they themselves began to imitate western habits and practices" (Smock 1977:203). This inclination to imitate the practices of the other powerful or dominant class is not restricted to the African scene only. Bhatty observes that in Uttar Pradesh in North India there "is a marked tendency among those non-Ashraf families who have done well to put their women in purdah and to withdraw them from the family work force" (Bhatty 1975:372) in imitation of the upper class Ashraf families. She further noted that "the authority of the husband increased and the woman has been pushed back into the limited roles of wife and mother" (Bhatty 1975:372). Srinivas noticed the same regressive process among the lower caste and described it as the process of "Sanskritisation" (Bhatty 1975). It is a remarkable situation that while the upper classes in Bangladesh are becoming liberal and giving better

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 321 position to women, the lower class in an effort to copy them are adopting the norms and values which the upper classes are discarding. In the present Shandar society a change of direction from the traditional Bedey lifestyle to the non- Bedey lifestyle has set in. Shandar men like Huda and Alam often commented that "everybody wants to rise in life". In their terms "rising in life" means "progress" from their present state of life to a higher position which they aspire to gain by behaving like respectable people of the larger community. In their effort to make progress in life they emulate the norms of the traditional rural society. I mention 'rural society,' because in the urban section of the society the trend is different. "Progress" in the urban family means giving women opportunity for education and employment. Women from the middle and upper classes utilize their education by engaging in various income-generating activities. While the motivations may vary from desire to have one's own spending money to freedom of movement, educated women generally prefer to get involved in work outside the home. The families that allow women to take up a job or engage in some financial venture are considered as "progressive" because they are moving away from the traditional sense of values that considers a woman's place is at home. Their attitude shows a trend quite contrary to the ideology of purdah that

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 322 some of the Shandar so enthusiastically advocate. In the lower class of the society, on the other hand, women always work for an income in order to support their family. The tendency among the lower class families is to withdraw women from the work force as soon as the family reaches solvency. It is noticeable that in rural Bangladesh the traditional ideas and practices prevail. Thus it is likely that with their economic prosperity the Shandar would withdraw their women from the family work force as a sign of respectability. It is interesting to note that the Shandar are making "progress” by sacrificing their liberal ways of life, and are becoming more conservative in their outlook. While "progress" in the larger society means giving freedom to women, "progress" in the Shandar community means curtailing that freedom in the name of respectability. As the financial situation of the Shandar family improves the position of women deteriorates. As the position of the family progresses, the situation of women regresses. It is obvious that the benifit of "progress" or the socio-economic development is not shared equally by Shandar men and women of Rupsa. As Ehlers remarks in the context of the situation of Guatemalan women that growth "does not always permit women to maintain whatever social and economic independence they had before the process of growth began" (Ehlers 1982:7) .

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 323 Whereas in modern Bengali Muslim families women are being allowed to give up traditiional customs and to work outside the home, the Shandar families are taking up those values as symbols of status and respectability. Rahman observes that while the educated women of non-Bedey Muslim wider society are coming out of the 'boundary walls' of their houses and working in different organizations, the Shandar-Beday [sic] women are returning back home to be simply house wives and to observe oorda (Rahman 1990:607). This movement of the Shandar toward traditionalism has a comparable situation in Uttar Pradesh in North India where the lower-class Muslims are copying the traditional ideologies of the upper-class Muslims. Bhatty remarks, A change in the attitude towards women is clearly observable both in Ashraf and non-Ashraf sections of the Muslim society, but the change is in different directions... while upper class Ashraf Muslims in Kasauli were moving towards a more liberal attitude, the non-Ashrafs were becoming more conservative and were trying to emulate those traditional customs of Ahsraf society which the Ashraf themselves were giving up" (Bhatty 1975:370). The Shandar regard themselves as equal to the non- Bedeys and expect to be treated likewise. As mentioned elsewhere, Ashraf, a pearl seller, was offended when he was not treated as an equal by his non-Bedey client. This desire to identify themselves with the wider society becomes more explicit when they refuse to be treated differently. Rahman (1990) states that they do not want a special quota in the Parliament as it is alloted for the tribal peoples of Bangladesh, on the ground that they are

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 324 not tribes; they are citizens of the country and do not need separate treatment. My findings show that beside the rich Shandars of the village there is another section of the Shandar men who have withdrawn their women from the family labor force. They are the emigrant laborers who are working in the Middle East or in the South-East Asian countries. Their families reside in Rupsa and are dependent on the remittances they send home. The money is spent for the maintenance of the family and is invested in unproductive ways such as buying land and building houses. As they are non-agriculturists, most of them buy land for the purpose of constructing a house. Ownership of land and/or a house raises one's status in the society. The money is also used for acquiring luxurious items such as televisions or cassette-players, which I have noticed, are very much coveted by the inhabitants of Rupsa. Thus the remittances help improve the living standard of the families that might not have done well before. A similar tendency of spending their remittance on land or houses has been noticed by Swanson (1979) among the Yemeni emigrants working in foreign countries. He observes that the money is invested in unproductive ways in land and houses and in changing or improving the standard of living of their families. It can be seen that the remittances sent by the emigrant Shandar laborers to their families are largely used

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 325 for the maintenance of the families (buying food, clothes etc.) and improvement of their living condition (building houses, buying electronics etc.). But the money cannot be invested by their women as additional capital for their business. Instead of providing them with working capital which can bring profitable return, they discourage them from participating in income-generating activities. It is not that every emigrant is a successful income-earner who can afford to withdraw his wife from working outside home. But conscious of the social prestige that families of non working women enjoy, they prevent their women from engaging in income-generating activities. Some of the women have expressed their willingness to engage in pearl selling. But they cannot work outside the home against their husbands' wishes. Thus Shandar men working abroad remit money home that is spent in an unproductive way and instead of encouraging their wives' business activities that would help in improving the living standard of the families they spend their money for enhancing their status and prestige in the community. The desire of the lower classes for upward social mobility is very much noticeable in the behavioral patterns of the Shandar Bedey. Their aim appears to be raising the standard of living and bringing it to the level of the higher classes as far as possible. Not only the wealthy Shandar villagers are engaged in it, the Shandar emigrants

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 326 too are working towards that direction. This could be a plausible explanation of their interest in the acquisition of material wealth that raise their position in the eyes of others. "Economic betterment thus seems to lead to the Sankritization of the customs and the way of life of a group (Srinivas 1970:56). Moreover, "the collective desire to rise high in the esteem" (Srinivas 1970:56) plays an important role in the process of upward social mobility. The present situation of the little Shandar community in Rupsa is a clear case of "Sanskritisation." Srinivas (1970) used the term "Sanskritization" as a "tool" to signify the social mobility of people from one class to another in India. He, however, lays more emphasis on the upward mobility of the lower caste Hindus to a higher social position. Social mobility could be defined as "a process by which individuals or groups move from one position to another" (Benjamin 1991:442). Social mobility could be vertical or horizontal. In the present study I concerned myself with the upward mobility of a lower class group aspiring to a higher position in the social hierarchy. It is noted that "the best way of staking a claim to a higher position is to adopt the customs and way of life of a higher caste" (Srinivas 1970:44). With the change brought in their life styles they hope to gain an entree into the level of society they consider respectable. Although Srinivas mentions "Sanskritization" in the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 327 context of the caste system in India that stratifies people into higher/lower socio-religious groups, it is applicable in situations outside the caste system as well. I argue that in any society that is divided into higher/lower classes, the desire for upward social mobility becomes apparent in the people belonging to the lower classes. Benjamin observes that if a society is divided into "superior and inferior, higher and lower strata, it gives rise to an urge for mobility" (Benjamin 1991:442). Despite the fact that Islam recognises no caste system, I have used the term to imply "the urge for mobility" among the lower class of the society. It is observed that the urge to improve one's social status by virtue of education and change of occupation is always present in a person from the lower level of society. Benjamin remarks that the "occupation of a person reflects his social status" (Benjamin 1991:450). We noticed while it is not possible for the older generation of the Shandar to make a shift from traditional occupation to another for lack of education and training, the younger people are being prepared for different occupations. In this section I tried to portray the Shandar as passing through a phase of transition from nomadic to sedentary life. Their abandoning some of their own social norms in favor of values of the wider society has put some of their women in a disadvantageous position, economically

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 328 and socially. Despite the Shandar's desire to be accepted as a part of the larger Muslin community, the question of merger of the two is still far-fetched. Although the Shandar are trying to deny their Bedey identity, in view of the bias of the latter towards the Bedey, it would be some time before the Shandar succeed fully in establishing themselves socially and economically among the settled community and are accepted by them as equals. So far I have focussed on the process of change of directions among the Shandars that is indicative of their desire for upward social mobility and merger into the larger society. While the families that have economically risen in society could match their words by actions and keep women at home, it created problems for the families that are still dependent on women's income. Thus even though the idea of restricting women's movement is being favored in the once open society, it could affect the life of a small section of women. In the majority of the families women are still actively engaged in income-earning activities.

The Emergence of Female Pearl Traders As my primary interest is on the economic activities of the pearl-women, I shall concentrate on the relation of their income-earning and their status in the family. It has been found that contribution to the family and control over it give the women authority and status in the family. But at the same time I would like to point it out here that

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 329 several women admitted that if they do not earn an income their position in the family goes down. Thus it brings us to the issue of improving the financial condition of the women that would in turn, enhance their status in the family. The various problems that they face in the course of their business activities have been discussed elsewhere. In order to help the pearl-women in improving their economic situation several points need to be considered. One of the main reasons for the Shandar women not emerging as independent pearl traders is lack of capital. This also explains the absence of female mahaians. We observed in Rupsa that although several women worked as independent pearl sellers, there was no female mahaian. This means that even if they could arrange for funds to buy their supply of merchandise from the mahaian. pearl-women were capable of raising enough funds to be used as capitals for independent pearl businesses. Thus despite their preference for working as independent autonomous workers, they could not rise above the level of pearl-women. Access to the sources of capital is needed for starting an independent concern. Studies of other societies indicate that women engaged in trade often get their capital from rotating credit associations (Lewis 1977} or they may receive capital from their husbands that is viewed not as a gift, but as a loan (Robertson 1976). But in Rupsa there exists no such association of women that could help them

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 330 with capital for their trade. In view of the fact that the pearl-women are the main regular income-earner of the family, the possibility of their receiving capital from their husbands is dim. They sometimes borrow from their relatives to meet an emergency, such as the expenses of the medical treatment of a sick child. It is possible that their relatives themselves were not in a position to lend a large sum of money that is required for an independent business. There is no rotating credit associations among the pearl-women that could raise funds and rotate credits among the members, and thus provide them access to capital for their business enterprise. The only lending associations available to them are the samitis that are used by both men and women. The rate of interst charged by the samitis is 20 taka weekly on a loan of Tk.1000.00. Depositors receive an interest of 2.50 taka on a deposit of Tk.100.00. Because of the high rates of interest women try to avoid borrowing money from the samitis. This leads them to look for alternative sources of capital. The commercial banks do not lend money without collateral. As the pearl-women are not able to deposit collaterals they cannot benefit from those banks. Besides, being non-literate the pearl-women are not aware of provisions and procedures of borrowing money from commercial banks. It could be advantageous for the pearl-women if the

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 331 commercial banks modified their rules and provide facilities for the trading women to receive working capital without any collateral. Discussions with the the officials of the Bangladesh Small Cottage Industries Corporation (BCSIC) show that although the purpose of the corporation is to help the small scale handicraft workers, they have no program for helping the pearl traders, men or women. The main sources of capital that could be useful to the pearl-women are the co-operative banks and the Grameen Banks. both of which aim to help low-income people in improving their economic situations. The Shandar men reported that they tried to get loans from co-operative banks without any success. These banks are formed to provide loans to small and landless farmers only. They are composed of the savings of the farmers who are members of the banks. As the purpose of the banks is to provide loans to farmers, obviously traders do not qualify for loans from the co-operative banks. Possibly that explains why the Shandars were not able to get any loan from the co-operative banks. But it is possible that they could encourage traders, especially women, by including them in their program of providing loans for low-income people. The organization that has added a new chapter in the banking system of Bangladesh is the Grameen Bank. The revolutionary idea floated in 1976 by Dr. Muhammed Yunus of

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 332 Chittagong University emphasizes granting loans primarily to the landless and poor people without any collateral. After an initial experiment in Jobra, in Chittagong, the Grameen Bank was launched in 1978. The aim of Grameen Bank is to help the poor people financially and encourage them to take interest in the kind of work they are familiar with. Fieldworkers visit villages in order to motivate and encourage them to form groups and also to select persons eligible for loans. It has been noted that poor women comprise about a third of all borrowers from the Grameen Bank. A United Nations Report on Bank Credit for Rural Women (1985) identified women borrowers as one of the largest groups of the bank. The purpose of the bank is to draw women into the market economy by helping them with loans to further their own capital and to adopt various profit-making projects. It has been found that women invest in livestock, fisheries, shopkeeping and trading. The group formation helps women not only in getting loans from the bank but also in discussing their problems in their own groups. It appears to me that the pearl-women who are already in the market economy might benefit by getting involved in the Grameen Bank. As the bank gives loans to women who are shopkeepers and traders, it is in a position to help the pearl-women with capital in the form of loans for their pearl trade and also for setting up their own shops, whether

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 333 grocery shops in the village or pearl centres in the city. Grameen Bank can be instrumental in organizing the pearl-women into groups that could also work as a trade network for exchange of trade-related information. At the moment they work individually and regard each other as competitors. As a result, in the tight-knit trading system, they are under the domination of the mahaian who controls both the supply and the rate of the merchandise. Only by overcharging could they earn a decent income. By organizing themselves into a group they could form a co-operative of their own and do business collectively. Moreover, access to working capital would help them to work as mahaians. the role so far they could not play because of the absence of any capital. Thus assistance in forms of loans and guidance could help the pearl-women in organizing their business in a more efficient way and improve their financial situation. The important thing is to find out whether the Shandar pearl-women would avail themselves of the opportunities to build up a business of their own, or would they prefer to sacrifice it in exchange of a higher status in the wider society. The oucome of such an investigation can be useful in determining the status of women in the changing Shandar society.

Summary In this chapter I have focussed on the impact of "Sanskritization" on the Shandar men and women as an outcome

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 334 of sedentarization and suggested a few possible ways that might be useful in solving the financial problems of the pearl-women. It is obvious that the process of assimilation of the Shandar into the larger society is on. But I like to point out that it is "a process," not "a finality." While recognizing the gradual process of "Sanskritization" of the Shandars, I cannot overlook the fact that the economic necessity of a majority of the villagers is one of the causes that might delay the process. Moreover, improved financial situation might help in the growth of their pearl trade in a large scale that might bring substantial income to the families of the pearl-women. It would be interesting to investigate whether under changed circumstances, when women would gain access to sources of capital and earn greater income than they presently do, men would be interested in withdrawing their women from working for an income. Another point that could be explored is whether with the improvement of their business women would still be interested in giving up their profession. Yet another angle to explore is whether the emergence of female pearl traders and mahaians would pose a threat to the male pearl traders and mahaians and whether they could be in a position to compel the women to make a retreat. The main usefulness of the present study lies in its providing a background of the life and economic activities

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 335 of a group of women from the fringe of the larger Muslim society of Bangladesh. I hope the data presented on the present position of the pearl-women in family and society will be useful in future studies of this group. The possibilty of the improvement of their socio-economic situations bring several issues (as mentioned above) to the foreground that would be worth studying. At the moment evidence indicates a possibility of the assimilation of the Shandar into the larger Muslim society. But it could be three or four generations or more before a total merger of the two takes place. In the meantime it remains to be seen whether the pearl-women will withdraw from their occupation totally or attempt to turn pearl peddling into a successful independent business enterprise under their own management and control.

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. APPENDIX I QUESTIONNAIRE

I Background Information of Family Members: 1. Type of Family- Single/ Joint/ Extended 2. Name of the family members 3. Relationship with the pear1-woman 4. Residence 5. Sex 6. Age 7. Marital Status 8. Education II Occupation of Family Members: 1. List of occupation: pearl-selling/others 2. Length of time engaged in this profession 3. Reason for engaging in this profession: a) family pressure b) husband's wish c) own choice d) others 4. Means of transportation to work-place: bus/scooter/rickshaw/on foot/others 5. Accountability of pear1-women: a) directly to the supplier b) to the middleman/agent c) to the husband d) self 6. Procurement of supply (of pearls): a) direct by self b) from the supplier/wholesaler c) from the agent d) from the husband 7. Time schedule of contact with the supplier: yearly/half-yearly/quarterly/monthly/weekly/daily 8. Additional work: Yes/No III Income of the Pear1-Woman: 1. Family Income 2. Own Income 3. Type of Income 336

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 337 4. Process of transaction with the supplier initiated by - 5. Process of settling disputes with the supplier innitiated by - self/husband/agent/middleman/others, specify 6. Reason for not being able to collect/procure pearl herself 7. Whether intend to engage daughter in the trade IV Status of the Pearl-Woman in the Family and the Society: 1. Pearl-women's opinion on selling pearls 2. Attitude of the larger community toward them a) good b) others c) do not innteract with the Bediya d) the Bedey do not mix with them 3. Freedom of mobility 4. Voice in the Family decision-making 5. Final authority on family decision-making rests with - self/husband/elders/husband-wife 6. Status of a non-working woman in the family: same/low 7. Financial condition of the family if the woman is not working: a) family stands still b) ... faces hardship c) ... depends on husband's income V Account of Family Wealth: 1. Land in your (pearl-woman)/husband's name 2. Possibility of inheriting from any other member of the family 3. Ownership of the residence a) self/husband b) in-laws c) brother d) others (rented) 4. Possession of expensive jewelry made of: a) precious metals: gold/silver b) pearls 5. Amount/quantity of the jewelry 6. Ownership of means of transportation: a) Tempo (large 6-seater scooter) b) Auto (3-seater scooter) c) Rickshaw d) Van/cart e) boat f) none

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 338 VI Women's Role in Family Decision-Making Process: Topics discussion decison-making Y/Part/N Y/Part/N a) Purchase of household goods b) Purchase of foodstuff c) Purchase of clothes d) Marriage of children e) Education of children f) Inviting people g) Visiting friends/relatives h) Visit to the doctor i) Other expenses

ISSUES FOCUSED IN THE THIRD PHASE OF THE FIELDWORK I Informal discussion with elderly women: 1. Her present/past economic condition a) economic condition of her son/daughter b) economic condition of her father; what was his source of income 2. Comparison between past and present day condition of the group c) her comments on the business condition, prices of consumer goods, foods, clothes etc. d) whether she sold pearls before: whether she sells pearls now e) whether her natal family observed purdah: whether she observes purdah now. Why? f) were the norms of her paternal family different from those of her in-laws? 3. Status of women 4. Marriage customs a) if dowry was paid to the bridegroom b) if bride-price was paid by the bridegroom, and to whom c) if wedding-gift was paid to the bride and/or the bridegroom II Nature of Work of a Pear1-Woman: 1. What does the pearl-woman think of the nature of her work: a) Is it profitable? b) Does she look for an alternative source of income? c) Does the 'mahajan' (the stockist) cheat her with bad quality pearls or on commission? d) Can she ask for compensation?

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 339 e) Why does she continue this trade? poverty/no other alternative available? £) Does she like what she is doing? g) Would she like to stay at home if the husband could afford to keep her there? Why? h) When did she start to sell pearls, and why? what did she do with her income? III Education of the Children: 1. Are the girls going to school? Yes/No. Why? 2. Are the boys going to school? Yes/No. Why? 3. What kind of school do they go to? 4. What kind of education do they receive? formal, non-formal, religious 5. Who is responsibile for the education of children? father/mother. Why? IV The Housework: (Cooking, cleaning, fetching the fuel, buying the groceries, washing clothes, taking care of the younger children, looking after the elders etc.) 1. When does she do it? 2. Does she get help for doing the housework? If Yes, then explain who helps with the housework: hired help/daughter/mother-in-law/mother 3. Does the husband help with the housework? v Income and Expenditure: Who earns, who spends. A. Income: 1. Husband's source of income Husband's income- daily/ weekly/monthly/annual 2. Her own income during the pearl season- from pearl- selling and/or others 3. Her husband's income during the pearl season - from pearl- collecting and selling. 4. Her income during the rest of the year 5. Her husband's income during the rest of the year 6. If any other member of the family earns an income - from the pearl-business /others 7. His/her contribution to the family budget - the entire amount or a portion of the income 8. In the family: a) average income of the father b) average income of the mother c) average income of the son/daughter d) average income of other members 9. Do they earn enough income from the pearl trade to run

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 340 the family year round? 10. Do they have to borrow money/pawn things during the lean season to meet the expenses of the family? 11. Do they have to borrow money/pawn for the marriage of the children? 12. Indebtedness: a) How much and from where the money is borrowed? b) What is the value of the things pawned? c) Who tries to borrow money/pawn things in times of necessity? d) Who is responsible for meeting the family needs? e) Whom do they borrow money from - i) money-lenders ii) the bank iii) wholesalers iv) customers - the female clientele v) friends/relatives f) Do they pay any interest on loans to their creditors? What is the rate of interest? 13. Savings: a) Where do they keep their money and with whom? bank/at home b) Does she have an account in her name? c) Who handles the bank account (depositing and withdrawing money from the bank)? 14. Who, husband or wife, contributes most of his/her income to the family budget? a) What is the husband's/wife's contribution to the family budget? b) What is the percentage of the husband's contribution? c) What is the percentage of the wife's contribution? B. Various sources of income of the family: 1. Income in the form of wages for labor (male wages) in cash/in kind 2. Income from pearl-selling (female labor) 3. Income in kind from one'sown or leased labor C. Expenditure: 1. On what items is the money spent? 2. Who decides about spending? 3. Who does the spendimg? 4. Who decides when and how to spend the money? 5. What is the share the male/female earners get? 6. Do husband and wife share expenditure? If Yes, find the percentage. D. Disbursement of the income: 1. Do the family members keep their income to themselves or

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 341 put them in a common fund? 2. Who controls the fund? 3. How is the money disbursed among the family members? 4. Who controls the income of the pearl-woman? Why? 5. Who does she think should control her income/money? Why? 6. Is it alright if the husband controls the earnings of both the husband and the wife? 7. Does the wife hand over her entire earnings to the husband? 8. Does she have absolute control over her own income? Can she spend it as she wishes? VI Image of Self: 1. Does she think earning an income gives her authority to express opinion on family matters? 2. Does it give her power over other family members? 3. Does she think of herself primarily as a housewife and mother? 4. Does she consider her income as only supplementary to her husband's income? 5. Does she think that her family can do without her income? 6. Why does she sell pearls? leisure time activity/necessity/poverty/wifely duty to earn an income 7. Would she like to give up pearl-selling if they could manage on the husband's income alone? If Yes, why? 8. What does a man think about the wife earning an income? does he appreciate it/ does he regard it as her duty/ does it give him a complex? 9. Does she want to keep an independent source of income? 10. Does she desire to have economic independence? VII Marriage and Divorce. 1. How does the marriage takes place? 2. Do they follow the Islamic tradition or their own, if it is different from the former? 3. Who decides about the marriage? the parents or the parties themselves? 4. Has there been any change in the marriage custom from before? If Yes, How and what? 5. Do the girls have any say in their marriage? Can they select/reject the bridegroom? Can they marry according to their own choice and face no criticism? 6. Do parents give dowry for the daughter? 7. Do parents receive dowry for the son? 8. In the event of a divorce, who keeps the children? 9. Does the wife receive maintenance for herself and the children from the husband?

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 342 VIII Women from Wealthy Families: 1. Would a woman from a richer family sell pearls? If not, why? a) Do they think it deregatory to their husbands' status and position ? b) Do the husbands want them to stay at home like 'respectable' women and enhance their prestige? c) Do they consider not selling pearls a sign of respectability? IX The Mahaian (The Wholesaler/Stockist): 1. Is there a female mahaian? 2. Do the pear1-women know about the income of the wholesaler? Would they tell them if asked? 3. Do they feel that the mahaian charges more for the merchandise than what they think it should be? 4. Do they feel taken advantage of their poverty by the mahaian? 5. Do they have fixed a mahaian or they can go to whoever gives a better rate? 6. Does the wholesaler ever cheat them with inferior quality of pearls? 7. How can a pearl-woman afford to sell pearls cheaper than the market price? 8. Does the wholesaler give her a cheaper rate for the merchandise? 9. How can he afford to do that? 10. Why would he do that? community feeling? to help the poor women? 11. Do the pear1-women get help from the wholesaler in times of need, monetary or otherwise? X Customers; 1. Do they think that they get right prices for their merchandise? 2. Do they feel that the customers take advantage of their situation? 3. Do they have fixed customers and shops they supply pearl with? 4. How are they treated by their female customers? 5. How are they treated by the male shop-owners? 6. Do they get payments regularly? XI Hale Pearl Businessmen: a) Pearl collectors b) Pearl sellers c) Wholesalers/stockists d) Jewelers

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 343 e) Exporters (?) 1. Opinion on the present situation of the trade. 2. Suggestions on the future course of the trade. 3. Suggestions on improving the supply of pearls- on the cultivation of oysters. 4. Comments on the price of pearls. 5. Opinion on the participation of women in the trade. 6. Possibility of considering alternate professions for women. Why consider? a) pearl-selling no longer regarded as respectable b) frowned upon by the larger community c) pearl-selling no longer a profitable business d) the home is neglected e) the new generation resents it

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. APPENDIX II GLOSSARY

Bengali Words: adesh order imam man leading the anchal end of a sari prayer anna l/16th of rupee jamdani muslin woven in apa elder sister designs apni you (vous) Jatiyo Sangsad azan prayer call Parliament baak speech jhapi basket bahar fleet of boats joutuk dowry baithak gathering kamiz loose shirt bepari trader kharap bad bhari weight equal to khichuri hotchpotch 180 grams kutcha made of mud bheura raft lungi a long loincloth bibi shaheba lady, madam worn by men birun roast mahajan stockist; burqa cloak covering wholesaler head to foot maktab religious school chadar a sheet of cloth mandal village elder worn over the body mehr dower dargah shrine of a Muslim mendi henna; coloring saint hands with henna darshan sight; vision; milad sharif celebration of perception Prophet Muhammed's dera hutment birthday dhama wicker basket mukta pearl dupatta rectangular scarf muktawali female pearl Eid-ul-Azha Muslim festival seller of sacrifice namaz prayer Eid-ul~Fitr Muslim festival panchayet village council after Ramazan paribesh environment genji vest parishad council ghat landing stage pardanashin women observing ghomta veil purdah gotra descent; lineage pasham wool; hair of the grameen rural body guru spiritual teacher payesh sweetdish of rice, gyan knowledge milk and sugar hookah water pipe pir a Muslim saint hujur sir poddar jeweler

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Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. 345 pon bridewealth pourashava municipality pradhan head; headman pucca made of brick puja worship purdah veil; seclusion qawm clan roza fasting salwar loose trouser samiti association sariwalla sari peddlar saudagar merchant shana a tool used by weavers shariat Islamic laws shirni offerings sparshan touch sraban hearing taka Bangladeshi monetary unit talag divorce telai rubbing of turmeric, oil and herbs tumi you (tu) una dry (season) upazilla sub-district urs festival on the death of a Muslim saint

Thar Terms: bhanari pearl buinadi gold chejar market chhini mother-of-pearl dafu cloth dutir purboiled rice geil rice nemri girl netita pan,pot philpil red pepper shamlu fish tanki eat thalenga plate

Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. BIBLIOGRAPHY

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