Rules and Government
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Making Autocracy Work
∗ Making Autocracy Work Timothy Besley Masayuki Kudamatsu LSE and CIFAR LSE The Suntory Centre Suntory and Toyota International Centres for Economics and Related Disciplines London School of Economics and Political Science Houghton Street London WC2A 2AE DEDPS 48 May 2007 Tel: (020) 7955 6674 ∗ The first author is grateful for support from CIFAR. The authors received much helpful feedback from members of the Institutions, Organizations and Growth program of CIFAR to which a preliminary version of this paper was presented. Useful comments from Madhav Aney, Fernando Aragon, Peter Evans, Gabriel Leon, Adam Przeworski, Konstantin Sonin, and Guido Tabellini are gratefully acknowledged. Abstract One of the key goals of political economy is to understand how institutional arrangements shape policy outcomes. This paper studies a comparatively neglected aspect of this - the forces that shape heterogeneous performance of autocracies. The paper develops a simple theoretical model of accountability in the absence of regularized elections. Leadership turnover is managed by a selectorate - a group of individuals on whom the leader depends to hold onto power. Good policy is institutionalized when the selectorate removes poorly performing leaders from office. This requires that the selectorate’s hold on power is not too dependent on a specific leader being in office. The paper looks empirically at spells of autocracy to establish cases where it has been successful according to various objective criteria. We use these case studies to identify the selectorate in specific instances of successful autocracy. We also show that, consistent with the theory, leadership turnover in successful autocracies is higher than in unsuccessful autocracies. Finally, we show by exploiting leadership deaths from natural causes that successful autocracies appear to have found ways for selectorates to nominate successors without losing power - a feature which is also consistent with the theoretical approach. -
Citizen Participation in Government
Autocracy, Oligarchy, & Democracy © 2014 Brain Wrinkles In each country, the people have different rights to participate in the government. •In some countries, any citizen can run for office or vote in elections. •In other countries, there are restrictions placed on who can run for office and who can vote. •There are also countries where NO citizen can vote and there are no elections. © 2014 Brain Wrinkles Types of Government are based on two key questions: 1. Who governs the country? 2. What is the citizen participation like? The way a country answers these questions determines its government type: Autocracy Oligarchy Democracy © 2014 Brain Wrinkles • Have a single ruler with unlimited power. • Citizens cannot participate in the selection of the ruler or vote on the country’s laws. • One benefit – decisions for the country can be made quickly. • However…the needs of the citizens may be ignored. • The leader may make poor or selfish decisions that hurt the citizens. © 2014 Brain Wrinkles Generally the power to rule the country is inherited (kings/queens) or is taken by military force. There are two main types of autocracies: Dictatorshi Absolute Monarchy • Thep leader uses force • The monarch has to control the citizens. absolute power (no • Example: Hitler constitution) over the citizens. © 2014 Brain Wrinkles © 2014 Brain Wrinkles • The country is ruled by a small group of people. •The group gets their power from either religion, military force, or wealth & resources. • The citizens do not select the members of this group or vote on the country’s laws. © 2014 Brain Wrinkles The citizens hold the power of the government. -
Sorcerer's Apprentices
Faculty & Research The Spirit of Despotism: Understanding the Tyrant Within by M. Kets de Vries 2004/17/ENT Working Paper Series The Spirit of Despotism: Understanding the Tyrant Within Manfred F. R. Kets de Vries* * Raoul de Vitry d’Avaucourt Clinical Professor of Leadership Development, INSEAD, France & Singapore. Director, INSEAD’s Global Leadership Centre. 1 Abstract The objective of this article is to better understand the developmental history of despotic regimes and the existence of leadership by terror. To gain greater insight into this phenomenon, the unusual relationship between leaders and followers in despotic regimes is explored, and the self-destructive cycle that characterizes such regimes is examined. The price paid in the form of human suffering and the breakdown of the moral fabric of a society is highlighted. In this article, particular attention is paid to highly intrusive totalitarian regimes. The levers used by such regimes to consolidate their power base are discussed in detail. The role of ideology, the enforcement of mind-control, the impact of the media, the inception of the illusion of solidarity, and the search for scapegoats are part of the review. Finally, suggestions are made on how to prevent despotic leaders from gaining a hold on power. Observations are made about the newly founded International Criminal Court, a permanent international judicial body that has been specially set up to try despotic rulers for genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes. KEY WORDS: Despotism; tyrant; leadership; totalitarianism; autocracy; tyranny; dictatorship; societal regression; democracy; paranoia; narcissism; scapegoat; ideology; mind-control; aggression; violence; sadism; terror; genocide; war; crimes against humanity; war criminal; International Criminal Court. -
The Two Faces of Populism: Between Authoritarian and Democratic Populism
German Law Journal (2019), 20, pp. 390–400 doi:10.1017/glj.2019.20 ARTICLE The two faces of populism: Between authoritarian and democratic populism Bojan Bugaric* (Received 18 February 2019; accepted 20 February 2019) Abstract Populism is Janus-faced; simultaneously facing different directions. There is not a single form of populism, but rather a variety of different forms, each with profoundly different political consequences. Despite the current hegemony of authoritarian populism, a much different sort of populism is also possible: Democratic and anti-establishment populism, which combines elements of liberal and democratic convic- tions. Without understanding the political economy of the populist revolt, it is difficult to understand the true roots of populism, and consequently, to devise an appropriate democratic alternative to populism. Keywords: authoritarian populism; democratic populism; Karl Polanyi; political economy of populism A. Introduction There is a tendency in current constitutional thinking to reduce populism to a single set of universal elements. These theories juxtapose populism with constitutionalism and argue that pop- ulism is by definition antithetical to constitutionalism.1 Populism, according to this view, under- mines the very substance of constitutional (liberal) democracy. By attacking the core elements of constitutional democracy, such as independent courts, free media, civil rights and fair electoral rules, populism by necessity degenerates into one or another form of non-democratic and authori- tarian order. In this article, I argue that such an approach is not only historically inaccurate but also norma- tively flawed. There are historical examples of different forms of populism, like the New Deal in the US, which did not degenerate into authoritarianism and which actually helped the American democracy to survive the Big Depression of the 1930s. -
Corruption in Autocracies∗
Corruption in Autocracies∗ James R. Hollyery Yale University Leonard Wantchekon Princeton University September 2011 Abstract Corruption is typically depicted as a result of one of two factors: a lack of polit- ical accountability or insufficient state capacity. Nonetheless, substantial variation in corruption levels exists even within the set of politically unaccountable high-capacity regimes. In this paper, we examine a third determinant of corruption – the ideological appeal of the government – and demonstrate that this variable can explain variation in the types and levels of corruption experienced in politically unaccountable regimes. Using a model of both moral hazard and adverse selection, we predict that (1) regimes that inspire the intense ideological loyalty of the populace are likely to enjoy low lev- els of petty corruption and that (2) autocratic regimes that enjoy such intense support from only a narrow segment of the populace will erect credible anti-corruption insti- tutions. Political corruption, by contrast, need not covary with levels of ideological support. We illustrate the mechanisms of our model through a series of case studies that demonstrate the importance of ideology in driving levels of corruption – with a particular focus on low levels of corruption in ‘developmentalist’ regimes. Finally, we discuss the relevance of our findings to other – democratic – political settings. ∗We would like to thank José Antonio Cheibub, Sunkyoung Park, Peter Rosendorff, Kongjoo Shin, Alberto Simpser and participants in the 2011 APSA Panel on Audits and Government Accountability in the Devel- oping World and participants in the 2011 EPSA Conference Panel on the Political Economy of Authoritarian Regimes for comments and suggestions. -
Michels's Iron Law of Oligarchy
MICHELS’S IRON LAW OF OLIGARCHY Robert Michels ( 1876– 1936), was a young historian who had been unable to get a job in the German university system, despite the recommendation of Max Weber, because he was a member of the Social Democrats. Michels had participated extensively in party activities and had come to the conclusion that the Socialists did not live up to their own ideals. Although the party advocated democracy, it was not internally democratic itself. The revolutionary Marxism of the speeches at conventions and on the floor of the Reichstag was just a way of whipping up support among the workers, while the party leaders built a bureaucratic trade union and party machine to provide sinecures for themselves. Michels’s analysis appeared in 1911 in a book called Political Parties. The phenomenon of party oligarchy was quite general, stated Michels; if internal democracy could not be found in an organization that was avowedly democratic, it would certainly not exist in parties which did not claim to be democratic. This principle was called the Iron Law of Oligarchy, and it constitutes one of the great generalizations about the functioning of mass‐ membership organizations, as subsequent research has borne out. The Iron Law of Oligarchy works as follows: First of all, there is always a rather small number of persons in the organization who actually make decisions, even if the authority is formally vested in the body of the membership at large. The reason for this is purely functional and will be obvious to anyone who has attended a public meeting or even a large committee session. -
WORKING PAPER Legitimizing Autocracy: Re-Framing the Analysis of Corporate Relations to Undemocratic Regimes
WP 2020/1 ISSN: 2464-4005 www.nhh.no WORKING PAPER Legitimizing autocracy: Re-framing the analysis of corporate relations to undemocratic regimes Ivar Kolstad Department of Accounting, Auditing and Law Institutt for regnskap, revisjon og rettsvitenskap Legitimizing autocracy: Re-framing the analysis of corporate relations to undemocratic regimes Ivar Kolstad Abstract Recent work in political economy suggests that autocratic regimes have been moving from an approach of mass repression based on violence, towards one of manipulation of information, where highlighting regime performance is a strategy used to boost regime popularity and maintain control. This presents a challenge to normative analyses of the role of corporations in undemocratic countries, which have tended to focus on the concept of complicity. This paper introduces the concept of legitimization, defined as adding to the authority of an agent, and traces out the implications of adopting this concept as a central element of the analysis of corporate relations to autocratic regimes. Corporations confer legitimacy on autocratic governments through a number of material and symbolic activities, including by praising their economic performance. We identify the ethically problematic aspects of legitimization, argue that praise for autocratic regime performance lacks empirical support, and outline a research agenda on legitimization. Keywords: Complicity, legitimization, legitimacy, corporate political activity, democracy Associate Professor, Department of Accounting, Auditing and Law, Norwegian School of Economics, Helleveien 30, N-5045 Bergen, Norway. Tel: +47 55 95 93 24. E-mail: [email protected]. 1 1. Introduction «China’s done an unbelievable job of lifting people out of poverty. They’ve done an incredible job – far beyond what any country has done – we were talking about mid-90s to today – the biggest change is the number of people that have been pulled out of poverty, by far. -
SS.7.C.3.1 Low Level of Complexity Sample Item Explanation
SS.7.C.3.1 Low Level of Complexity Sample Item Explanation Question Which statement correctly describes communism? The correct answer should describe communism, which is a form of government. A The central government controls all Correct – Communism is a form of government in which a single ruling economic planning. party owns and controls all production and distribution of goods. Economic planning includes the buying, selling, and production of goods and services. B Workers are considered to be the lowest Incorrect – Communism establishes a classless society. social class. C Property ownership is determined by Incorrect – Communism ends privately owned property. family status. D Wealth is distributed according to social Incorrect – Communism establishes a classless society. class. SS.7.C.3.1 Moderate Level of Complexity Sample Item Explanation Question What do an absoute monarchy and an autocracy have in common? Compare and contrast two forms of government. The correct answer should identify a characteristic shared by both an absolute monarchy and an autocracy. A a single ruler Correct – Both autocracies and absolute monarchies are forms of government where a single ruler possesses all governmental power. B a written constitution Incorrect – An absolute monarch’s power is not limited by a written constitution; a limited or constitutional monarchy would limit a monarch with a written constitution. C a national court system Incorrect – Neither form of government requires a national court system. D a single legislative house Incorrect – Neither form of government requires a single legislative house. SS.7.C.3.1 High Level of Complexity Sample Item Explanation Question The image below includes a statement influenced by an Analyze the image and text. -
Dictators in Exile: Explaining the Destinations of Ex-Rulers
Dictators in Exile: Explaining the Destinations of Ex-Rulers Abel Escrib`a-Folch∗ Daniel Krcmaricy Forthcoming in the Journal of Politics Abstract: Exile has been the second most common fate for dictators who lost office since World War II, yet scholars know little about this phenomenon. In this article, we ask a simple yet previously unanswered question: where do exiled dictators go? We argue that three sets of factors|transnational ties, geographic proximity, and monadic characteristics of potential host states—influence where dictators flee. For evidence, we use original data on exile destinations to construct a directed dyadic dataset of all autocratic rulers who fled abroad upon their ouster. We find that dictators are more likely to go into exile in states that are close neighbors, have hosted other dictators in the past, are militarily powerful, and possess colonial links, formal alliances, and economic ties. By contrast, fleeing dictators tend to avoid democratic states and countries experiencing civil conflict. These findings raise broader implications for several outcomes ranging from regime transitions to conflict termination. Keywords: dictators, exile, post-tenure fate ∗Abel Escrib`a-Folch ([email protected]) is an associate professor in the Department of Political and Social Sciences at the Universitat Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona, Spain. yDaniel Krcmaric ([email protected]) is an assistant professor in the Department of Political Science at Northwestern University, Evanston, IL, 60208. Losing power is dangerous for dictators. When their time in office comes to an end, they face a higher risk of punishment such as death or imprisonment than democratic leaders (e.g., Goemans 2008). -
Democracy and Autocracy Readings
Autocracy (Dictatorship) A dictatorship is a government headed by a dictator. Originally a legitimate military office in the Roman Republic, the dictator was given his powers by the Senate. The dictator had absolute power, but for a limited time. In the twentieth century, the term dictatorship has come to mean a government in which absolute power is concentrated in the hands of a dictator and sometimes his cronies. Many dictators have held the formal title of "President", but wield extraordinary, often non- constitutional or de facto powers. Dictators can come to power in a variety of different ways. They can be elected (see below), be appointed by the resident ruling party or Communist hierarchy, or inherit their position from a deceased relative. Still other modern dictators seize power in a military coup d’tat, and are supported by the military. The dictator generally controls the three state powers: legislative, executive and judicial. In a dictatorship, there is not periodical universal, free, direct and secret polling of the citizens to elect the leaders. Sometimes dictators can initially obtain power from democratic elections (like Adolf Hitler of Nazi Germany), but shortly after being elected the dictator will ban all opposing parties and cancel all future elections (see human rights). Though free elections will never occur under a dictatorship, sometimes dictators orchestrate phony elections in an attempt to grant themselves some illusion of democratic legitimacy and public support. Usually, the dictator runs for "re-election" unopposed, with voters being asked to answer a simple "yes or no" ballot on the leader's continued rule. -
The Origins of Oligarchy: the Evolution of Communism and the System of Pressure Groups in the USSR
CONFRONTATION AND COOPERATION 1000 YEARS OF POLISH–GERMAN–RUSSIAN RELATIONS T h e J o u r n a l o f K o l e g i u m J a g i e l l o n s K i e T o r u n s K a s z K o l a W y z s z a V o l . i : 3 9 – 4 4 DOI: 10.2478/conc-2014-0006 Jaryna Boreńko The origins of oligarchy: the evolution of communism and the system of pressure groups in the USSR Key words: nomenklatura, Soviet Union, Ukraine, Russia 1. Introduction more than antidemocratic. Such structures, referred to as oligarchies, are not a novelty in the history of the The phenomenon of oligarchy in post-Soviet countries, development of group system in Soviet society. They mainly in Russia and Ukraine, has recently become result from the evolution of the communist system, the label for the functioning of the political system to especially specific activities of pressure groups. When distinguish the real participants of political processes. we pay more attention to the characteristics of political They, in fact, due to their un-established legal status activity and behaviour, and less to the institutional replace the formal structures of a state, such as political conditioning of the system, the evolution of the group parties or local authorities, in the process of decision system in Russian policy perceived as the phenomenon making. The characteristics of the oligarchs` activities, of the influence of informal subjects on decision their high position on the lists of the wealthiest people making, enables the comprehension of the character of of the world, as well as their participation in opposition the modern day oligarchy. -
Study of Military Oligarchy
University of Montana ScholarWorks at University of Montana Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers Graduate School 1969 Study of military oligarchy Richard Francis Murphy The University of Montana Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd Let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Recommended Citation Murphy, Richard Francis, "Study of military oligarchy" (1969). Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers. 5232. https://scholarworks.umt.edu/etd/5232 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at ScholarWorks at University of Montana. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Student Theses, Dissertations, & Professional Papers by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks at University of Montana. For more information, please contact [email protected]. A STUDY OF A' IGLlflSf OlIO ARC .BY w Elctuurd T0 Mmphf S«3 »» Btighm Yeung Mtmmity, 1965 FreMMfeed la fartiai fulflllmnt «f the r«9«lr®»emts for the degree of Master of Arts w i f i s s i f f o f m m A M 1 9 6 9 Approved by: O ij& iniA | Baat'ci o f lxaaio.ora Goafe* aradtfatft' seheol ^ 4£4t£ UMI Number: EP40696 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. DiMNxtatkm PUNisNng UMI EP40696 Published by ProQuest LLC (2014).