THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY September 22, 1962

Studies in Voting Behaviour IX Village and Party Factionalism in Andhra : Ponnur Constituency Myron Weiner

The distinguishing feature of the 1962 elections in Andhra was the intensity of factional conflict within the Congress party. The focal point of the conflict was the office of Chief Minister. Shortly before tickets were allocated to Congress candidates for the State Legislative Assembly, Shri Sanjiva Reddy, then President of the 'Congress Party and one-time Chief Minister of Andhra, announced that he intended to resign from his national office to return to Andhra politics. It was clear that he intended to return as nothing less than Chief Minister and that he had the. support of the Congress High Command. However, the Chief Minister, Shri Sanjivaiah had no intention of relinquishing his office witliout a struggle. When a year earlier, Sanjiva Reddy had left for Delhi, a, conflict over succession took place and Sanjivaiah, by virtue of his neutrality in that conflict, was selected as a compromise candidate. No sooner had he become Chief Minister, however, than all the opponents of Sanjiva Reddy rallied behind him; moreover, as the first Harijan Chief Minister, he was able to attract to the Congress party many people in his own community who hitherto had supported the Communist Party The battle for nominations for the State Legislative Assembly was bitter but after much skilful manoeuvring, Sanjiva Reddy was able to get his supporters nominated for a very substantial majority of seals. Nonetheless, the opponents of Sanjiva Reddy still, had hopes of victory. They thought that by defeating some of his supporters in the elections, they might still control a majority of the Congress members of the Assembly. Furthermore, there was the possibility that Congress might fail to obtain a clear majority and would have to turn to a number of independents to form a Government. Under such circumstances, Sanji­ vaiah or at least some one other than the controversial Sanjiva Reddy might be selected as Chief Minister. In turn, of course, the supporters of Sanjiva Reddy were also prepared to oppose Sanjivaiah's candi­ dates for the Legislative Assembly. This background of factional struggle within flu Congress party is essential for an understanding of how the elections were fought in each constituency and in each village, for in the final analysis the struggle was not between Congress and the opposition parties but between two factions of the Congress party, each of which was prepared to support an opposition party candidate in order to defeat the Congress candidate of the opposing faction. It was common, therefore, for the Sanjivaiah farces to throw their weight behind a Communist candi­ date in a constituency in which a supporer of Sanjiva Reddy was standing; and, similarly, it was common for Sanjiva Reddy's group to support a Swatantra candidate running against a Sanjivaiah man. Thus, the very strength of the opposition parties was considered an asset by each of the party factions, for without openly opposing the Congress party (thereby running the risk of disciplinary actin) it was possible for each faction to clandestinely take steps to defeat the other.

BOTH Swatantra and Communist tic leadership of Professor N G 40 per cent or more of some of the parties threatened to be power­ Ranga, made a strong bid for the districts in the delta. Though the ful contenders against Congress in support of medium size land owners Communists increased their votes the 1962 General Election in Andhra. and cultivators, particularly mem­ substantially in the 1955 elections In the special mid-term elections bers of the Kamma caste (to which to 31 per cent (compared to 22.8 of 1955 — the last Assembly elec­ Ranga belongs). The main target per cent in 1952 in the areas which tion held in Andhra — the Commu­ of Swatantra was the Congress re­ later formed Andhra) they won nists won 31 per cent of the total solution passed at Nagpur endors­ only 15 seats compared to 41 in the vote and the Krishlkar Lok Party, ing a programme of cooperative first election. The reason for the which had turned itself into the farming. Swatantra candidates tour­ decline in the number of seats in ed their constituencies warning that Swatantra Party, won 7 per cent of 1955 was the electoral alliance enter­ a Congress victory would mean the the vote. The combined vote of the ed into by Congress, the Krishikar loss of land to government-created two parties almost equalled the 39 Lok Party and the Praja Party cooperative farms. per cent won by the Congress party. which prevented the Communists In the 1962 elections, Swatantra At the other end of the economic from winning seats by a plurality and the Communists each contested scale, the Communists hoped to vote. There was no such alliance about half the seats to the Assem­ further extend their hold among the in 1962 and it was, therefore, ex­ bly. Swatantra, under the energe­ landless labourers, who constitute pected that the Communists would

1509 September 22, 1962 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY show a very substantial increase. are the chief commercial crops. In of cultivating labourers and their Some Congressmen feared a repeti­ addition, cotton-weaving is An im­ dependants, and 52 per cent of land­ tion of the debacle of 1952 when portant small-scale industry. owning cultivators and their depen- Congress won only 31,6 per cent of In the 1965 Assembly election, the dams. If we rank villages by the the Andhra vote and failed to win seat was won by a Congress-sup­ size of their agricultural labour a clear majority of seats in the areas ported Krishikar Lok Party candi­ force, we find there is no positive which later joined the State. date, who ran against a Communist. relationship to the Communist Par. Record Congress Vote In the 1957 Parliamentary elections, liamentary vote (see Table 2). In spite of these expectations, nei­ Professor Ranga, then standing as a Five of the villages gave the ther the Communists nor Swatantra Congressman, also defeated a Com­ Communist substantially less than did well in Andhra in the 1962 elec­ munist candidate. The results for the 44 per cent he won in the entire tions. The Communists increased tjtie earlier elections compared with constituency. Moreover, other vill­ their seats from 37 (the total won the final results for 1962 are given ages with a smaller proportion of 4n the 1955 elections plus those won in Table 1. agricultural labourers gave the in 1957 in Telengana which had In the 1962 elections, Congress Communist a higher than average later been added to the State) to won the Assembly seat in a straight vote. 51, but their popular vote declined fight with Swatantra, while the to 19 per cent. Swatantra, with Communists won the Parliamentary 10.6 per cent of the vote, won only seat handsomely in e three-way con­ 19 seats in the Assembly and one test. It thus appears that most of in Parliament. On the other hand, the Congress votes in the Assembly though Congress lost 10 Assembly election went to the Communist seats (it dropped from 187 to 177), Parliamentary candidate, and even its popular vote rose to an all-time part of the Swatantra Assembly high of 47 per cent (compared with vote switched to the Communist 41.5 per cent and 31.6 per cent in Parliamentary candidate. Or alter­ the previous elections). natively, it might appear from the results that the Communists have However, Congress did not do as more or less maintained their 1957 well in the Parliamentary elections Parliamentary vote, and since they as in 1957 (dropping in seats from did not put up an Assembly candi­ 37 to 34 and votes from 51.4 per date in 1902 asked their voters to cent to 47.9 per cent), while the support the Congress candidate. Communists registered substantial Since it is widely believed that gains (from 2 to 7 seats, and 12 Swatantra's strength is derived from Note: Pour other villages have a per cent to 21 per cent of votes). high percentage of agricultural cultivator-landowners while the Com­ The growth of the Communist parlia­ labourers, but polling statistics for mentary delegation from Andhra is munists owe their votes to the land- the Parliamentary seat were not available, of special national interest since less labourers, let us first explore the Communists barely held their this relationship between occupation Likewise an attempt to correlate own or declined in strength in every and voting. the Swatantra Assembly vote to the State except West Bengal and An­ No Evidence of Class Voting number of cultivating landowners dhra. Moreover, the increase is According to the 1951 Census re­ yields no positive results. According particularly puzzling In Andhra port, 20 per cent of the population to the 1951 Census, eight villages where the party's vote declined so of the two talukas, in which Ponnur have a higher than taluka average severely in the Legislative Assembly constituency is located, is made up of cultivating landowners. Only one elections. The success of Congress in the Assembly elections, of Communists in the Parliamentary elections, and the collapse of Swatantra are all well illustrated in the constituency whose election returns we shall ana­ lyse here. The Constituency Ponnur constituency encompasses parts of two talukas in Guntur dis­ trict. One part of the constituency, known as Chebrolu firka, is in Tenali taluka, while the remainder, known as Ponnur firka, is in Bapatla. Most of the constituency is in the delta of the Krishna river. Paddy is the chief food crop, and turmeric, groundnut and tobacco

1510 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY September 22, 1962

of these voted for Swatantra, while paign strategy, then show what thus suffered from two handicaps. in a second Swatantra lost by only effect this had on a number of He was not a "local" man, and se­ a handful of votes. A third voted selected villages. condly, it was clear that Venkatra­ for the Congress as the Assembly The Candidates and Congress maiah would try to defeat him. candidate and for the Swatantra Factionalism Venkatarao could not depend upon Parliamentary candidate. The re­ Shri N Venkatarao, the victorious; those sections of the local Congress maining villages voted overwhel­ Congress candidate for the Assem­ organisation which belonged to mingly for the Congress Assembly bly from Ponnur, had spent most Venkatramaiah's group. He did, candidate by a vote of about two of his political career in the Con­ however, have the support of three to one. gress Socialist Party and the Praja important local politicians : the boss of the Congress party organisation Swatantra won a majority (or Socialist Party. At one time, he was in that portion of his constituency near majority) in only five out of the president of the Praja Socialist which fell in Bapatla taluka; one the 31 villages in the constituency, party in Andhra. In 1958 he and of the vice-presidents of the District and did reasonably well in another seme other members of the Praja Congress Committee whose home five villages. Only three of these Socialist Party returned to Congress. and political base is in the consti­ villages have a high proportion of Along with other prominent ex- tuency, and an energetic Congress owner-cultivators. There is thus no Praja Socialists, Venkatarao oppos­ member of the Rajya Sabha who evidence that this class voted for ed Sanjiva Reddy and was a sup­ had been one of the prominent the Swatantra party in any larger porter of Sanjivaiah. They felt that Socialist politicians in the district number than for the Congress party. Sanjiva Reddy was intolerant of and State. Moreover, since the Swatantra vote those outside of his own political in many of these villages exceeded group, and was generally more help­ Shri P Buchinaidu Chowdary, the the number of voting owner-cultiva­ ful to his own caste, the Reddis, Swatantra candidate, had never run tors, clearly Swatantra must also than to other communities. They for an Assembly seat before. He have received support from tenants also felt he was particularly hostile was a large landowner in the con­ if not from some (agricultural to the Kamma community, to which stituency, and like the Congress labourers. most of the ex-Socialists belonged. candidate, he was a Kamma. He But much of the hostility to San­ was a close friend and political asso­ An analysis of the Communist jiva Reddy was derived from politi­ ciate of Professor Ranga, the State Parliamentary vote also fails to cal conflicts within Guntur district. Swatantra leader, and in fact came show any clear class voting. The In the nearby town of Tenali, a from the same village. Communists carried 33 out of 50 powerful local Congress Party boss, polling stations (for which data was Why Congressmen Supported the Shri Alapati Venkatramaiah, chair­ available) and these naturally cover Opposition man of the municipality and presi­ all types of villages. The 17 polling It was widely reported that dent of the powerful District stations lost by the Communists Venkatramaiah had instructed his Co-operative Bank which distributes were in six villages, three of which workers to support the Swatantra agricultural leans throughout the voted for Swatantra and three for candidate for the Legislative Assem­ district, was for many years a bitter Congress. And in only two of these bly. In turn, Venkatarao and his opponent of the Socialists. Though villages did the proportion of owner- followers were reported to be sup­ a Kamma himself, he is a strong cultivators exceed the average for porting the Communist candid/ate ally of Brahmananda Reddy, the the two talukas. Again, we must opposing Venkatramaiah. * They Finance Minister and right-hand conclude that the vote for, or for had apparently decided to support man of Sanjiva Reddy. Brahma- that matter, against the Communists the Communist rather than Swa- nanda Reddy's main political base, is not based on occupation. tanua candidate for two reasons. and his constituency, are in Guntur Firstly, since the Communist candi­ This is not to say that the Com­ district. Politics bad united these date had won 40 per cent of the munists failed to secure a heavy two men from opposing castes (an vote in 1955 against Venkatramaiah, vote among the agricultural labour­ illustration, incidentally, of the way he clearly had a better chance of ers, for there is some evidence that in which the urge for power often winning than the Swatantra candi­ they did, but clearly the Communist overrides caste loyalties). These date. Secondly, some of the victory for the Parliamentary seat two men had emerged as two of the ex-Socialists reasoned that Swatantra was based on a much wider appeal. most powerful politicians in the dis­ represented more of a threat to Nor can we conclude that Swaiantra trict. Indeed, their position was Congress than the Communists for, failed to get the vote of owner- further strengthened when both men if Swatantra did well, there might cultivators, but clearly owner-cultiva­ won Assembly seats in the 1962 he substantial defections from Con­ tors also voted heavily for the Con­ elections, and both became ministers gress, but, if the Communists did gress, and for. the Parliamentary in Sanjiva Reddy's new government, well, then the anti-Communist forces seat, many also voted Communist. Venkatarao tried unsuccessfully would unite within Congress. This To understand the dynamics of to obtain the Congress Assembly had occurred in the 1955 elections. ticket from Tenali constituency — voting in this constituency, we must This reasoning was also applied his home — and it was given in­ therefore move away from a statis­ by Venkatarao's followers to the stead to Venkatramaiah. Venkatarao tical analysis to a more descriptive Parliamentary contest, for which examination of the factors at work was given a ticket in nearby Ponnur constituency although he is * On the basis of the election re­ in each village. We shall first des­ turns, both reports appear to be cribe the candidates and their cam­ not a resident of that area. He correct.

1511 September 22, 1962 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

1512 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY September 22, 1962

there were three candidates, The Congress Assembly candidates, noth­ primary consideration in alloca­ sitting member was Professor Ranga, ing was to foe gained by either tion, the Swatantra leader, a member of faction by working closely with him. the Kamma community, a good A village faction may endorse a Village Factionalism organiser, and popular leader candidate because by supporting The struggle between factions throughout the district, He was op­ him it is better able to solidify its within the Congress party in An. posed by a Communist, Shri Kolla own popular following in the vill­ dhra was thus the most important Venkalah, also a Kamraa, and a age. The factions, after all, include factor in the strategic considerations well-known party-worker and pea­ only a numerically small part of the of candidates in all parties. This sant organiser. The Congress put village and supporting a candidate struggle was closely related to fac­ up Shri Narasimharao, a veteran who can win in the village is one tional struggles in the villages in Congressman, who ironically had way of improving their own posi­ the constituency and it was the re­ once been a close personal and tion within the village. The party, lationship between these two levels political associate of Banga, Nara- caste, and personality of the candi­ of factionalism which often deter- simharao had, however, two dis­ date are important considerations. mined how a village voted. advantages. He was a Brahmin, It is exceedingly important to re- Secondly, every faction is inter­ which meant that he lacked a base cognise that the villages were not ested in the candidate's ability and in any numerically large community, simply passive agents in the strug­ willingness to do things for the and secondly, he did not come from gle within and between parties. village, which in turn of course will the constituency but from the near, Conflicts existed within each village, benefit the faction. Harijans want by town of Guntur. and each village faction looked to know if the candidate is willing Thus Venkatarao, the Congress upon party struggles as an oppor­ to look into their request for per­ legislative candidate in Ponnur, rea­ tunity to further their own interests mits for housing sites. Another soned that since the Communists within the village. group wants to know if the con­ did not have an Assembly candidate There are few villages in the con­ testant can speed up the flow of in this constituency, they might be stituency, and elsewhere in the delta, fertilisers, or help it obtain tanks prepared to back him if in turn he which are not torn by factional for drinking water, or grain storage supported the Communist Parlia­ conflicts. Since Kammas are the facilities, or more loans. While mentary candidate. No advantage powerful land-owning class here, generally, the Congress candidate was to be gained by supporting the most of the factions are dominated has an adventage, opposition can­ Congress Parliamentary candidate by Kammas, but In some instances didates may also have some power since he had noihing to offer, where­ the Reddis (another large land-own­ in the panchayat samiti, the zilla as the Communists did. Moreover, ing community in this area) or parishad, the district co-operative the Congress Parliamentary candi­ Kapus (mainly small cultivators, bank, jor have influence in the date was not a supporter of the tenants and sometimes agricultural tahsildar or collector's office, or with Sanjivaiah group, labourers) organise factions of their the superintendent of public instruc­ There were rumours that Venkat- own. A powerful faction in control tion, or the district Public Works ramaiah was not only supporting of the panchayat, the local co-opera­ Department. Moreover, as in the the Swatantra Assembly candidate tive society, and the village officers, Ponnur case, the Congress leader, in Ponnur, but was also giving sup­ the' munsif (who collects revenue) with whom a village faction is associated, may ask the faction to port to Ranga for the Parliamentary and Karnam (who maintains land vote against the official Congress seat in return for Swatantra sup­ records) is in a position to protect candidate and in doing so will of port for his effort to win the Assem­ and extend its own economic inter­ course in no way reduce the fac­ bly seat in Tenali. Since Swatantra ests and to use its power to weaken tion's access to those in the district had its own Assembly candidate in others. In the past, conflicts center- who wield power. Tenali, this rumour first seemed ed around land rights, stray cattle, unlikely, but Venkatramaiah's op­ the use of water facilities, etc. In A faction may, therefore, support ponents have noted since the elec­ recent years the increased powers Congress in one election, and an tion that several villages which he given to panchayats, and the access opposition party in the next. The which the village now has to goods is known to have controlled cast a fact that Congress may get the and services distributed by govern­ majority for Swatantra, both for same vote in a village from one ment agencies has added new ele­ the Assembly and for Parliament, election to another is quite mis- ments, over which struggles can However, the evidence is by no leading since factions may be occur. Landowners want wells, means clear. It is clear, however, switching sides. Some villages in cement and sheet metal for con­ that neither faction of the party Ponnur illustrate this point (See struction purposes, seeds, fertilisers was particularly interested in help- Table 3). ing the Congress Parliamentary and storage facilities. The faction in candidate. Venkatarao was primarily control of the panchayat often has Upon first examination,, one interested in attracting Communist better access to these commodities might conclude that the Congress votes and Venkatramaiah Swatantra and facilities than those not in vote in these villages has been votes, How people voted for Parlia­ power. Moreover, the demand for stable. Actually, the 1962 Swa­ ment was of secondary considera­ permits and licences, loans and tantra vote bad mainly gone to the tion, and since both factions con­ credit, far exceeds the available Congress in 1955 while most of the sidered the Congress Parliamentary supply, and power rather than need 1955 Communist vote went to Con­ candidate to be weaker than the and capacity to utilise is often a gress in 1962. It is thus quite like- September 22, 1962 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

ly that the "hard core" Congress local landlord and a Kamma, for two or three Kamma families own­ vote in Sangamjagarlamudi was support, Venkatramaiah, anxious ed one-third of the total land in this only 236 (1955 Congress minus to see the local Congress candidate village and while I was told that 1962 Swatantra) while in the other for the Assembly defeated, was re. this was no longer the situation, two villages, only 518 and 359. ported to have given his blessings the Kamma community still owns Let us turn now to specific villages to the Swatantra appeal. This fac­ moat of the land.* The Kapus own to see how party and village fac­ tion could thus vote for Swatantra some land, but mostly they are tions are related to one another, without in any way jeopardizing its smtall landowners, tenants, and relations with the powerful Tenali agricultural labourers. They are Edlapalle Congressmen. numerically the largest community, This village of 6,200 (according In a village, therefore, which had followed by the Kammas. The to the 1951 Census) voted over­ voted overwhelmingly for Congress third largest community is the whelmingly for Congress in 1955 in 1955, the Swatantra Assembly Harijan, consisting of Maltas and with a vote of 1.925 against 998 for candidate won 1,338 votes and the Madigas. The Reddis, Muslims the Communist candidate. Accord­ Parliamentary candidate, 1354. The and other communities are small. ing to the 1951 Census, there are Congress Assembly candidate carri­ 2,900 agricultural labourers and In recent years, the Kapus and ed the village with 1,531, and the their dependants in the village, but Reddis in the district have joined Communist Parliamentary candi­ local people put the figure some- together to defeat the Kammas. The date came in second with 1,250. what higher. As in other villages, Kapu panchayat president was Since neither faction supported the however, control over the pancha- associated with Venkatramaiah, the Congress Parliamentary candidate, yat has rested in the bands of Congress party boss who himself is he received only 373 votes. owner cultivators, most of whom a Kamma but who, as we have noted belong to the Kamma caste. There Sangamjagarlamudi earlier, is supporting the Reddy are two tactions in the village, In 1955 this village of 4,300 cast group in the Congress party. both led by Kammas. Shri A 1,109 votes for Congress and 805 for Venkatramaiah was thus able to Suryanarayan and Shri M Satya- the Communist candidate for the persuade the Kapus to cast their narayan. Suryanarayan, aged 35, Assembly. It is said that the two vote for the Swatantra Assembly is a local Kamma landowner with main factions in the village both candidate not as an expression of considerable popularity among supported the Congress candidate in support for Swatantra but as a agricultural labourers whom he is 1955, though parts of each faction means of preventing the Kamma said to have assisted. He has al­ supported the Communists. Further­ group in Congress from strengthen- ways been a Congressman and in more, as in other villages, the fac­ ing its position. Furthermore, since this election was supporting the tions did not command support of all the village Kammas were support­ official Congress candidate. He is the voters. ing Congress, the Kapus naturally supported by Shri C E Reddy, a turned to Swatantra, even though In 1962, the President of the small landowner who is a member of the Swatantra candidate too was a panchayat, the leader of one of the the Community party, but who sup­ Kamma. The Kapus would not, two factions, decided to support the ports Suryanarayan with respect to however, vote for Professor Ranga, Swatantra candidate for the Assem­ village disputes. Reddy has some the Swatantra Parliamentary can bly. One reason he why did so influence on agricultural labourers didate, since he has been so closely was that the leader of the opposing and also with the weavers ('Padma- associated with the interests of the faction, a Kamma landowner, was shalis') in the village. Since the Kamma community for his entire known to be a close personal weavers in Andhra are generally political career. The Swatantra friend of the Congress Assembly with Congress, this is unusual, but Assembly candidate therefore re­ candidates. It would not be in the it was explained that a now de­ ceived 873 votes, but the Parlia­ interest of the panchayat president ceased local Communist leader, a mentary candidate only 397 votes. or of his faction to have an MLA small Kamma landowner, had It is not clear whether the Kapus' who was a friend of the leader of paid special attention to this com- votes went to the Communist or the opposing village faction. munity. He too had been in Surya- Congress Parliamentary candidate, narayan's village faction. Since A second factor, of very great though, on the basis of the final re­ the Suryanarayan group included importance, is that in this village turns, it appears most likely that the local Communists, it was gene­ the factions are more or less the Kapus voted for the Congress rally understood that they would sup­ (though not completely) divided Parliamentary candidate. port the Communist candidate for along caste linos, one (led by the Parliament. panchayat president) associated * The Deputy Defence Minister with the Kapu community, the other comes from one of the larger Kamma landowning families in The opposing faction, led by M with the Kammas. At one time this village. Satyanarayan, is in control of the village panchayat. In the past this leader had also supported Congress candidates since he was a close friend of Venkatramaiah, the Tenali Assembly candidate. Swa­ tantra leaders appealed to Satya- narayan, himself a substantial

1514 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY September 22, 1962

The Congress Assembly candi­ ourers and their dependants in the probably a larger part voted for date not only attracted the Kamma village, Chebrole also has many Swatantra. vote in this village but he received textile establishments and other Though the pro-Congress group support from the Harijan com­ small industries whose employees, was also led by a Kamma, it had munity. In the past the Harijans, including dependants, number near­ the support of the numerically large most of whom are agricultural ly 2,000. Another 1,000 are sup­ Harijan landless labourers, and labourers, supported the Com­ ported by , commercial activities, the large weaving community. A munists, but in this election the mostly small shops catering to the substantial part of the Congress Communists had urged them to sup­ village and the surrounding rural Assembly vote for Venkatarao was port the Congress Assembly candi­ areas. Only 3,300 persons, includ­ therefore given to the Communist date. Furthermore, the Congress ing dependants, or less than one- Parliamentary candidate, as part candidate was known to be a sup­ fourth of the population, are owner- of the arrangement discussed ear­ porter of Sanjivaiah, the Harijan cultivators. Nonetheless, political lier. Thus the Congress MLA carri­ Chief Minister. And finally, Hari­ leadership still rests with the Kamma ed the constituency with 2,659, but jans in Andhra had begun to swing land-owning community. the Congress Parliamentary candi­ to the Congress party, partly be­ In the pre-Independence era a date came in third with only 1,473. cause the Chief Minister was a substantial number of Kamma The Communist Parliamentary can­ Harijan and partly because the landlords supported the anti-Brah­ didate led with 1,776 votes. government had recently paid min, pro-British Justice Party. The Brahmanakoduru special attention to the Harijans, leader of the Justice Party in the This village is as close to being a providing them with sites for village was the village munsif who Communist stronghold as any vill­ houses, schools, for their villages then had considerable control over age in the constituency. In the and hamlets, and more jobs in ad­ a large section of the village. 1955 elections nearly half of its ministration. The Harijans could A section of the Kamma community voters supported the Communist thus express their new political hud opposed the munsif, supported Assembly candidate — 729 against loyalty without giving up their older the national struggle, and today 815 for Congress. Although the political attachment, by voting for continues to support the Congress 1951 Census reports that only 962 the Congress Assembly candidate party. The munsif no longer holds villagers (including dependants) and the Communist Parliamentary his village office, but he remains a out of 3,231 were agricultural labo­ candidate. substantial landowner, and recently urers, local people estimated that became the president of the village There were also reasons why many more than half the population con­ panchayat. Though after Indepen­ Kammas, who supported the Con­ sists of labourers. A young Com­ dence he became a Congressman, gress Assembly candidate, might munist worker has been active in he continued to oppose the older have transferred their Parliamen­ the village since 1954 and under pro-Congress group within the vill­ tary vote to the Communist, The his leadership a village communist age. Recently, he joined the Swa­ Communist candidate was after all, cell was created which had been tantra party, it was said that he a Kamma, while the Congress candi­ carrying on constructive work had joined Swatantra because that date was a Brahmin. Moreover, among the agricultural labourers party's Assembly candidate had the Brahmin Congressman was (including the construction of a agreed to help him build up his associated with the anti-Kamma drainage scheme and the conduct­ own electoral machinery in the faction of the local Congress party ing of a night school for adults). village by providing him with and his election therefore would be The cell met every two weeks and money. The leader of the pro- a blow to the Kamma community. had about 20 effective members, Congress faction explained to me The election of a Communist pre­ mostly labourers and small pea­ that the two factions were frankly sented no such threat. sants, and three or four landlords. more concerned with the forthcom­ In a village, therefore, which gave A few years ago, however, the ing panchayat elections in June, the Congress Assembly candidate young Communist left the village and that they both looked upon the a clear majority (1,048 to 873 for to take a job in a company in general elections as an opportunity Swatantra) and which had voted Tenali and since then, he reported, to build up their strength within the so heavily for Congress in 1955. the unit has not been functioning village. only 541 votes were cast for the well. He had, however, returned Congress Parliamentary candidate, The pro-Swat antra panchayat to the village for the duration of compared to 1,033 for the Com­ president was on good terms with the election campaign. munist candidate. And it is very the Tenali Congress boss. The fac­ There are two factions in the likely that a substantial pari of the tion could thus support the Swa­ village, both led by Kammas, and Congress Parliamentary vote came tantra candidates without in any both with some hold on the agri­ from the Kapu community which way endangering their relationship cultural labourers as far as village had voted for the Swatantra Assem­ politics is concerned. Since the with the district Congress party bly candidate. village had been (though I was told machinery. With the support of Chebrole this had changed), what is legally this faction, the Swatantra Assem­ This large village of 14,000 gave known as a "minor" panchayat in 2,452 votes to Congress and 1,680 bly candidate won 1.934 votes and which elections were based on a to the Communists in 1955. Ac­ the Parliamentary candidate 1,512. show of hands, agricultural labour­ cording to the 1951 Census, there It was reported locally that while ers have been relucant to vote are nearly 4,000 agricultural lab­ the Kamma community was split. against the wishes of their Kamma

1515 September 29, 1962 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY landlords, so that in spite of their they expected to get a good vote, Panchayat is a Muslim, and the efforts the Communists have made He said that there were many vice-president a Harijan. Both no dent into the village panchayat agricultural labourers in the men, along with other villagers, thus far. But in the secret ballot village, most of whom were from met us under a large shady tree general election, the labourers the Telega caste, A group of 15 at the edge of the village, The generally voted Communist. In the to 20 villagers met us at the pam- panchayat president told Prasacu 1962 election, however, the Com­ chayat office, We all crowded In­ Rao that they would vote for munist leader was urging his follo­ to a small room, it was a biasing Congress but that they didn't wers to give their Assembly vote hot sunny afternoon, Prasada know the Congress Assembly to Congress, Rao asked them how the village candidate personally. He said One of the two Kamrna factions was going to vote. They said that that he wanted an assurance decided to vote Swatantra both for some of the prominent people In from Prasada Rao that, if they the Parliamentary and the Assem­ the village had decided to go to had any problems or needs, they bly seat. The other, under the Swatantia, He asked them what could go to him, since they knew guidance of the Congress Assembly they were going to do. They him, rather than to the MLA. candidate, gave its Parliamentary said that they hadn't decided. They wanted to know if Prasada vote to the Communists. Prasada Rao grew visibly angry, Rao would take care of their pro- taised his voice and waved his This village is of particular inte­ blems. On that assurance, he hands emotionally. He said that rest since its two polling stations said, they would vote for Con­ these big people never suffer no were so divided that agricultural gress, Prasada Rao then said a matter how they vote, but they labourers, who live in one section few words about what Congress (the people in the room) would. of the village, voted in one station, had already done for them and He said that the Congress MLA while Kammas and other com­ that he personally would see to would naturally help those people munities voted in another (see it that their problems were taken who were with him and if they Table 4), care of. Venkatarao (the MLA should go to him or to some candidate) did not speak much. Upparapalem Ministers with their problems they Prasada Rao seemed to be inti­ This village polling station also shouldn't expect any help. He mately acquainted with a num­ serviced a nearby hamlet of Muslim grew even more angry and told ber of the villagers here". and Harijan agricultural labourers. them that he didn't care what they According to local reports, Swatan- did but that he was only telling These two villages were thus tra won a majority in Upparapalem, them what the situation was. inverse sides of the same coin, for but lost the hamlet to Congress. Then he walked out of the pan- in Upparapalem the Congress party The total vote recorded in the com­ chayat office, accompanied by the worker was using his influence bined polling stations gave Con­ Congress candidate (who had re­ with relation to development activi­ gress 875 and Swatantra 708 for mained silent) to the car, and we" ties as a bait, and even a threat, the Assembly seats. In the 1955 drove off. When we reached the while in Itemkampadu the villagers elections, the Communists won 786 outskirts of the village, he asked were using their votes as a bait to votes compared with 706 for Con­ one person in the car, a local elicit promises from the Congress gress and it was reported locally Harijan leader who had once party. I was told later that in spite that the bulk of the Communist been an MLA, to return to the of Prasada Rao's threats, Uppara­ votes came from the hamlet. village to see what effect his re­ palem gave a majority of its votes marks had had. The man re­ to Swatantra. The hamlet remain- I visited the village and the ham­ turned later (at another village) ed uncertain for some time. Both let with the Congress Assembly and said that they still seemed Congress and Swatantra are re­ candidate who was also accom­ to be with Swatantra. Prasada ported to have provided the villagers panied by the vice-president of the Rao then sent for one of the pro­ with a considerable amount of District Congress Committee, a man minent people in the village and liquor so that for several days be­ of some local importance. The said that he would still try to per­ fore the elections, many of the men following extract from my field suade them. in the village were drunk. But the notes on the visit are revealing for hamlet finally voted for Congress. the light they throw on the way "We then went to the nearby the Congress worker appealed to hamlet of Itemkampadu, which Nidubrolu the villagers, and the ways in which shares the same polling station This is the second largest settle­ the villagers dealt with the candi­ as Upparapalem, The hamlet ment in Ponnur with a population date: contains mostly Muslims and of 8,225. Its importance lies in the Harijans. The president of the fact that both Swatantra candidates, "As soon as we drove into Upparapalem, we proceeded to the panchayat office, about the only visible brick building in this otherwise poor village. As we went to the village, Prasada Rao (the vice-president of the District Congress Committee) explained to me that the panchayat presi­ dent was with Congress and so 1516 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY September 22, 1962

Professor Ranga, and Bachinaidu, Communist Parliamentary candidate of tthe village would vote. It might come from this village, 80 does carried a village which the Com­ have been the decisive factor were Prasada Rao, the Vice-president of munists had hitherto lost by an over- it not for the fact that many agri­ the District Congresa Committee, whelming vote, cultural labourers are not influenced The village has few agricultural by the village factions in the gene­ Panchayats and the Elections labourers (leas than a thousand, ral elections, but are influenced by Although much is said by India's including their dependants), It has the Communist party which suppor­ national politicians about the impor­ a substantial number of owner- ted the Congress Assembly candidate. tance of keeping village panchayats cultivators (3,000, including de- free from party politics, local poll- In other villages which gave Swa­ pendants), and a number of hand- ticians recognise that control over loom shops and small industrial tantra a large vote, the panchayat the panchayat may be a critical fac­ establishments employing about president was invariably associated tor in their ability to carry the village 600 persons (including dependants). with Venkatramaiah's faction within In 1955 Congress overwhelmed the in Assembly and Parliamentary Congress. Here again, control over Communists by a vote of 2,658 to elections. Although the political par­ the panchayat proved to be an im- 989. In 1962 the Communist MP ties in Guntur district have no for­ portant consideration. Indeed, there candidate defeated Professor Ranga mal procedure for contesting pancha­ were only two villages in the entire by a narrow margin, while the yat elections, in practice, they work constituency which gave a large vote Swatantra Assembly candidate for a party victory in these elections. to Swatantra, and did not have narrowly defeated Congress (by a Where the victorious candidate for panchayat presidents who were either vote of 2,449 to 2498). president of the panchayat is not supporters of Swatantra or of affiliated to any party, Congress and Venkatramaiah. One was Nidubrolu, The party conflict in this village Swatantra will both try to win his which we discussed earlier, and from was particularly bitter since the fac­ support. Until the Swatantra party which both Swatantra candidates tional conflicts were directly related was formed, panchayat presidents come. The other is Vellalur, whose to the struggle amongst the political invariably joined the Congress party, panchayat president supported the parties. Two Kamma-led factions but they were generally associated Congress Assembly candidate. How­ in the village had opposed one ano­ with particular leeaders within Con­ ever, Vellalur has a large Kapu ther for many years. One faction gress. With the creation of Swatan­ community which voted against the was led by supporters and relatives tra, several panchayat presidents Congress Assembly candidate (458 of Professor Ranga, another by the resigned from Congress to continue Swatantra to 420 Congress), but also family of Prasada Rao. The brother their association with former Con­ voted against Professor Ranga (405 of Prasada Rao defeated the Ranga gressmen such as Professor Ranga Communist, 293 Swatantra, 224 group for control of the village who are now in Swatantra. At the Congress). panchayat in the previous election. time of the general elections, there­ Conclusion Prasada Rao himself, a young man fore, at least a half-dozen village 1 Factional loyalties within Con­ of about 33, who comes from a land­ panchayat presidents in Ponnur gress proved to be more powerful owning family of considerable constituency had joined Swatantra. than party loyalties. The Congress means, joined Congress about four These villages, and their 1962 voting, candidates in Ponnur and in the or five years ago. Two years ago are given in Table 5. the President of the District Con­ neighbouring constituency, Tenali, gress Committee esked him to serve The association of the village fac­ were prepared to support opposition as vice-president, explaining that tion in control of the panchayat with candidates when it would further they particularly wanted someone a political party thus proved to be their own election or lessen the energetic in Ranga's home territory one of the most important factors chances of victory for the Congress who could oppose him. Prasada Rao in determining the way in which a candidate in an opposing faction of tried to get the Congress ticket for substantial portion, if not majority. the party, Parliament so that he could oppose Ranga, but was turned down. He was particularly bitter that the party had failed to nominate either an Assembly or Parliamentary candi­ date who lived within the constitu­ ency. But as a bitter personal op­ ponent of Ranga, he was prepared to do whatever was necessary to defeat Ranga for Parliament and his supporter for the Assembly. * Polling station includes a hamlet which had a Congress panchayar With great fervour, therefore, he president. supported the Congress Assembly ** This village has a large Kapu community which supported the Swa­ candidate, but stumped for the Com­ tantra Assembly candidate but, because of its ami-Kamnra senti- munist Parliamentary candidate ment, voted against Professor Ranga. This would explain why who he thought was more likely to the Swatantra Parliamentary vote was nearly half the Assembly vote. defeat Ranga. It was due to his *** Had a Congress panchayat president but is included here because efforts and to that of his brother a nearby hamlet included in this polling station is controlled by the panchayat president, that the the Swatantra. 1517 September 29, 1962 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

2 Multi-caste village factions quently cast their vote for the Com­ prove their own power position with­ were the basic working units for munist Parliamentary candidate. in the village while at the same each of the Assembly candidates. time maintaining access to sources Harijans, who once formed the Kinship ties, personal acquaintance of power outside the village. Clearly, backbone of the Communist party and caste affinities were factors the party politicians and village have been increasingly attracted to which often determined which party factions play the game of politics the Congress party throughout the became associated with which in much the same way. faction. district and State. The general de­ cline in the Communist party 3 Village factions were not pas­ throughout Andhra is probably more Survey of Retail Trade sive agents. They often saw the due to their losses among the Hari­ general election as an opportunity The Indian Co-operative Union jans than any other single factor. proposes to conduct a Survey of to solidify their own followers, and In this particular constituency, how­ receive outside financial support trade in consumer goods in Delhi. ever, the alliance between the Com­ The Survey will study the pattern which might help them in subsequent munists and Congress meant that panchayat elections. Some pancha- of retail trade — its nature and the Harijans did not have to choose, yat leaders hoped that by maintain­ composition, the range arid volume but could vote for the Congress ing or establishing close relations of goods sold in different markets, Assembly candidate and the Com­ with a party candidate, or Congress factors affecting retail prices and munist Parliamentary candidate with party boss, they might obtain more practices, the composition of con­ the blessing of both parties. wells, roads, fertilisers, seeds, loans, sumers served, the problems of the wholesalers, retailers and con­ and other amenities from the gov- 6 Bargaining by the Congress sumers and their suggestions for ernment. Assembly candidates in Tenali and improvement. in Ponnur with Parliamentary candi­ 4 The party affiliation of the dates of opposing parties and oppo­ Only business and commercial panchayat president, or the associa­ sition Assembly candidates in each units which act as agents be­ tion of the panchayat president with other's constituency was the major tween producers and retailers the leader of a Congress faction in reason for split voting. Village fac­ that is, the wholesalers — or be­ the district, was an important fac­ tions thus knew that no matter how tween manufacturers or whole­ tor in how a large part of a village they voted there would be at least salers on the one hand and con­ voted. However, the panchayat one faction of the Congress party sumers on the other that is, re­ president cannot influence the en­ which would support them. Threats tailers will be covered by the tire village; he is a factional not by politicians to deprive the faction Survey. The enquiry will be con­ village leader so that his influence or the village of government bene­ fined to the distribution of articles on the opposing faction within the fits could play no effective part in purchased by low and middle-in­ village is a negative one. Moreover, the election. Both fractions of Con­ come groups. there are sections of the village gress bargained for votes with other The Indian Co-operative Union which are not under the influence parties; their goal was to improve proposes to publish first a general of either faction. their own power position within the report setting out the findings of 5 Some castes had affinities or party organisation. Factions with­ the Survey. Later detailed reports antagonisms to factions within the in the village bargained with party dealing with the different aspects of Congress party because of the caste candidates and even split their vote the Survey retail trade, whole­ overtones of these factions. The from the Assembly to Parliamentary sale trade, consumers' attitudes, pro­ Kapus and Reddis have been op­ candidates; their goal wis to im- blems etc — will be prepared. posed to the dominant landowning Kamma community in the district. Because the Congress Assembly candidate in Ponnur was associated with the Kamma group in his party, these two castes opposed him, but then generally returned to the Con­ gress for the Parliamentary seat, Kammas were torn since both parties had nominated Kammas. The personal contact, or family con­ nections, between the Kamma com- munity in a village and each of the candidates, or his associates, were often a critical factor in the way they voted. But many of those who supported the Kamma faction of the Congress party refused to vote for a Brahmin Congress candidate who was known to be an opponent of this group, and therefore fre­

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