Odisha Review ISSN 0970-8669

Harekrushna Mahtab and the Gadajat Movements in Odisha

Pritish Acharya

Gadjat means the Princely States in Odia as well greatly advanced the process of integration. This as in Odisha. In the early 20th Century there were means, the integration or merger of the Gadjats strong peasant movements in the Gadjats of the in the state of Odisha would have been either State. They are known as delayed or hazardous and un- Gadajat or Gadjat smooth without the movements in the proceeding Gadjat contemporary history. Since movements. This was also they were led by the Praja true of the nation as a whole. Mandals (organizations of Like the independence of the the ryot peasants in the nation and integration of the Gadjats), the movements Princely states, both the were locally called Praja nationalist struggle and the Mandal Andolan. These Gadjat agitations had movements had supplemented each other. It supplemented the nationalist is in this context that the struggle all over the country, Gadjat movement as a though our focus here would whole needs to be discussed be the development in in a holistic manner. Odisha. The Praja Mandals Integration without focusing and the Gadjat movements on the movement, which were largely an offspring of were like rehearsals and the nationalist upsurge and preparatory stages of growing mass politicization in the country. integration or discussing the movement without Harekrushna Mahtab (1899-1987), a leading highlighting the integration as the culmination of nationalist leader from Odisha, had played an the process will be partial. Role of Harekrushna instrumental role in the agitation, which ultimately Mahtab need not escape our attention, because resulted in the integration of the Gadjats in Odisha he had a major role throughout, right from the in 1947-48. The independence in 1947 had beginning of the Gadjat movement till its

NOVEMBER - 2020 1 ISSN 0970-8669 Odisha Review culmination in the integration of the Gadjats in the new Indian nation, whose commitment to the state. democracy and modernity and scientific temper, was beyond doubt, could not allow the feudal, The British had conquered at a time, undemocratic and dynastic rule of the states to when the great Mughal Empire had collapsed and continue. Second, India in fragmented form would the subcontinent had fragmented into hundreds be vulnerable to colonial and imperial conquests of small states. Many of the states eclipsed, while in contemporary time. Though India had not been many others survived in a very different form one unified state in all periods of history, people during the British period. Those which survived outside had seen her as one culture and harbinger were called Princely states, for they were ruled of a world civilization. She would lose her social by the Princes or Rajas and Maharajas. When and political significance unless she remained the British decided to leave India in the mid- unified in contemporary time. Hence, integration 1940s’, India had nearly two-fifths of the sub- of the Princely states became a need of the hour continent ruled by the Princes. In terms of number, for the new nationalist leadership. The Princely there were some 563 princely states within India states’ peoples’ movement preceding the at the time of her independence. Some of the independence helped the process of integration. princely states, such as Hyderabad, Mysore and The large scale politicization there under the Kashmir, were larger in size than many of the impact of the nationalist upsurge created a stir for nations in Europe. Similarly, there were also very integration. Except in a few cases, such as small princely states, whose population counted Hyderabad, Junagadh in present Gujarat, and in the thousands. All the princely states recognized Kashmir, the integration was smooth in India. the paramountcy of the British Government and Sardar Vallabhbai Patel was the Home Minister overtly assisted the British in restricting the anti- in the first cabinet of the Interim Government of colonial rising in their respective areas. The British free India from September 1946 to January 1950. also pressurized the states for contributions to their He played an instrumental role in it. ‘War Fund’ on the event of external wars. On the other hand, without any military and sovereignty Here it is interesting to note that the these states were powerless to challenge the princely states, such as Umerkot, Khairpur, Swat, British, but in no way it restricted their Chitral, Hunza, Nagor, Nur, Bahawalpur and authoritarian rule over the states’ people. The Amb, etc., had joined the newly formed Pakistan, British, which claimed to be the ‘mother of because they were located in the area specified as Pakistan and had been Muslim majority democracy’ and harbinger of modern ideas, regions. However, many of them did not integrate unhesitatingly legitimized the feudal, dynastic and with Pakistan, unlike in India, and enjoyed their anti-democratic rule of the Princes in the states. autonomy till the 1960’s. As a consequence, the Thus, India under the British rule had two kinds dynastic rule alongside the Islamic Republic of India: one British India and the other princely remained there concurrently, which weakened the states’ India. This continued uninterrupted till the foundation of the new nation of Pakistan. It was independence in 1947. re-feudalized and fundamentalized, which After independence, integration of the ultimately turned it into a military state. It started states had been essential for two reasons. One, as a religion centric non-secular state as well as a

2 NOVEMBER - 2020 Odisha Review ISSN 0970-8669 feudal state at a time, when all modern nations in integration of all Odia speaking tracts into one the contemporary world, eschewed such political administration, but, never bothered to abhorrent and backward looking goal. This merge politically in Odisha in 1936. Second, the exemplifies why the integration of the princely liberal leaders, never set the merger in their states in India was so much necessary. agenda. This exhibited the internal contradiction Coming to Odisha, there were some 26 within the movement and gradually created princely States or Gadjats in the State. Odisha resentment among the youths and people of had been formed a separate state on linguistic and Odisha. cultural basis in April 1936. There was a long There was the Utkal Union Conference history of Odia movement behind this. There were (UUC: formed in 1903), locally called Utkal large Gadjats like Mayurbhanj, Keonjhar and Sammilani, which spearheaded the movement. Its Patana (Bolangir). Similarly, there were also many main leaders included Madhusudan Das, small Gadjats, such as Ranapur, Daspalla, Nilagiri Biswanath Kar and the princes of Gadjats like and Athagarh, which were as small as a modern Mayurbhanj, Khalikote, Bamanda and Block or Police Station in terms of population Parlakhemundi, etc. and area. We could see the rise of youths and The linguistic and cultural identity students in Odisha politics as an alternative to the movement, known as Odia movement, preceded liberal leadership of the Odia movement. As a the foundation of the Congress led nationalist group of young nationalists, they disapproved the struggle in Odisha. It could be traced to the liberal attitude. Gopabandhu Das and his outbreak of the Famine of 1866. The Odia Satyavadi group were the leaders, and movement was a nationalist upsurge, which Harekrushna Mahtab, Gopabandhu Choudhury, focused on the regional development and regional Jadumani Mangaraj, Atal Bihari Acharya and identity of the people, for they were considered Nabakrishna Choudhury, etc., were the emerging to be pre-conditions for national development. vanguards of this group. These youths put forth Though the national identity was not overlooked, their radical ideas within the UUC; but, did not the Odia movement remained very liberal break away from the Odia movement, which was throughout. a pan Odisha umbrella organization of all the The princes and Zamindars along with the political and social groups in the Odia speaking newly educated intelligentsia largely populated region. Rather they tried to convert it into a and led the movement. Because of the pre- Congress organization. Finally they were dominance of the princely class, the movement successful in their effort. In 1920, the UUC could not afford to be overtly anti-British in its merged with the Congress and the Utkal Provincial programme and strategy. Further, common Congress Committee (UPCC), the Odisha masses could not join it enthusiastically, because chapter of the Indian National Congress was of the internal contradiction between the princely constituted. Gopabandhu Das was its first class and the people. Two aspects need a mention president. Harekrushna Mahtab was an active here. One, the princely class was in the forefront member; he became the first president of the to lead the Odia movement, which aimed at the Balasore District Congress Committee (DCC).

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At the time, the UPCC had only six DCCs: not remain indifferent to the ryots’ issue. For Sambalpur, Cuttack, Balasore, Puri, Ganjam and example, Mahtab as the president of the Balasore Singbhum. DCC encouraged people to become Congress In 1921 the Non-Cooperation members in neighboring Kanika. This was a new experiment which the UPCC wanted to extend movement (NCM) was launched. The UPCC, to other zamindari estates in the state in course of in which the UUC had amalgamated, joined it. time. Involving the peasants was essential for Mahtab, who was studying in the Ravenshaw making the NCM a mass movement in Odisha. College of Cuttack after completing his The princes and zamindars were hostile to the matriculation in Bhadrak School, left his studies growing anti- British nationalist upsurge, which and jumped into the NCM. Along with the motivated the young Congress workers to rise launching of NCM, the young Congress leaders against the former and to integrate the anti-colonial of Odisha, especially Mahtab, took up the issue and the anti-feudal movement into one. of feudal oppression in the Zamindari estate of Kanika adjacent to Kendrapada. This was Even after the suspension of the NCM in considered necessary for broadening the mass February 1922, due to the Chauri Chaura incident, base of the newly formed Congress in the state. the Kanika agitation continued unabated. The The Zamindar of Kanika was called Raja and was ryots who defied the payment of land tax were active as a leader in the UUC. However, his arrested and the peasants with a growing sense association with the linguistic and cultural of fearlessness liberated them from the police movement did not dissuade him from indulging in custody. The Chaukidars were disrobed of their feudal oppression against the ryots or prajas. The official hat and belt and were ordered to wear condition of the ryots was intolerable. They khadi. The entrance to the agitation centres were (ryots) paid many illegal taxes; paid some 64 kind blocked by felling trees on the road. Finally, on of taxes to the zamindar. The taxes included 23rd April 1922 there was police firing which marriage tax, honeymoon tax, fish catching tax, resulted in the killing of two ryots and in the injury hair cutting tax, etc. Besides, the feudal system of of many more in Kanika. bethi and begari (un-paid labour tax) continued, The Kanika agitation was brutally as in other Gadjats. suppressed. And the ryots, nearly 150 in number, The news of NCM motivated the ryots along with UPCC leaders like Gopabandhu Das, to challenge the feudal system and the UPCC Bhagirathi Mahapatra and Harekrushna Mahtab extended its tacit support to them. The ryots of were arrested and sent to jail in 1922. Kanika enrolled themselves as the primary Officially speaking Kanika was not a members of the Congress with the assumption Gadjat. But, in general perception it was a that such membership would give them the princely state. The young UPCC got involved in necessary impunity and immunity against payment it, but the involvement was not open and direct. of tax. By January 1922 there were 400 primary The agitation on the issue of payment of land rent members of the Congress in Kanika. The local had continued independently even after the official Congress members had been behind the Kanika suspension of the NCM in February 1922. The ryots, though they denied it strategically. They could police firing had taken place in April 1922. In the

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Press the Zamindar portrayed it as an UPCC led violence by the peasants always result in brutal NCM act. In the court, the police submitted it as violent repression by state authorities, due to a part of Congress led NCM. However, the which the agitation is short lived and the Congress denied the charges and argued that the oppression and exploitation continued. Mahtab agitation was spontaneous, because of excessive in his autobiography Sadhanar Pathe, has feudal oppression and exploitation. By giving a explained it in very clear language. He had rushed political colour to it, the British and the Zamindar to Ranapur soon after the killing of Bazalgette to were trying to hide their authoritarian feudal rule save the situation. He feared, many innocent ryots in Kanika, the Congress leaders argued. would be tortured by the police hereafter. He made all efforts to save them. However, the British The Kanika agrarian agitation was an eye tried to implicate him in the case. opener to the UPCC. In 1930’s the Praja Mandal movements began in many of the In 1937, the Congress formed the Gadjats, such as Dhenkanal, Talcher, Nilagiri, ministry in Odisha. Soon after that the Gadjat Ranapur, Gangapur and Athagarh. Everywhere agitations intensified, largely because the Praja the Congress adopted the same strategy. It was Mandals and the people there developed a sense there, but only in a covert manner. In fact, the of immunity in the changing scenario. Similarly Gadjat movements in each of the states needed when the ryots from the Gadjats migrated to special discussion, which is not the main objective British Odisha, the Congress ministry under of the present write up. In Ranapur, the movement Biswanath Das gave them protection in 1937- had been so intense that the people killed the 39. The coming of the Congress into the ministry made the states’ people confident to fight against British Political Agent. Major R.L. Bazalgette on the oppression and exploitation. Relative lack of 5 January 1939. hostility from the provincial administration was a In all these Praja Mandal movements, great help to them. They had fled away to the the young Congress leaders, such as British Odisha to escape Princely repression. It Nabakrushna Choudhury, Malati Chaudhury, is also to be noted that though Mahtab was not in Harekrushna Mahtab and the Communist leaders the ministry, he was the supreme leader of the such as Prananath Patnaik, Ramkrishna Pati and UPCC in the 1930’s. In 1930-31 and again in Bhagabati Panigrahi, actively participated. 1937, he was its president. In 1938, he was a Through their involvement they tried to bring a member of the Congress Working Committee discipline in the agitations. They intended to give (CWC) and was at the helm of affairs of the party. a non-violent form to them. However, some Everyone in the state and in the Congress knew scholars conclude that such Congress involvement that it was Mahtab who ran the show of the in covert form was designed to check the ministry from behind. aggressiveness of the ryots, so as to perpetuate In 1938, the Congress constituted an the nationalist control and hegemony over them. Enquiry Committee to look into the states’ Their strategic motive was to curtail the militant peoples’ issues. Mahtab was its president. The nature of the agitations, these scholars argue. But, committee had recommended the cancellation of as it is seen, the young nationalists saw it (tacit Sanands of the rulers and merger of the princely support) as a pragmatic approach. Resorting to states with India.

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During the Quit India Movement, the learning lesson to Sardar Patel, who as the Deputy Gadjat movements became intense and broke Prime Minister of India in the Interim Government, the political divide between the Gadjats and was looking for some graceful ways for integration British Odisha. The princes, who had restrained of states after independence. On 14 December the people from joining in the Congress until then, 1947 Patel visited Odisha. In the presence of the had no control over it. After the ‘Quit India’ India’s Gadjat Princes and many others, he gave a veiled independence was only a matter of time. Because warning that unless the princely states agreed to of the Gadjat movements the integration of the integrate; the Indian Government would not states was also very imminent. When the Interim extend any support to them in case there were Government was formed under the leadership of peoples’ agitations. The Princes put forward some Jawaharlal Nehru, a Congress ministry was set demands as pre-conditions for their merger. Patel up in the province. Fortunately Mahtab headed did not concede to any of their demands. Mahtab the ministry and was the premier (later on it was was solidly behind him. As a result, by 1 January called Chief Minister) of Odisha from 23 April 1948, all the states except Mayurbhanj, Saraikela 1946 to 12 May 1950. During this period all the and Kharsuan merged with Odisha. The day (1 Gadjats were integrated with Odisha. This was January 1948) was celebrated as Gadjat the second Congress ministry in the State. Besides Liberation Day in Odisha. The Gadjats which Mahtab the ministry had four other ministers. They merged were: Gangpur, Bonai, Bamra, Keonjhar, were Nabakrushna Choudhury, Lingaraj Mishra, Rairakhol, Sonepur, Athmallik, Talcher, Pallahara, Nityananda Kanungo and Radha Krishna Biswas Patana, Boudh, Dhenkanal, Hindol, Daspalla, Ray. All these Congress leaders had been one Narasingpur, Baramba, Athgarh, Tigiria, with Mahtab on the issue of integration. Nayagarh, Khandapada, Ranapur, and Nabakrushna and Mahtab were in the Gadjat Kalahandi. Nilagiri had merged earlier. movement right from the beginning. Mayurbhanj agreed to merge on 16 October Soon after the formation of the Congress 1948. From 1 January 1949 it became a part of Ministry, Mahtab wrote to the Cabinet Mission Odisha. The other two states, Saraikela and formed under the chairmanship of Sir Safford Kharsuan, adjacent to Mayurbhanj merged in Cripps about the Gadjat issue on 26 April 1946. Bihar. Thus, the merger could be possible without In the letter he had vociferously argued for their any violent incidents, largely because of the integration. leadership of Harekrushna Mahtab. The Princely states, such as , Koriya, Surguja, In November-December 1947 the Praja Joshpur, Udaipur, Raigarh, Sarangarh, Mandal movements began once again in Nilagiri, Kawardha, Khairagarh, Nandgaon, and Kanker, Hindol, Talcher and Dhenkanal. Their main which were adjacent to Odisha, merged in Central demand was merger of the Gadjat with Odisha. Provinces. Later Madhya Pradesh was carved Mahtab sent the military police to Nilagiri to out of it. In 2000 this region became Chhatishgarh. pressurize the local prince to accept the merger proposal on 14 November 1946. Nilagiri To conclude, Harekrushna Mahtab was conceded and agreed for merger. It was a pressure an individual. Any generalization ascribing the tactic, which worked successfully and became a credit only to him for the merger of Gadjats with

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Odisha would be un- scientific and a-historical. in this sojourn. The integration of Gadjat states An individual cannot be the decider of his time. was a collective achievement of the local and He is only a product of his time. There lies the provincial Congress leadership; Gadjat significance of his role in history. Even Mahatma integration could be generalized as a collective Gandhi was no exception to it. However, the achievement of the local people. individual also cannot be ignored of his In this regard, the merger of Saraikela and contributions in the making of his time. It is a fact Kharsuan with Bihar in May 1948 needs a special that, there had been strong resentment against the mention. The two states were ruled by Princes, feudal oppression and exploitation in the who traced their origin to Odisha. There was a Gadjats. The merger and integration of the states significant Odia speaking population in both the with the Indian nation state was its natural states. On the basis of this, they were considered outcome. The movement and the merger were to be part of Odia speaking tracts or natural integrated issues. One cannot be isolated from Odisha. In 1936 when Odisha was carved out as the other. Similarly, the people and the leaders a separate state, they were notionally with Odisha. were also inter-related in the movement. Resentment by the people against feudal and However, when the merger movement colonial oppression and coordination of the was intense, the tribals there demanded a separate popular resentment by the leadership were equally tribal state. Sonaram Soren and Ramachandra important in taking the movement to its logical Majhi were the main tribal leaders. Jayapal Singh, conclusion. Setting the participants inclusive of another well known tribal leader, was also active workers and leaders in any hierarchical order in the tribal movement. Due to this, ultimately the would be un-scientific and a-historical. In their two Gadjats could not merge with Odisha; they own ways, leaders like Harekrushna Mahtab have merged with Bihar and later on became a part of significantly contributed to the merger. The states’ the newly formed state of in the year people played the main role in converting the 2000. resentment into a strong mass movement. Harekrushna Mahtab always supplemented the movement. He was not alone in this historical event. Other young and radical leaders like Nabakrushna Choudhury, Malati Chaudhury, Prof. Pritish Acharya, Professor in History, Regional Sarangadhar Das, Surendranath Dwivedy, Institute of Education (NCERT), Bhubaneswar, Prananath Patnaik and many others were together E-mail : [email protected].

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