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The Cognitive Interface: Cross-Linguistic InUence Between Siswati and English

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The Cognitive Interface: Cross-Linguistic InUence Between Siswati and English TESOL International Journal 1 The Cognitive Interface: Cross-linguistic Inuence between SiSwati and English Patrick Mthethwa University of Swaziland, Swaziland Abstract This study reports evidence of cross-linguistic inuence (CLI) that surfaced from English compositions of SiSwati learners of English in Swaziland, where English is a second language. Although CLI has been studied widely in other languages, it has not been studied in SiSwati and English, and its implications for instruction are not known. Speci'cally, this study examined cases of negative transfer from the former to the latter, by identifying the cognitive inuence participants’ knowledge of their 'rst language (L1) exerted on the structural acquisition of their second language (L2); how the knowledge and command of their L1 thwarts the process of learning L2, and the overall implications of this phenomenon on teaching practices. A total of sixty (60) narrative compositions from thirty (30) participants were collected, transcribed, and analyzed using contrastive rhetoric and categorical aggregation methods to establish consistency of the structural patterns in L2 learners’ performance. In order to construct a psycholinguistic path that learners of English in Swaziland traverse during the acquisition of an L2, a weak version of contrastive analysis (CA) was used. The results revealed errors in the use of verbs and subject-verb agreement (SVO); however, a lot of errors were a function of lexical and structural transfer. Overall, this study is useful in improving language instruction in Swaziland and other similar ESL contexts. Keywords: CLI, bilingualism, SiSwati, transfer, interference, interlanguage Introduction Cross-linguistic inuence (CLI) is one of the main linguistic areas that has been studied and debated extensively in second language acquisition. Several scholars (e.g., Dechert & Raupach, 1989; Ellis, 2006; Gass & Selinker, 2008; Jarvis, 1998; Odlin, 1989; Schwartz & Sprouse, 1994, 1996) have contributed signi'cantly to this area of research by providing a landscape for CLI. Within the generative study of L2 acquisition, the study of CLI initially focused largely on syntactic phenomena, with researchers debating whether the entire syntactic system of the L1 is transferred to an L2 (i.e., Full Transfer/Full Access Hypothesis) or if only certain parts of the syntactic structures are subject to transfer (i.e., the Minimal Trees Hypothesis) (Schwartz & Sprouse, 1996). However, despite the debates on language transfer, there is a consensus that, to a certain extent, ESL learners compare the syntactic structures of their L1 with their L2, using approximative systems (Nemser, 1971b), and consequently create interlanguage grammars. Studies on transfer have been viewed in phonology, syntax, semantics, and morphology. In phonology, grammars have been discussed in terms of segmental phonology, markedness, syllable structure, and stress. While in syntax, focus has been on universal grammar and universal principles. In semantics, transfer studies have looked closely at the transfer of meaning, while in morphology studies have looked at the transfer of units of meaning (O’-Grady, Archibald, Aronoff, & Rees-Miller, 2005). Earlier studies such as Corder (1976), James (1980), and Tarone (1981) shed light on the importance of transfer errors, while later studies such as Gass and *Email: [email protected]. Tel: +01 (268) 25170433. Address: Faculty of Education, P/B No. 4, Kwaluseni, Swaziland. 2016 TESOL International Journal Vol. 11 Issue 2 ISSN 2094-3938 TESOL International Journal 2 Selinker (2008), Grabe and Kaplan (1989), and Lennon (1991) extended the discussion of the importance of error analysis in language acquisition, emphasizing how errors can be used productively to enhance language learning. To this end, there is general consensus that errors should not be seen as learners’ failure to achieve L2 pro'ciency, but as a window displaying the psycholinguistic terrain learners traverse as they learn an L2. Error analysis is therefore important from an instructional point of view, especially in ESL contexts, where learners have already mastered their L1 syntax. Connectionism is one of the theories that have been used by many studies to explain the consequences of CLI. Even though connectionism could be traced back to Thorndike (1931), who proposed the law of Readiness, the law of Identical Elements and the law of Exercise (Tracey & Morrow, 2006), it is only recently that connectionists approaches within second language contexts have begun to be used (Gass & Selinker, 2008). The law of identical elements stresses that “the more elements of one situation are identical to the elements of the second situation, the greater the transfer, and thus the easier the learning in the second situation” (Tracey & Morrow, 2006. p. 35). The reverse is also true; elements not identical between the 'rst and second situation cause inhibition on learning in the second situation. Connectionism recognizes learning as a network, strengthened by regularity and identical patterns (Gass & Selinker, 2008). Gass and Selinker (2008) posit that learners make associations between what they know to what they don’t know by “extracting regular patterns from the input, creating associations between larger units until complex networks are formed” (p. 221). Therefore, in terms of theoretical perspectives, the study used connectionism to establish a linguistic conuence between SiSwati and English. SiSwati and English in Swaziland The functional linguistic landscape between SiSwati and English in Swaziland is dual, with each language dominant in its own use. From a sociolinguistic perspective, Swaziland is a homogeneous language society, and SiSwati is a native language spoken by almost everyone. Typologically, SiSwati can be classi'ed under Nguni languages such as Zulu, Xhosa, and Ndebele; all are largely agglutinative languages spoken in Southern Africa. They are characterized by rich morphosyntactic structures and mutual intelligibility. It is estimated that at least three (3) million people, both in Swaziland and South Africa, speak SiSwati. English, on the other hand, is used as a second language and medium of instruction in all schools (Mthethwa, 2014). Furthermore, English in Swaziland still maintains its linguistic prestige that dates back to colonial times. In schools, for quite a long time, students were expected to speak English, and those who spoke vernacular (SiSwati) were punished. The purpose for enforcing the use of English was arguably to strengthen students’ speaking skills, as it is one of the most important skills of language learning (Brown, 2007; Richards & Renandya, 2009). However, later, this undocumented policy in which students were required to speak English during school hours faced criticism and was consequently marginalized. The counter-argument was that it was improper to punish students for speaking their own languages. Currently, inasmuch as schools enforce the speaking of English during school hours, students are not normally punished for speaking vernacular in most schools. English in Swaziland has not only remained a language of power and prestige, it is also a subject that must be passed in schools. In primary, secondary, and senior secondary schools, students’ progress from one grade to the other is determined by their performance in English; they have to pass English, together with other subjects, to proceed to the next grade. If they do not pass English, they are required to repeat the grade. A grade of D or better is preferred, while anything less than this is considered a fail. However, according to the Examination Council of Swaziland’s external examination reports, getting the minimum grade is still a challenge for most students. In almost every report the Examination Council of Swaziland releases, examiners complain about the glaring override that students’ knowledge of their L1 exerts on their L2 structural output, resulting in interlanguage grammars. Overall, students are not performing well in English; hence, the need to examine the interface between English and SiSwati for purposes of improving instruction. 2016 TESOL International Journal Vol. 11 Issue 2 ISSN 2094-3938 TESOL International Journal 3 The Role of L1 in the Acquisition of L2 There is no area of second language acquisition that has received more attention than the role of L1 in the acquisition of L2, or L1 and L2 in the acquisition of L3 (Jarvis, 1998; DeAngelis & Selinker, 2001). The interrelationship between L1 and L2 has been an issue stimulating extensive discussion in applied linguistics, mainly in second language acquisition (Cenoz, 2003; Gass & Selinker, 2008). Discussions in the past focused on the role of L1 in the acquisition of L2, and research on transfer reveals that L1 plays a role in the acquisition of L2 (Cortes, 2006; Dechert & Raupach, 1989; Ellis, 2006; Gass & Selinker, 1992, 2008; Jarvis, 1998; Odlin, 1989; Schwartz & Sprouse, 1994, 1996). Traditionally, L1 transfer has been discussed in two main areas: negative transfer (i.e., when L1 interferes with the acquisition of L2), and positive transfer (i.e., when L1 assists the acquisition of L2) (Ellis, 1997; Gass & Selinker, 2008; Odlin, 1989). A majority of studies on transfer have used contrastive analysis (CA), contrastive rhetoric (CR), creative construction (CC), and constructive underlying pro'ciency (CUP) to explain the transfer phenomena. Earlier studies used contrastive analysis to predict the potential areas
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