ePaper

November 2020

Júlia Martí Comas Ecofeminist review of the proposals for a Green New Deal 2

Júlia Martí Comas Ecofeminist review of the proposals for a Green New Deal

TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction 3 Including the ecofeminist approach in the diagnosis of the crisis 3 (De)growth, an ecofeminist view 4 Democratising the processes and goods essential to sustain life 5 The sustainability of life and care at the centre 6 Distribution and democratisation of all socially necessary work and the wealth it generates. 7 The rural sphere and the agri-food system 8 Repaying the environmental debt to the global south 9 Opting for local, popular and intersectional transitions 10 Bibliography 11 Online sources 11

Júlia Martí Comas hold a PhD in Development Studies from the University of the Basque Country (UPV / EHU). She is a researcher at the Observatory of Multinationals in Latin America (OMAL), a member of the in Euskal Herria/Basque Country. Dr. Comas is a member of “Viento Sur” editorial team. Her field of study is corporate power, the impacts of transnational companies and the construction of resistance and alternatives from an eco-feminist and inter- nationalist perspective. Together with Luismi Uharte, Dr. Comas has coordinated the book “Rethinking the economy from the popular point of view. Collective learning from Latin America” (Icaria 2019) and she is the author, together with Zaloa Pérez, of the publication “In defense of our municipalities. 20 tracks to decentralize the markets” (OMAL 2020)

IMPRINT

2020 transform! european network for alternative thinking and political dialogue Square de Meeûs 25 1000 Brussels, Belgium transform! europe is partially financed through a subsidy from the European Parliament.

This work by transform! is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License. Permissions beyond the scope of this license may be available at office (at) transform-network.net.

Layout: sanja.at e.U.

Cover illustration: Kevin Snyman/Pixabay Ecofeminist review of the proposals for a Green New Deal 3

Introduction Júlia Martí Comas (Observatory of Multinationals in Latin America) collaborator with the Iratzar foundation

What follows is a critical review from an ecofeminist point resolution Recognizing the duty of the Federal Government of view of the proposals The Green New Deal for Europe, by to create a Green New Deal tabled by Ocasio-Cortez in the the Democracy in Europe Movement (DiEM 25), and the US Congress in February 2019.1

Including the ecofeminist approach in the diagnosis of the crisis

First of all, regarding analysis of the crisis, both proposals Specifically, global care networks are an example of the make reference to the consequences of climate change importance of combining ecologist and feminist analysis, and the environmental crisis, economic stagnation, grow- as they reveal a crisis of care that is solved by delegating ing inequality (by race, class and gender), impoverishment care tasks to migrant women workers, who in turn leave and the impossibility of meeting basic needs, the crisis in their families in the care of other women. But at the same public services and the increased vulnerability of certain time, they are related to the social-economic crisis, as many communities such as migrants, indigenous people, wom- of the displacements are caused by extractivism or climate en, the elderly, rural populations and so on. Furthermore, change. the Ocasio-Cortez proposal also recognises the multiplier effect climate change has on threats and conflicts, while Moreover, while they recognise the growing difficulties in the DiEM25 proposal focuses on the crisis of democracy. access to resources and services necessary for a decent life (water, energy, food, housing, health, education and care) However, while recognising some differential impacts of in a context of social and economic crisis and austerity in the social-environmental crisis, they do not properly ana- public services, it would be useful to analyse this growing lyse the links between the environmental crisis and the re- insecurity of life from the feminist standpoint of the repro- productive crisis, and the need to respond to both of them ductive crisis, which would allow a better understanding of together. As Mary Mellor states, we must not forget “the its causes and consequences and how to combat it. Specif- role played by reproductive work in mediating between ically, it is important to realise the fundamental role played nature and ‘the economy’, through the daily regeneration by domestic and care work in capitalist reproduction, i.e. of human (and non-human) life”. This author also points to see it as work comparable to other labour, not just as out the importance of recognising not only that nature is fi- a source of well-being for the community (as it is seen in nite, but that care work, necessary to sustain life in increas- the DiEM25 proposal), but as essential labour for which all ingly adverse circumstances, is also finite. This finite nature involved should take responsibility. This avoids falling into of care work is recompensed with scenarios of increasing discourses that mysticise care work and instead of trans- exploitation, poor care and transnationalisation through forming the current model reinforce the discrimination global care networks.2 and power relationships involved in it.3

1 DiEM25 (2019) The Green New Deal for Europe https://report.gndforeurope.com/cms/wp-content/uploads/2020/01/Blueprint-for- Europes-Just-Transition-2nd-Ed.pdf; Ocasio-Cortez (2019) H. RES. 109, Recognizing the duty of the Federal Government to create a Green New Deal, House of Representatives. https://ocasio-cortez.house.gov/gnd 2 Mary Mellor (2019) “An Eco-Feminist Proposal. Sufficient Provisioning and Democratic Money”New Left Review 3 Tithi Bhattacharya (2018) “Reproducción social del trabajo y clase obrera global”, Viento Sur. https://www.vientosur.info/spip.php?article13491 4

It would be worth taking into account how the environmen- Finally, although both proposals take into account the link tal crisis is aggravating the reproductive crisis: for example, between the environmental crisis and forced displace- due to the increase in illnesses caused by air pollution, wa- ments, they analyse it in an overly superficial way that fails ter pollution or contamination of the food we consume. In to expose the levels of violence involved in a system based this respect, both the Ocasio-Cortez and the DiEM25 pro- on expulsions and frontiers. Likewise the violent practices posals take into account the link between health and cli- inherent to a system in crisis, with deep hetero-patriarchal, mate, but not the gender bias in illnesses linked to the en- racist and classist roots. These violent processes form part vironmental crisis. This unequal impact exists, for example, of scenarios of regional exploitation, in migration routes, in the higher exposure of women to toxic elements (such in immigration laws, in mechanisms criminalising poverty, as receipts containing bisphenol in the case of supermar- in patriarchal households, in processes of rupture of the ket workers or higher exposure to cleaning products), and social fabric and so on, and any proposal for eco-social in an overload of work due to the responsibility of caring transition should take them into account in its horizon for for sick family members. transformation.

(De)growth, an ecofeminist view

One of the most hotly-debated issues in relation to the the economy, to cut overall energy consumption and ma- Green New Deal proposals concerns the analysis of growth. terial production, to foster an economy based on “social In the first place, regarding the Ocasio-Cortez proposal, and environmental reproduction” and to create a new in- while it does not deal with the topic directly, there is an dicator of progress to replace GDP (page 31). Specifically, underlying recognition that economic development can it advocates decoupling prosperity from economic growth be driven by an environmental transformation of the econ- so that welfare is not determined by growth in production omy that reduces greenhouse emissions. That is to say, and consumption (page 57). the form of production can be transformed, together with the sources of energy, without any need to put a brake on The diagnosis given by DiEM25 concerning the conse- economic growth. Faced with this assumption, an ecofem- quences of economic growth can therefore be said to be inist view that takes into account the biophysical limits of closer to that raised by social ecologism and , the planet, argues for the urgency of a drastic reduction in but even so it still uses a language more appropriate to material consumption, as well as the impossibility of de- a paradigm of plenty than one of austerity. The constant coupling material growth from the economics of growth references to human flourishing as a synonym of well-be- in GDP. That is to say, it is difficult to respond to the -en ing indicate a supposed scenario of constant progress vironmental emergency without breaking away from the and improvement which does not chime with ecofeminist capitalist framework of unlimited growth. proposals to “live well with less”4. Moreover, though some sectors are mentioned as needing transformation in order DiEM25 undertakes a more detailed analysis of this issue, to de-grow (like the arms industry or supply chains), there recognising that growth-based economic policies have is no coherent analysis of which sectors should drastically failed (page 27), and even criticises the false solutions of cut their consumption of materials and energy. Also men- “green growth” due to the impossibility of keeping up cur- tioned in passing is the importance of transforming social rent energy consumption from renewable sources. In this expectations of consumption (page 65), but no specific respect it discusses, for example, the need to decarbonise proposals with regard to the transformation of modes of

4 It might be clearer that “prosperity” has been linked to progress and to a certain extent to growth. It is true that it should not always be like this, but ultimately it is a question of making clear that any ecofeminist scenario (regardless of what we call it) should propose a change in the concept of well-being which breaks with the idea of a stairway going ever upwards. Ecofeminist review of the proposals for a Green New Deal 5

living and the need to foster scenarios of self-restraint and a more complex analysis of needs that will always depend sufficiency.5 on personal context and experiences. She also recalls, “It is crucial not to forget that these are material, tangible, The switch to a more austere life6 but one that guarantees and also affective/relational, intangible.” In this respect, basic needs are met has been a recurring topic in feminist ecofeminist reflection on interdependence and the impor- economics and ecofeminism. Mary Mellor argues that, tance of the affective/relational sphere can be the starting “Sufficiency is an egalitarian concept: sufficiency for one point for the necessary dispute over cultural hegemony, to must be sufficiency for all, or else some will have more disseminate a concept of living well that is not linked to than enough and others too little.” She therefore argues consumption, production or growth and to “construct ho- for balancing two principles: environmental sustainability rizons of desire coherent with the material conditions that and social justice. Amaia Pérez Orozco, on the other hand, make them possible”.8 suggests the concept of “decessities7” as a way of allowing

Democratising the processes and goods essential to sustain life

The Ocasio-Cortez proposal argues for major investments housing and care. However, it would be interesting for the to guarantee, among other things, access to adequate proposal to include a multi-scale approach that also envis- housing, food, transport, water and health. DiEM25 also aged a transformation of these sectors at the lowest lev- suggests the public purchase of public service compa- el. That is to say, the new paradigm for public running of nies (page 45) to ensure that essential services like energy, services should not simply involve state control, but allow health, housing, water and transport are in public hands, so households to stop being mere consumers of services, po- guaranteeing that the environmental crisis and the general liticising everything that goes on within them to give the interest are taken into account in their running. Specifical- domestic and community sphere a central role in running ly, they suggest, for example, the importance of decom- them. mercialising areas like the pharmaceutical industry and the care sector, as private running of these has led to insecure This multi-scale paradigm, in which communities and working and care conditions. households play a specific part, will make it possible to re- assess, in a democratic way, the model of social reproduc- In this respect, the DiEM25 proposals are in line with an tion to avoid extractive, exploitative paradigms. Like this ecofeminist approach of democratising the processes and strategies can be fostered to return care, access to water, goods essential to sustain life, such as food, water, energy, energy, housing and food to public hands without simply

5 Julia Weingärtner & Marta Monasterio Martín (2010) “Poner la vida en el centro: respuestas del ecofeminismo y del decrecimiento a la UE” Ecologistas en Acción. 6 It is true that the word austerity has been “stolen” from us and in general today it is associated with the Troika’s neoliberal policies, which is why we would sometimes talk about “austericide” so as not hand over the concept to them so easily. I think we need to carry on calling for an austere life where basic needs are met… an approach for which ecosocialists like Jorge Riechmann have been arguing for some time. In any case, we could look for a way to carry on arguing for the concept but using another word that does not cause so much confusion, though I cannot think of one. 7 Amaia Pérez Orozco (Subversión feminista de la economía [Feminist Subversion of the Economy], 2014) revives the “decessities” concept launched by Central American women in the context of Popular Education to resignify the idea of “necessities” without separating it from “desires”, so calling for something more than just assuming necessities that are often defined by others. 8 Mary Mellor (2019) “An Eco-Feminist Proposal. Sufficient Provisioning and Democratic Money”New Left Review Amaia Pérez Orozco (2014) Subversión feminista de la economía. Aportes para un debate sobre el conflicto capital-vida. Traficantes de Sueños 6

transforming what happens outside the home, but also criteria that do not depend on their profitability and guar- daring to crack open the domestic confinement that gen- antee accessibility and sustainability. This means that in a erally prevails in everything to do with social reproduction. scenario of democratisation of energy, food, housing and care the big power companies, agro-industrial concerns, A first step towards this reorganisation is to reduce com- food chains, construction firms and multi-service corpo- plexity and re-localise. This means switching away from rations would no longer have a place. The processes and depending on global markets and big transnationals to es- goods essential for life should be common property, not tablish mechanisms whereby care and the production and subject to capitalist accumulation, managed by state or distribution of goods are rooted in the region, according to community instances or jointly by both.

The sustainability of life and care at the centre

The Ocasio-Cortez proposal does not mention the reproduc- therefore be said that proposals in this area must include tive crisis or the role of care work in its proposals for change. with all its sharp edges, recognising The DiEM25 proposal, on the other hand, does mention re- and expanding diverse households and freely-chosen ways productive and care work and its main proposals are, firstly, of living together and collectively taking responsibility for to set up a “Health and Care Standard” to establish the crite- sustaining life, without relegating any of the tasks neces- ria for decent social protection and health services, to foster sary to protect life to the closed sphere of the home or opt- investment and a transition towards a more decentralised, ing for individual, commercialised solutions to meet these public model (page 48); and secondly, to create a “Care In- needs. come” to recognise and recompense the people who devote all or part of their time to caring for family members, the The way of making these proposals happen continues to community or the environment (page 36). be discussed and crystallised within the feminist move- ment itself, where the recent feminist strikes have been a The problem with these proposals is that while they recog- key space for experimenting in how to reorganise care and nise the current crisis in care and the situations of exploita- reproduction. In this respect, an interesting contribution tion and insecurity it creates for women in particular, they to the debate is the “feminist wage” proposed by Cavallero offer no ideas for transforming gender roles and putting and Gago in Argentina. Specifically, they propose a system an end to the current sexual division of labour. In fact, this of income redistribution aimed at local care and self-man- issue is only raised in relation to the housing model (page agement networks that already exist as a response to vio- 42), instead of treating it as a transversal question cutting lence and dispossession, to serve as economic recognition across the green job creation programme, recovering pub- and guarantee their autonomy, without any patriarchal lic services and financial criteria. mediation. This notion of collective distribution of income could be useful to enrich the debate on how to avoid falling Specifically, the Care Income recalls the proposals for into models that remain based on each individual meeting “Wages for Housework” of the 70s, which feminist debates their needs individually using the market.9 have moved on from in recent decades. Today the feminist movement places the focus on seeking ways to create pub- Also of interest are the feminist debates about the univer- lic and social joint responsibility for care work to move be- sal basic income, which emphasise the importance of seek- yond family-centred models; as well as denouncing the risk ing a way for the distribution of income not to reinforce the of basing state subsidies on moralist welfare paradigms existing model of social reproduction. Under this model, which aim to reinforce the patriarchal nuclear family. It can not only does responsibility for care continue to fall largely

9 Luci Cavallero & Verónica Gago (2019) “Diez tesis sobre la economía feminista (o sobre el antagonismo entre huelga y finanzas)”, Viento Sur, issue 164. Ecofeminist review of the proposals for a Green New Deal 7

on women, but also the responsibility for coping with all put an end to consumerism and bring about a consump- the impacts inflicted by the market is left up to families. tion linked to needs that does not exceed the planet’s bio- Also argued is how important it is for the establishment of physical limits, or the gender slant these strategies would a basic income to go hand in hand with a new tax model involve. which would make it possible to move towards employers taking responsibility for all the reproductive work from Specifically, the end of labour exploitation and a shift to which they benefit invisibly. sustainable production could increase the price of cer- tain products and services, which is why access to them Another topic of concern for ecofeminists concerns the role should be guaranteed outside the market. At the same reproductive work should play in a new ecosocial model. In time, the reduction of energy consumption, food based this respect, the DiEM25 proposal recognises that a reduc- on agro-ecological produce and the end of the disposable tion in material production will have to go together with an model might increase care time, so mechanisms of joint increase in social and environmental reproduction, favour- responsibility need to be considered to avoid overloading ing maintenance, recycling, repair and restoration of the women with work. This is why we raise the need to polit- environment and infrastructures, as well as in the areas of icise the everyday and take the meeting of needs out of care, culture and education. However, it does not take into the home, as a way of collectivising this responsibility and account the impact the transition will have on the every- seeking collective ways to guarantee access to necessary day sphere, or mention demand management strategies to resources and services in a sustainable way.

Distribution and democratisation of all socially necessary work and the wealth it generates.

A central feature of both Green New Deal proposals is the cussions among , which is the concept of work defence of employment. Ocasio-Cortez opts for an envi- and its future. Thus, on the one hand the proposal to cre- ronmental transition to allow the defence of decent em- ate employment with social value would chime with the ployment conditions and the creation of jobs in the coun- ecofeminist option to link jobs to the sustainability of life; try. Likewise, a central plank of the DiEM25 proposal is the likewise, the proposed reduction in working hours is a fun- creation of a programme of investment in Green Public damental measure to reorganise time in a feminist way. Works which would create new jobs to stop the social crisis On the other hand, however, there are some shortcomings we are already seeing from deepening and make up for the that should be pointed out. First, the idea that economic jobs lost in polluting industries. activity can be “dematerialised” is mistaken because, as ecofeminism states, not only are we interdependent, we Some of the measures in this programme include a guaran- are also ecodependent. Therefore, a non-extractivist so- tee of decent work through the creation of public employ- cio-economic activity coherent with the planet’s biophysi- ment, with a 4-day working week, democratic control by cal limits would still have an important material weight and workers and local distribution. These jobs will be dedicated work as such could not disappear. to anything of social value (care, habitat restoration, com- munity services and so on) (page 35). Like this it suggests Second, the reductionist view of work as what one does for a scenario in which the shifting of economic activity away a wage is problematic. We know that many jobs are nec- from material production would also help pave the way to essary to sustain life; the debate is over how to organise a post-work future. (page 36). them. This concept of work decoupled from its waged form enables us not only to recognise all the essential jobs that Assessment of this proposal from an ecofeminist point of have been rendered invisible because they lack economic view shows that it enters fully into one of the ongoing dis- recognition, but also to consider ways of de-commercial- 8

ising and collectivising the meeting of social needs, i.e. ingly globalised, deregulated labour market. In this re- de-labourising access to rights and prioritising non-com- spect, measures need implementing to put an end to the mercial ways of accessing the material, social and cultural exploitation, pay differentials and vertical and horizontal resources necessary to lead a decent life. As well as ways of segregation on the labour market and end unrecognised moving towards non-alienated jobs based on paradigms of care in the case of unpaid jobs. self-management and participation.10 From an ecofeminist point of view, therefore, it would be Third, the model proposed explicitly separates care work of more interest to opt for the distribution and democra- from other work, by creating a specific income for care tisation of all socially necessary jobs, linked to a plan to work, the Care Income. This differentiation, in addition to distribute wealth. This would go hand in hand with meas- all the issues mentioned above, actually consolidates the ures to take resources away from the capital accumulation patriarchal separation between reproductive and produc- model, reforming the current tax system, reversing privati- tive work which has been so useful to capitalism to sustain sations, auditing and writing off debts, taking back public itself on the basis of enormous amounts of insecure, free control of new spheres and protecting physical spaces and labour. activities against incursions by big companies. Some of the measures proposed by DiEM25 work in this direction, such Finally, the Green Public Works proposal may be very ad- as the end of tax havens, charges on financial transactions vanced in the way it organises these jobs, the conditions and environmental impact and democratic, environmental it proposes and its goals. But it is rather lame if it is not criteria for public spending, but they remain timid if the accompanied by a package of measures aimed at digni- aim is to reverse today’s inequality. fying all jobs, especially those that depend on an increas-

The rural sphere and the agri-food system

A sector that receives special attention in the proposals European Union, it must be said that these measures are considered is that of agri-food, with proposals to support completely insufficient if they do not recognise and make rural development and foster the environmental transition visible the demands of rural people. In the DiEM25 propos- in agriculture. For example, the Ocasio-Cortez proposal al, for example, food sovereignty is mentioned, but is re- suggests supporting family farming, investing in sustaina- duced to a series of regenerative or sustainable farming ac- ble farming and fostering a new food system to guarantee tivities (page 53) which do not take into account the whole access to healthy food. DiEM25, on the other hand, propos- alternative model for production, sale and supply involved es fostering an agrarian transition based on a reduction in in this proposition. harmful practices, support for regenerative and sustaina- ble practices and a guarantee of a fair model for Europe To do this would involve recognising feminist food sov- and the rest of the world (page 53). More specifically, it ereignty and agro-ecology proposals which enrich the opts to introduce sustainable performance conditions for debate about the food model, the town-country relation- subsidies in the sector, decent incomes for workers, region- ship, the recovery of ecosystems and rural development, al cohesion measures and a supermarket labelling system avoiding the masculine, urban-centred view that generally that specifies emissions and nutritional information. impregnates these debates. In this respect, an agroecofem- inist viewpoint opts “for food to stop being a business and Without belittling the importance of these measures and become a right over which we have the power of decision the urgency of transforming the farm subsidy model in the and sovereignty, including sovereignty over the territory

10 Gorka Martija (2020) “Trabajos emancipados frente a la ofensiva capitalista. Impactos y alternativas a los tratados comerciales en Hego Euskal Herria”, OMAL. Ecofeminist review of the proposals for a Green New Deal 9

that feeds us”. It also sees the food chain as something cir- sibility for all the necessary jobs (with time in the kitchen as cular: production, distribution, supply and the household a place of work and a meeting place), and where provision- being the link that holds them together, making visible all ing is dealt with through short circuits, both buying/selling the types of care necessary for the chain to function.11 and consumption and exchange of one’s own produce.

Its proposals include shifting from a masculinised food sys- The DiEM25 text defends community models of farming tem that ignores the region and country people to a model (page 53), but it would be interesting for it to opt for more based on country people, de-commercialisation and col- of an overall view of the agri-food sector. With measures to lectivisation. This makes it necessary to further develop the foster organisation between different people throughout set of proposals to defend rural economies, not restricting the food chain, from production to consumption, includ- them to economic subsidies alone but also taking into ing schools, local authorities and other institutions. Like account the whole socio-economic fabric necessary to this they could include much more transformational meas- achieve food sovereignty. Fostering a model that does not ures to promote healthy food, such as organic community depend on market inputs, in which there is shared respon- canteens.

Repaying the environmental debt to the global south

Though timidly, to different extents both the proposals voluntarism, similar to the ideas behind CSR12, rather than assessed consider the global dimension of the environ- on proposals aimed at expanding regulation, checks and mental crisis and the responsibility of both Europe and legal routes for access to justice for affected communities. the USA. The Ocasio-Cortez proposal suggests encourag- ing the international exchange of technology, knowledge, Therefore, though much effort has gone into describing the products, finance and services to support other countries role of the Environmental Justice Commission, the general in implementing the Green New Deal, as well as ending approach raises certain doubts about the ability of the pro- the transferring of jobs and pollution abroad. DiEM25 pro- posal to halt the consequences of productivism, offshoring poses, among other measures, legislating on national and of costs to the global south, indebtedness or the commer- international supply chains in line with criteria of sustaina- cialisation of common goods. This would require a more bility and justice, penalising investment in non-renewable detailed analysis of the role played by transnational com- sectors, entrenching sustainability within all firms, renego- panies (and above all the network of financial institutions, tiating World Trade Organisation rules to incorporate hu- trade treaties, arbitration courts and so on) in intensifying man rights, setting up an Environmental Abuse Directive these impacts, accompanied by more specific measures to to recognise the personal, punitive responsibility of those end corporate impunity and make companies assume their who benefit from pollution and setting up an Environmen- social and environmental externalities. Especially worrying tal Justice Commission. are the impacts of projects which are considered clean, but which retain the logic of territorial plunder and labour ex- Most of these proposals fall within the category of volun- ploitation. Also needed are methods of dismantling trade tary recommendations, with a few exceptions like the pro- treaties and the mechanisms of indebtedness. posal to codify ecocide as a “crime against humanity” (page 75). Dramatic examples like the proposal for a prize for sus- It would also be essential to include proposals aimed at re- tainability clearly indicate an approach largely based on paying the environmental debt to the global south built

11 Colectiva XXK (2020) “Derivas feministas hacia el bienvivir” OMAL, Paz con Dignidad y Colectiva XXK. 12 Corporate Social Responsibility. We consider this a proposition based on voluntary unilateralism, self-regulation, and therefore it does not guarantee respect for human rights, especially bearing in mind that it does not include mechanisms for monitoring and supervision. 10

up over decades (we do not know whether the interna- mental, economic and gender), whether through uncondi- tional exchange proposed by Ocasio-Cortez goes in this tional finance, technology transfer or repair of ecosystems, direction, but the way it is suggested raises doubts over as well as expanding solidarity and accepting survivors of whether it might in fact activate new mechanisms for co- this system by opening borders and supporting the strug- lonial relations between countries). It would therefore be gles of defenders of their territory. appropriate to pursue strategies to repay debts (environ-

Opting for local, popular and intersectional transitions

Finally, it must be asked which subjects are to drive the tory and its population. Only like this it is possible to foster transition (or transitions), paying special attention to open, democratic and sustainable processes that inter-link avoiding urban-centric, eurocentric and androcentric ap- with other projects to increase their scale. Starting from proaches that ignore the experiences and knowledge of the local also makes it possible to give visibility and recog- groups that are essential to drive any transition. It is crucial nition to a multitude of local alternatives that are already not to let concern over the loss of polluting jobs filled by in operation. Placing the focus on popular ecofeminism white workers eclipse concern for the future of the defend- already in existence can make it possible to avoid tech- ers of the territory, country people, care workers, displaced no-utopias and instead value proposals that set out from populations or those whose health has been damaged by the here and now. pollutants. It is also important to consider how these Green New Deal To some extent this view is present in the proposals as- proposals are intended to inter-relate with organised sessed. The Ocasio-Cortez text, for example refers to the movements. It must be asked how far these proposals ac- indigenous people and communities most affected by the tually help the ecologist and feminist movement to consol- crisis; and the DiEM25 proposal repeatedly mentions the idate its positions or, on the contrary, they could become importance of community-led projects and the democrati- a brake on its demands and positions, based on the logic sation of jobs and finance. But what we do not know is how of acceptable demands. In this respect, it is worrying that these processes are to be driven, how it is to be ensured to a certain extent the proposals lag behind movements that it is not a top-down process and will really be commu- and public opinion that was starting to accept much more nity-led. transformational concepts in relation, for example, to the urgency of drastic socio-economic measures to limit glob- In this respect, it is important to bear in mind that to put al warming to within 1.5ºC, or the need for shared public, the intersectional option into practice it is necessary to business and community responsibility for care. start from the local, to foster transitions rooted in the terri- Ecofeminist review of the proposals for a Green New Deal 11

Bibliography Bhattacharya, Tithi (2018) “Reproducción social del trabajo y clase obrera global”, Viento Sur.

Cavallero, Luci & Gago, Verónica (2019) “Diez tesis sobre la economía feminista (o sobre el antagonismo entre huelga y finanzas)”, Viento Sur, issue 164.

Colectiva XXK (2020) “Derivas feministas hacia el bienvivir” OMAL, Paz con Dignidad y Colectiva XXK.

DiEM25 (2019) The Green New Deal for Europe. https://report.gndforeurope.com/cms/wp-content/uploads/2020/01/ Blueprint-for-Europes-Just-Transition-2nd-Ed.pdf

Martija, Gorka (2020) “Trabajos emancipados frente a la ofensiva capitalista. Impactos y alternativas a los tratados comerciales en Hego Euskal Herria”, OMAL.

Mellor, Mary (2019) “An Eco-Feminist Proposal. Sufficient Provisioning and Democratic Money”New Left Review

Ocasio-Cortez (2019) H. RES. 109, “Recognizing the duty of the Federal Government to create a Green New Deal”, House of Representatives. https://ocasio-cortez.house.gov/gnd

Pérez Orozco, Amaia (2014) “Subversión feminista de la economía. Aportes para un debate sobre el conflicto capital- vida”. Traficantes de Sueños

Weingärtner, Julia y Monasterio Martín, Marta (2010) “Poner la vida en el centro: respuestas del ecofeminismo y del decrecimiento a la UE” Ecologistas en Acción.

Online sources

Bhattacharya Titi: https://www.viewpointmag.com/2015/10/31/how-not-to-skip-class-social-reproduction-of-labor-and- the-global-working-class/

Gago Veronica and Cavallero Lucia: https://ctjournal.org/2020/04/21/feminism-the-pandemic-and-what-comes-next/

Gago Veronica: https://www.radicalphilosophy.com/article/what-are-popular-economies

Herrero Yayo: https://www.barcelona.cat/metropolis/en/contents/vulnerable-beings-violated-lives

Steckner Anne: https://socialistproject.ca/2018/11/for-richer-for-poorer-family-for-the-left/ ISBN 978−3−903343−09−2

9 783903 343092