Viking Encounters R1.Indd 1 05/09/2020 11.50 Viking Encounters

This major volume presents the proceedings The Viking Congresses bring together scholars The Viking Age is marked out as a watershed for profound from the 18th Viking Congress, held in Denmark of archaeology, philology, history, toponymy, cultural and social changes in northern societies: from in 2017. Catalysts and change, social networks, numismatics and a number of other disciplines the spread of Christianity to urbanization and political memory and heritage are the themes explored in to discuss the Viking Age from a variety of view- centralization. Interaction across boundaries or within IIG ENCOUNTERS VIKING

Proceedings of the Eighteenth Viking Congress Viking Proceedings the Eighteenth of VIKING the contributions, which also comprise a section points. This volume contains 44 peer-reviewed communities constitutes the substance of the events focused on new discoveries pertaining to Viking- papers selected from those presented at the 18th of this dynamic period, and is prominently reflected Age Denmark. Since 1946 the Viking Congress Viking Congress held in Denmark in August 2017. ENCOUNTERS in its legacy. The investigation of social networks and has been a common forum for current research The contributors take up the interdisciplinary cultural encounters has formed an active focus of and theories within Viking-Age studies, bringing challenge, and the papers cover a wide range of Viking Studies in recent years, from the mapping of together leading scholars in the fields of archae- subjects, rooted in the past, but also connecting Proceedings of the geographical interaction attested by the archaeological ology, history, philology, place-name studies, to the present. and scientific evidence to the analysis of social relations numismatics, runology and other disciplines, Eighteenth in written records and literature. Meanwhile, the memory including the natural sciences, relevant to the and heritage of the Viking Age has been a matter of study of the Viking Age. Viking Congress profound fascination for later generations, from medieval historians and saga writers to contemporary novelists, artists and popular media.

ANNE PEDERSEN is Senior Researcher at the National Museum of Denmark.

SØREN M. SINDBÆK is Professor at the School of Culture and Society, Aarhus University

Front image: The Sea Stallion of Glendalough, an ocean- going thoroughbred reconstruction of Skuldelev 2, a large longship from the Viking Age, built 1042 near Dublin and found in Roskilde Fjord, Denmark. Pictured 2008 at the Cliffs of Dover. Photo: Werner Karrasch. Copyright: Viking Ship Museum.

Back image: Pendant female figurine from Hårby, Funen, Denmark. Gilt silver with black niello inlay. H 3.4 cm. editors Photo: National Museum Denmark. Aarhus University Press a Anne Pedersen & Søren M. Sindbæk

111631_cover_viking encounters_r1.indd 1 05/09/2020 11.50 Viking Encounters

111631_viking encounters_.indd 1 19/08/2020 14.06 111631_viking encounters_.indd 2

Delegates of the 18th Viking Congress assembled at the Trelleborg ring fortress. Photo: The National Museum of Denmark. 19/08/2020 14.06 111631_viking encounters_.indd 2

Delegates of the 18th Viking Congress assembled at the Trelleborg ring fortress. Photo: The National Museum of Denmark. 19/08/2020 14.06 111631_viking encounters_.indd 3 Proceedings of the Eighteenth Viking Congress, Viking Congress, Eighteenth the of Proceedings Viking Encounters Viking Anne Pedersen &Søren M.Sindbæk Denmark, August 6‑12,2017 aarhus press university editors 20/08/2020 08.45 Viking Encounters © The authors and Aarhus University Press 2020 Cover: Jørgen Sparre Layout and typesetting: Ryevad Grafisk This book is typeset in Minion Pro E-book production by Narayana Press, Denmark

ISBN 978 87 7184 936 3 Aarhus University Press Finlandsgade 29 DK-8200 Aarhus N Denmark www.unipress.dk

The congress and this book were sponsored by: Farumgaardfonden, Krogagerfonden, Carlsbergfondet, Dronning Margrethe II’s arkæologiske fond, Aage & Johanne Louis-Hansens fond, Letterstedtska Föreningen, Destination Viking, Bikubenfonden (via the National Museum Jelling Project).

International distributors: Oxbow Books Ltd. www.oxbowbooks.com

ISD www.isdistribution.com

/ In accordance with requirements of the Danish Ministry of Higher Education and Science, the certiﬁcation means that a PhD level peer has made a written assessment justifying this book’s scientiﬁc quality.

The logo of the Viking Congress was adopted at the fifth congress in the Faroes. Known in the Faroes as a held (Icelandic: högld), it is a ring made of a locked loop of ram’s horn. It was, and still is, used for a number of purposes, but chiefly as a loop attached to a rope and used when carrying hay.

111631_viking encounters_r1.indd 4 25/08/2020 15.12 Viking Encounters Contents © The authors and Aarhus University Press 2020 Cover: Jørgen Sparre Layout and typesetting: Ryevad Grafisk This book is typeset in Minion Pro E-book production by Narayana Press, Denmark

Foreword by Her Majesty the Queen of Denmark, Patron of the ISBN 978 87 7184 936 3 Eighteenth Viking Congress 11 Aarhus University Press Finlandsgade 29 Introduction 13 DK-8200 Aarhus N Anne Pedersen & Søren M. Sindbæk Denmark www.unipress.dk Catalysts and Change

The congress and this book were sponsored by: Farumgaardfonden, Krogagerfonden, The Viking Age and the Scandinavian Peace 23 Carlsbergfondet, Dronning Margrethe II’s arkæologiske fond, Aage & Johanne Louis-Hansens Jón Viðar Sigurðsson fond, Letterstedtska Föreningen, Destination Viking, Bikubenfonden (via the National Museum Jelling Project). The Scandinavian Encounter with Christianity Overseas: Diplomatic Conversions in the 9th and 10th Centuries 34

International distributors: Lesley Abrams Oxbow Books Ltd. www.oxbowbooks.com Vikings in the East: Collective Violence and Preventive Strategies in a Comparative Perspective 47 Fedir Androshchuk ISD www.isdistribution.com Viking Mobility in the Baltic Sea Region 61 Charlotte Hedenstierna-Jonson, Anna Linderholm & Anna Kjellström

Vikings Abroad: The Case of Gnezdovo 71 Veronika Murasheva

Vikings and Cymru: New Evidence for Social Dynamics 81 / In accordance with requirements of the Danish Ministry of Higher Education and Science, the certiﬁcation means that a PhD level peer has made a written assessment justifying this book’s scientiﬁc quality. Mark Redknap

Across the Sea to the East? Reconsidering the Date of the Early Vikings in the Irish Sea Region 99 Dirk H. Steinforth

Changing Places: Tracing the Viking Great Army in the Anglo-Saxon The logo of the Viking Congress was adopted at the fifth congress in the Faroes. Known in the Faroes Countryside 112 as a held (Icelandic: högld), it is a ring made of a locked loop of ram’s horn. It was, and still is, used for a number of purposes, but chiefly as a loop attached to a rope and used when carrying hay. Dawn M. Hadley & Julian D. Richards

111631_viking encounters_r1.indd 4 25/08/2020 15.12 111631_viking encounters_.indd 5 19/08/2020 14.06 Opportunity, Autonomy and the End of Viking-Age Expansion in the North Atlantic 134 Douglas Bolender

Seaways, Spies and Sagas: Approaching Viking-Age Mariculture in Western Scotland 150 Alan Macniven

On Harbours and Havens: Maritime Strategies in Norway during the Viking Age 170 Arne Kruse

Three Burial Customs in late 10th-century Iceland: Preliminary Observations 186 Orri Vésteinsson

The Cross and the Sword: Signs of Dual Religious Belonging in a Late Viking-Age Warrior Grave at Langeid, South Norway 198 Zanette T. Glørstad

Coinage as Catalyst for Societal Change: A Case Study of 10th-century Normandy 211 Jens Christian Moesgaard & Guillaume Sarah

Danish Legal Procedure and a Common Scandinavian Law 220 Anne Irene Riisøy

The Power of Social Networks

Personal Belief in Hiberno-Norse Dublin 235 Raghnall Ó Floinn

Reviving Birka’s Black Earth Harbour: The Results of the 2015/2016 Field Campaign 249 Sven Kalmring in collaboration with Lena Holmquist

Farinn vestr – eða sunnan: On the significance of the insular and continental “imports” in 9th- and 10th-century Hedeby 257 Volker Hilberg

Sigtuna: An Urban Hub in the Viking World, and its Roots 268 Torun Zachrisson

111631_viking encounters_.indd 6 19/08/2020 14.06 Opportunity, Autonomy and the End of Viking-Age Expansion Elite Memorials and Social Networks: Burial and Commemoration in the North Atlantic 134 in 11th-century Sweden 286 Douglas Bolender Cecilia Ljung

Seaways, Spies and Sagas: Approaching Viking-Age Mariculture From Sites to Regional Synthesis: Collective Chronologies of Late Viking in Western Scotland 150 and Early Christian Activities in Iceland 303 Alan Macniven Magdalena M. E. Schmid, Anthony J. Newton & Andrew J. Dugmore

On Harbours and Havens: Maritime Strategies in Norway during How Scandinavian was the Early Viking Age in the Northern Isles? 318 the Viking Age 170 David Griffiths Arne Kruse Shetland’s Lost (Viking) Landnám 331 Three Burial Customs in late 10th-century Iceland: Preliminary Val Turner Observations 186 Orri Vésteinsson A Potential Viking Fort in Shetland: The extraordinary Kame of Isbister 345 Andrew Jennings The Cross and the Sword: Signs of Dual Religious Belonging in a Late Viking-Age Warrior Grave at Langeid, South Norway 198 Settlement Change in Viking and Late Norse Orkney c. AD 850-1200: Zanette T. Glørstad Placed Deposits in Domestic Contexts 355 Jane Harrison Coinage as Catalyst for Societal Change: A Case Study of 10th-century Normandy 211 Viking Shieling Names and Scandinavian Settlement in Scotland 371 Jens Christian Moesgaard & Guillaume Sarah Ryan Foster

Danish Legal Procedure and a Common Scandinavian Law 220 Healing Runes 386 Anne Irene Riisøy Judith Jesch & Christina Lee

Communication through Creativity: The Vestfold School Revisited 399 The Power of Social Networks Unn Pedersen Personal Belief in Hiberno-Norse Dublin 235 Humans and Animals: The Changing Corpus of Danish Viking Art 413 Raghnall Ó Floinn Nancy L. Wicker Reviving Birka’s Black Earth Harbour: The Results of the 2015/2016 Changing Attitudes to Viking Art in Medieval Ireland 426 Field Campaign 249 Griffin Murray Sven Kalmring in collaboration with Lena Holmquist Insular Metalwork in Viking-Age Norway: Updating the Corpus 435 Farinn vestr – eða sunnan: On the significance of the insular and continental “imports” in 9th- and 10th-century Hedeby 257 Aina Margrethe Heen-Pettersen Volker Hilberg The Galloway Hoard: Viking/Anglo-Saxon Interaction in South-West Scotland 449 Sigtuna: An Urban Hub in the Viking World, and its Roots 268 James Graham-Campbell Torun Zachrisson

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Ribe’s Pre-Christian Cemetery: The Burial Customs of an Early Urban Community 465 Sarah Croix

Jelling: The Royal Monuments in their Regional Setting 481 Charlotta Lindblom

Henne Kirkeby, a Special Viking-Age Settlement on the West Coast of Denmark 495 Lene B. Frandsen

The Extraordinary Chamber Grave from Fregerslev, Denmark: The Find, Excavation and Future 505 Merethe Schifter Bagge

The Fæsted Hoard: The Find and its Context 517 Lars Grundvad & Bo Ejstrud

Borgring and Harald Bluetooth’s Burgenpolitik 529 Søren M. Sindbæk

Pride and Prejudice

Viking Archaeology in Poland: Past, Present and Future 547 Leszek Gardeła

Vinland Revisited, Again: On ‘theories, scuttlebutt, crossed fingers’, and next steps 565 Shannon Lewis-Simpson

The Making of a Viking King: The Long Afterlife of King Haraldr Sigurðarson of Norway 584 Ármann Jakobsson

A Fresh Look at Scandinavian Vocabulary in the Minor Place-names of Wirral 592 Eleanor Rye

111631_viking encounters_.indd 8 19/08/2020 14.06 Encountering Denmark Íslands kvennalof (‘In Praise of Icelandic Women’): Cultural Memories of Auðr djúpauðga in Praise Poetry of the Icelandic Enlightenment 605 Ribe’s Pre-Christian Cemetery: The Burial Customs of an Sofie Vanherpen Early Urban Community 465 Sarah Croix Ideas of Continuity: Gender and the Illusion of the Viking Age as familiar 621 Marianne Moen Jelling: The Royal Monuments in their Regional Setting 481 Charlotta Lindblom List of Contributors 635

Henne Kirkeby, a Special Viking-Age Settlement on the West Coast of Denmark 495 Lene B. Frandsen

The Extraordinary Chamber Grave from Fregerslev, Denmark: The Find, Excavation and Future 505 Merethe Schifter Bagge

The Fæsted Hoard: The Find and its Context 517 Lars Grundvad & Bo Ejstrud

Borgring and Harald Bluetooth’s Burgenpolitik 529 Søren M. Sindbæk

Pride and Prejudice

Viking Archaeology in Poland: Past, Present and Future 547 Leszek Gardeła

Vinland Revisited, Again: On ‘theories, scuttlebutt, crossed fingers’, and next steps 565 Shannon Lewis-Simpson

The Making of a Viking King: The Long Afterlife of King Haraldr Sigurðarson of Norway 584 Ármann Jakobsson

A Fresh Look at Scandinavian Vocabulary in the Minor Place-names of Wirral 592 Eleanor Rye

111631_viking encounters_.indd 8 19/08/2020 14.06 111631_viking encounters_.indd 9 19/08/2020 14.06 111631_viking encounters_.indd 10 19/08/2020 14.06 Foreword by Her Majesty the Queen of Denmark, Patron of the Eighteenth Viking Congress

The 18th Viking Congress took place in Copenhagen and Ribe in August 2017, 40 years after the 8th Viking Congress in Aarhus at which I also had the opportunity and honour to act as patron. Much has happened since then. I have visited many archaeological excavations of Viking-Age sites, and it has been a wonderful experience to follow the many advances made in research within and across scientific disciplines. 40 years ago settlement archaeology was in its early stages in Denmark. Farms, villages, and ‘manors’ were only just becoming part of the Viking landscape, and the new discoveries were presented at the Aarhus congress to an international audience of Viking scholars. Set- tlements have now been identified and in part excavated all over the country and today, it is the hundreds of metal detector finds brought into museums by members of the public which open new doors to the past. A far more complex picture is emerging. Unexpected features still come to light, among them the palisade complex in Jelling and the fortress site at Borgring, two sites on the program of the 18th Viking Congress. Similar advances are seen in other fields of research. The Norse sagas and evocative Scaldic poetry captured the minds of early scholars, offering tales of momentous events, beliefs and the daily life of individual people. Their appeal still fascinates as new approaches reveal new aspects of the old texts and view them in a new context. Also, a far wider range of archaeological sources, data and not least research techniques and methods are available to Viking scholars than ever before. The application of natural sciences in the study of the past is no new phenomenon, but the possibilities have grown immensely. Among them are DNA and strontium isotope analyses which can bring us much closer to the individual – What was the colour of their eyes and hair? Were they in good health, ill or perhaps marked by battle? Where did they travel during their lifetime? Equally significant are material and environmental analyses, and studies of the ancient landscape have benefitted greatly from the revolution in remote sensing and geophysics which make it possible to explore without necessarily having to excavate. Future studies will no doubt reveal much more than we can imagine today.

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111631_viking encounters_.indd 10 19/08/2020 14.06 111631_viking encounters_.indd 11 19/08/2020 14.06 Cross-disciplinary approaches have been the backbone of the long series of Viking Con- gresses since 1950, their goal to create a common forum for current research and theories within Viking-Age studies, and to enhance collaboration between scholars, crossing geographical and disciplinary borders. I was fortunate to attend the first day of the 18th Viking congress and listen to the first four papers, which clearly demonstrated the wide range of Viking studies today. The present volume offers a whole series of papers by the participants of the Congress, and it is my hope that it will contribute to the aim of the congress and to Viking-Age studies by furthering and securing scientific knowledge and the never ending story of past and present Viking Encounters.

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111631_viking encounters_.indd 12 19/08/2020 14.33 Cross-disciplinary approaches have been the backbone of the long series of Viking Con- Introduction gresses since 1950, their goal to create a common forum for current research and theories within Viking-Age studies, and to enhance collaboration between scholars, crossing geographical and disciplinary borders. I was fortunate to attend the first day of the 18th Viking congress and listen to the first four papers, which clearly demonstrated the wide range of Viking studies today. The present volume offers a whole series of papers by the participants of the Congress, and it is my hope that it will contribute to the aim of the congress and to Viking-Age studies by furthering and securing scientific knowledge and the never ending story of past and present Viking Encounters. Viking Encounters

Encounters mark out the Viking Age as a watershed for northern societies. They could be culturally transformative events, as when groups, families or individuals travelled or settled in new lands, and were confronted with different practices, customs or beliefs. They could be violent engagements, as when armies clashed along new social fracture zones. And they could be politically disruptive, as new resources of wealth and power upset the equilibrium of political hierarchies or family roles. A common trait of these and many other changes is that they were brought out by changing patterns of maritime travel, trade, war, exploration and settlement, which transformed the northernmost parts of Europe. This volume reflects the new currents and dynamics at the forefront of interdisciplinary studies of the Viking Age. Today, this research is characterized by a bold engagement with grand questions about profound cultural, religious and social transformations, their causes and catalysts. Across disciplinary boundaries, new studies are developing through the exploration of mobility and social networks – in the communications across seas or boundaries or in the relations traced in written records and literature. The memory and heritage of the Viking Age is critically revisited, as studies turn due attention to the image of the period in historic or contemporary contexts, in part inspired by the immense public interest in all things Viking in modern society. These themes are brought together in the title chosen for this book – encounters – the meeting of people and cultures across space and time. The first section sets focus on Catalysts and change in the Viking Age. As a historical period, the Viking Age is a period of profound cultural and social changes from shifting cultural, religious and personal identities to urbanization, settlement in new landscapes, political destabilization and centralization. Exploring the causes for these changes is a core theme of Viking Studies. Contributions for this section debate grand cultural transformation as well as localized and/or individual changes, looking also beyond the specific cases and materials to debate the general causes and catalysts, which brought them about. The second theme is The power of social networks – interactive dynamics in the Viking Age. Interaction across boundaries or within communities constitutes the substance of the dynamic events of the Viking Age, and is prominently reflected in the legacy of the period. The investigation of social networks has formed an active focus of Viking Studies in recent years, from the mapping of geographical interaction attested by the archaeological and scientific evidence to the analysis of social relations in written records and literature. This section

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Figure 1. Delegates on board the Sea Stallion of Glendalough, a replica of the Skuldelev 2 longship, at the Viking Ship Museum in Roskilde during the cross-country excursion. Photo: A. Pedersen.

comprises studies, which develop a relational perspective on Viking-Age developments and discuss the cultural and historical implications in an inter-disciplinary outlook. The third section is titled Viking impact – pride and prejudice. The memory and heritage of the Viking Age has been a matter of profound fascination for later generations, from medieval historians and saga writers to contemporary novelists, artists and popular media. The legacy of the Viking Age maintains a strong impact in the present as a matter of pride, but also prejudice. This theme gathers papers, which approach the presentation of the Viking Age as a cultural heritage from either historic or contemporary contexts. A final group of papers present a string of case studies focused on one key region of the Viking world – Denmark. Important new discoveries are here discussed in comparative perspective. Denmark was at the threshold between worlds from the eighth to the eleventh century, when cultural developments clashed or connected and merged at the confluence of the northern seas of Europe. Recent research has challenged many accepted beliefs about Denmark’s place in the Viking world, and particularly the archaeological knowledge base has been greatly expanded by new finds, some adding to the existing range of sites and artefact types, others introducing hitherto unknown forms of evidence and new analytical opportuni- ties. Thus, this theme includes contributions, which present or take stock of significant new findings, and discuss them in comparative perspective.  CONTENTS This page is protected by copyright and may not be redistributed

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The 18th Viking Congress

The contributions to this book present a selection of papers given at the 18th Viking Con- gress in 2017. For decades, the Viking Congresses have remained the leading, multinational, interdisciplinary conferences within Viking-Age studies. Viking Congresses have been held on a three- to four-year basis since 1950, by turns in Scandinavia and the British Isles.1 Since this early beginning, the objective has been to create a common forum for the most current research and theories within Viking-Age studies, and to enhance communication and collaboration within the field, crossing disciplinary and geographical borders. Thus, it has become a multinational, interdisciplinary meeting for leading scholars of Viking studies in the fields of Archaeology, History, Philology, Place-name studies, Numismatics, Runology and other disciplines, including the natural sciences, relevant to the study of the Viking Age. The 18th Viking Congress was held in Denmark, 6-12 August 2017. Throughout the years, the Congress has had the honour of having prominent protectors. In 2017, it was exactly 40 years since Denmark last hosted this tradition-rich congress in Aarhus with Her Majesty Queen Margrethe II as patron. It was therefore a great pleasure and honour that Her Majesty would once again accept to be the Protector of Congress, and to open the conference on the first day. The Congress was attended by 110 delegates with 62 papers and 17 posters, selected by the National Committees of the Congress and by open call from the Organizing Committee. The delegates represented the Scandinavian countries (Denmark, Norway, Sweden), the Faroes, Iceland, Ireland, England, Scotland, Wales, Belgium, Poland, Russia, the U.S.A. and Canada. The Congress opened with a two-day session at the National Museum in Copenhagen dur- Figure 1. Delegates on board the Sea Stallion of Glendalough, a replica of the Skuldelev 2 longship, at ing which the delegates were offered the opportunity to visit the newly discovered fortress site the Viking Ship Museum in Roskilde during the cross-country excursion. Photo: A. Pedersen. at Borgring in eastern Sjælland and the Arnamagnean manuscript collection at the University of Copenhagen. The Congress proceeded on a cross-country excursion to The Viking Ship -Mu comprises studies, which develop a relational perspective on Viking-Age developments and seum in Roskilde, the Trelleborg Fortress, and the Jelling Monuments, ending in the cathedral discuss the cultural and historical implications in an inter-disciplinary outlook. town of Ribe in Jylland, the second congress venue. A half-day excursion took the delegates into The third section is titled Viking impact – pride and prejudice. The memory and heritage present-day northern Germany to visit Hedeby, one of the great trading sites of the Viking Age, of the Viking Age has been a matter of profound fascination for later generations, from me- and the Danevirke, the former border between Denmark and the Continent. Several journalists dieval historians and saga writers to contemporary novelists, artists and popular media. The attended the conference, and the event made it to the evening news on the national TV Channel legacy of the Viking Age maintains a strong impact in the present as a matter of pride, but DR1 and into national newspapers including Jyllands-Posten and Weekendavisen. also prejudice. This theme gathers papers, which approach the presentation of the Viking Age as a cultural heritage from either historic or contemporary contexts. The organizing committee headed by senior researcher Anne Pedersen at the National Mu- A final group of papers present a string of case studies focused on one key region of seum and professor Søren M. Sindbæk at Aarhus University worked hard over two years to the Viking world – Denmark. Important new discoveries are here discussed in comparative prepare for the Congress. We would like to thank our colleagues in the committee: Peder perspective. Denmark was at the threshold between worlds from the eighth to the eleventh Gammeltoft, Bergen University, Anne C. Sørensen, The Viking Ship Museum in Roskilde, century, when cultural developments clashed or connected and merged at the confluence of Stine Larsen, Trelleborg Viking Fortress, Morten Søvsø, Museum of South West Jutland, and the northern seas of Europe. Recent research has challenged many accepted beliefs about Pernille Hermann, Aarhus University. Denmark’s place in the Viking world, and particularly the archaeological knowledge base has We have been fortunate that so many have wished to support our efforts, both financially been greatly expanded by new finds, some adding to the existing range of sites and artefact and workwise, thus making this congress possible. We should therefore like to extend our thanks types, others introducing hitherto unknown forms of evidence and new analytical opportuni- first of all to the following foundations: Farumgaardfonden, Krogagerfonden, Carlsbergfondet, ties. Thus, this theme includes contributions, which present or take stock of significant new Dronning Margrethe II’s arkæologiske fond, Aage & Johanne Louis-Hansens fond, Letterstedt- findings, and discuss them in comparative perspective. ska Föreningen, Destination Viking, Bikubenfonden (via the National Museum Jelling Project).  CONTENTS This page is protected by copyright and may not be redistributed

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Early in the process, The National Museum and the Sydvestjyske Museer in Ribe agreed to jointly host the conference, while the Centre for Urban Network Evolutions (UrbNet), funded by the Danish National Research Foundation at Aarhus University, took on many of the planning details, for which we are exceedingly grateful. We should also like to thank other institutions who welcomed the conference delegates: The Viking Ship Museum in Roskilde, Trelleborg and Kongernes Jelling both branches of the National Museum, Esbjerg Kommune, Ribe Katedralskole, and Ribe Vikingecenter. Moreover, The Arnamagnean Manuscript Collec- tion at Copenhagen University, The Viking Fortress Borgring, Wikinger Museum Haithabu and the Stiftung Schleswig-Holsteinische Landesmuseen, who offered visits to excavations and collections. Our thanks also go to the many individuals who by their assistance and inspiration made the congress possible. Lastly, we should like to thank all conference delegates. Their enthusiasm, their papers and posters made the congress a most interesting and memorable event, and this book a privilege to edit.

Anne Pedersen & Søren M. Sindbæk February 2020

The Viking Congress Council As per July 2017

Denmark: Dr Søren M. Sindbæk, Dr Anne Pedersen England: Prof. Judith Jesch, Prof. Julian Richards Faroes: Símun V. Arge, Anfinnur Johansen Greenland: Dr Jette Arneborg Iceland: Prof. Orri Vésteinsson, Prof. Gísli Sigurðsson Ireland: Dr Maire Ní Mhaonaigh, John Sheehan Norway: Prof. Dagfinn Skre, Prof. Randi Bjørshol Wærdahl Scotland: Dr Ingrid Mainland, Dr Alan Macniven Sweden: Prof. Magnus Källstrőm, Prof. Torun Zachrisson Wales: Prof. Nancy Edwards

Delegates to the 18th Viking Congress

Lesley Abrams, Gunnar Andersson, Fedir Androshchuk, Jette Arneborg, Steve Ashby, Hanne Lovise Aannestad, Merethe Schifter Bagge, Adam Bak, Jamie Barnes, James Barrett,Colleen Batey, Heidi Lund Berg, Edel Bhreathnach, Jan Bill, Douglas J. Bolender, Stefan Brink, Nanouschka Myrberg Burström, Sophie Bønding, Sarah Croix, Tom Davis, Sheila Dooley, Kevin Edwards, Nancy Edwards, Silke Eisenschmidt, Bo Ejstrud, Jan Eskildsen, Harriet Jean Evans, Claus Feveile, Ryan Foster, Lene B. Frandsen, Leszek Gardeła, Hildur Gestsdottir, Sarah Jane Gibbon, Zanette T. Glørstad, James Graham-Campbell, David Griffiths, Lars Grundvad, Svein H. Gullbekk, Dawn Hadley, Jane Harrison, Stephen Harrison, Charlotte Hedenstierna-  CONTENTS This page is protected by copyright and may not be redistributed

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Early in the process, The National Museum and the Sydvestjyske Museer in Ribe agreed Figure 2. An impromptu to jointly host the conference, while the Centre for Urban Network Evolutions (UrbNet), assembly in the reconstructed funded by the Danish National Research Foundation at Aarhus University, took on many of building at the Trelleborg the planning details, for which we are exceedingly grateful. We should also like to thank other ring fortress during the cross- institutions who welcomed the conference delegates: The Viking Ship Museum in Roskilde, country excursion. Photo: C. Trelleborg and Kongernes Jelling both branches of the National Museum, Esbjerg Kommune, Hedenstierna-Jonson. Ribe Katedralskole, and Ribe Vikingecenter. Moreover, The Arnamagnean Manuscript Collec- tion at Copenhagen University, The Viking Fortress Borgring, Wikinger Museum Haithabu and the Stiftung Schleswig-Holsteinische Landesmuseen, who offered visits to excavations and collections. Our thanks also go to the many individuals who by their assistance and inspiration made the congress possible. Lastly, we should like to thank all conference delegates. Their enthusiasm, their papers and posters made the congress a most interesting and memorable event, and this book a privilege to edit.

Anne Pedersen & Søren M. Sindbæk February 2020

The Viking Congress Council As per July 2017

Denmark: Dr Søren M. Sindbæk, Dr Anne Pedersen England: Prof. Judith Jesch, Prof. Julian Richards Faroes: Símun V. Arge, Anfinnur Johansen Greenland: Dr Jette Arneborg Iceland: Prof. Orri Vésteinsson, Prof. Gísli Sigurðsson Ireland: Dr Maire Ní Mhaonaigh, John Sheehan Norway: Prof. Dagfinn Skre, Prof. Randi Bjørshol Wærdahl Scotland: Dr Ingrid Mainland, Dr Alan Macniven Figure 3. A visit at the Sweden: Prof. Magnus Källstrőm, Prof. Torun Zachrisson boatyard of the Viking Ship Wales: Prof. Nancy Edwards Museum in Roskilde during the cross-country excursion. Delegates to the 18th Viking Congress Photo: A. Pedersen.

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Figure 4. Visit to the 12th century brick ruins from the Augustine canon’s monastery at Ribe Cathedral. Photo: A. Pedersen.

Figure 5. Visit to on-going excavations in the early Viking Age market area of Ribe. Photo: C. Feveile.

Figure 6. Delegates at the rampart of Hedeby during a day excursion to Schleswig, Germany. Photo: A. Pedersen.  CONTENTS This page is protected by copyright and may not be redistributed

111631_viking encounters_.indd 18 19/08/2020 14.06 18 Anne Pedersen & Søren M. Sindbæk Introduction 19

Figure 4. Visit to the 12th century brick ruins from the Augustine canon’s monastery at Ribe Cathedral. Photo: A. Pedersen.

Figure 5. Visit to on-going excavations in the early Viking Age market area of Ribe. Photo: C. Feveile.

Figure 7. Delegates of the 18th Viking Congress assembled at the Cathedral school in Ribe. Photo: L. Fricke.

Jonson, Aina Heen Pettersen, Pernille Hermann, Volker Hilberg, Lena Holmquist, Lisbeth Imer, Gitte Tarnow Ingvardson, Ann Sølvia Lydersen Jacobsen, Ármann Jakobsson, Catrine Jarman, Andrew Jennings, Judith Jesch, Mads Dengsø Jessen, Ruth Johnson, Christian Juel, Flemming Just, Magnus Källström, Sven Kalmring, Merrill Kaplan, Jane Kershaw, Anna Kjellström, Arne Kruse, Anne-Christine Larsen, Christina Lee, Shannon Lewis-Simpson, Charlotta Lind- blom, Cecilia Ljung, Alan Macniven, Per Kristian Madsen, Kristin Marjun Magnussen, Ingrid Mainland, Marie Bønløkke Missuno, Marianne Moen, Jens Christian Moesgaard, Veronika Murasheva, Griffin Murray, Máire Ní Mhaonaigh, Kerstin Odebäck Näversköld, Raghnall Ó Floinn, Svanhildur Óskarsdóttir, Olwyn Owen, Anne Pedersen, Unn Pedersen, Neil Price, Emer Purcell, Benjamin Raffield, Mads Ravn, Mark Redknap, Julian Richards, Anne Irene Riisøy, Mats Roslund, Eleanor Rye, Alexandra Sanmark, Magdalena Schmid, Gísli Sigurdsson, Jón Viðar Sigurðsson, Søren M. Sindbæk, Dagfinn Skre, Dirk Steinforth, Lisa Mariann Strand, Gert Tinggaard Svendsen, Anne C. Sørensen, Morten Søvsø, Val Turner, Sofie Vanherpen, Orri Vésteinsson, Nancy L. Wicker, Andrew Woods, Randi B. Wærdahl, Torun Zachrisson.

Notes

1 Smith, B. 2016: ‘An Idea Original and Sympathetic’: Viking Congresses and their Transformations 1950‑2013. V. Turner et al. (eds), Shetland and the Viking World. Papers from the Seventeenth Figure 6. Delegates at the rampart of Hedeby during a day excursion to Schleswig, Germany. Photo: Viking Congress, Lerwick. Lerwick. 1-6. A. Pedersen.  CONTENTS This page is protected by copyright and may not be redistributed

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111631_viking encounters_.indd 20 19/08/2020 14.06 111631_viking encounters_.indd 21 19/08/2020 14.06 111631_viking encounters_.indd 22 19/08/2020 14.06 The Viking Age and the Scandinavian Peace

Jón Viðar Sigurðsson

In this article I will argue that Scandinavia was a peaceful society in the Viking Age. When talking about this peace, it is important to stress that, from time to time, there were battles between kings and between chieftains and, obviously, some feuds must also have been taking place. The existence of tension can best be seen in stanza 38 in Hávamál:

From his weapons on the open road no man should step one pace away; you don’t know for certain when you’re out on the road when you might have need of your spear.1

However, both the written and the archaeological sources lack any evidence of defence con‑ structions, and the overall picture they paint is that Scandinavian society was rather peaceful. There are three main reasons for this: overlapping kinship ties, overlapping friendship and the dominant position of the Danish kings. I would like to underline that due to the source situation my focus will be on the period c. 900‑1035.

The Meeting at Göta älv in 1036

Let us start this discussion with a description of a meeting between the Norwegian king Magnús Óláfsson and the Danish king Hǫrða‑Knútr, held at the Göta älv in the year 1036. The meeting was arranged to decide which of these two men should control the kingdom of Norway:

The following spring both kings ordered out a levy, and the news was that they would have a battle at the Göta älv; but when the two armies approached each other, the leading men in both armies sent messengers to their relatives and friends in the other army; the message was that they should make peace between the two kings. Because both kings were young, some powerful men, who had been chosen in each of the countries for that purpose, had the rule of the country on their account. It was thus brought about that a meeting of reconciliation should be held, then the two kings met, and at this meeting a peace was proposed; and the agreement was that the kings became blood brothers and made peace between themselves to the end of their lives; and if one of them should die without leaving a son, the one who lived longer should inherit the land and people of the other.2

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The background for this meeting was the unpopular reign of Sveinn Knútsson, son of Knútr inn ríki, who had secured supremacy over Norway in 1028. In 1035 Magnús, son of Óláfr Haraldsson, returned from Russia, where he had been fostered, to be made king of all of Norway. Sveinn fled to Denmark that same year without challenging Magnús’ right to the throne. His father, Knútr inn ríki, died on 12 November, and all his sons perished in the next few years, Sveinn as early as 1036. Haraldr succeeded to the throne of England in 1035 and was king until his death in 1040. His younger half-brother, Hǫrða-Knútr, whom Knútr had fathered with Queen Emma, also made claims to the inheritance. Thus, after the death of Knútr inn ríki, a conflict arose between Magnús and Hǫrða-Knútr about the rule of Norway. Both thought they had legitimate claims to the throne. Magnús believed it was his right as his father’s legacy, and Hǫrða-Knútr claimed it was his right due to his father having conquered the kingdom. Both kings gathered large armies and planned, as mentioned earlier, to meet at Göta älv to fight a battle. This did not happen, however; instead a meeting of reconciliation was organized between the kings. As Heimskringla stresses, the kings did not fight, but came to an agreement due to the overlapping of kinship and friendship ties.

Kinsmen

The kinship system in Scandinavia during the Viking Age was bilateral. That is, one could trace one’s kin through both the maternal and the paternal line. Only siblings of the same parents had identical families. Their father had another, so did their mother, each of their grandparents yet another, and so on and so on. These groups overlapped and formed a continuous network of family relations. The bilateral kinship system had clear patrilineal tendencies; only sons could carry on the family line. This is evident from the custom of using the patronymic. In a bilateral kinship system, it is difficult for individuals to maintain equally close contact with all their relatives. One had to make choices, and what determined one’s choice was a kinsman’s power. It was more important to nurture a relationship with a chieftain, though he may be a distant relation, than with a brother. Power and wealth also determined the degree of family loyalty. Loyalty was greater in families that had significant power and wealth to defend than in families who had little or nothing to protect. Therefore, we must recognize the different degrees of family loyalty, usually strong at the highest level of society and weak at the bottom (Jón Viðar Sigurðsson 2017a, 62-63; 2017b, 103-115). Written sources from the Viking Age are few. They sometimes mention marriages between members of the royal families, but almost never between the hundreds, if not thousands, of chieftain families. However, as we know from other parts of the world, throughout history intermarriages among the social elite have always taken place. This must also have been the case in Scandinavia. I would thus state that the family ties within the social elite stretched across Scandinavia, with endless overlaps.

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The background for this meeting was the unpopular reign of Sveinn Knútsson, son of Knútr Friends inn ríki, who had secured supremacy over Norway in 1028. In 1035 Magnús, son of Óláfr Haraldsson, returned from Russia, where he had been fostered, to be made king of all of Let us now have a look at friendship, a relationship that I have characterized as ‘the most Norway. Sveinn fled to Denmark that same year without challenging Magnús’ right to the important social tie in the Viking Age’ (Jón Viðar Sigurðsson 2017a, 53‑62; 2017b, 11‑71). throne. His father, Knútr inn ríki, died on 12 November, and all his sons perished in the next Most householders, chieftains, kings and other high‑ranking members of society, both male few years, Sveinn as early as 1036. Haraldr succeeded to the throne of England in 1035 and and female, could establish friendships. This group constituted 15‑20% of the population. The was king until his death in 1040. His younger half-brother, Hǫrða-Knútr, whom Knútr had friendships they established can be described as ‘political friendships’. Their purpose was to fathered with Queen Emma, also made claims to the inheritance. Thus, after the death of secure support and/or protection. These friendships also extended to other members of the Knútr inn ríki, a conflict arose between Magnús and Hǫrða-Knútr about the rule of Norway. households. Thus, nearly everyone was influenced by these relationships. Both thought they had legitimate claims to the throne. Magnús believed it was his right as his Viking‑Age friendship bears little resemblance to our contemporary notion of friendship. father’s legacy, and Hǫrða-Knútr claimed it was his right due to his father having conquered Friendship in the Viking Age was a kind of contract between two individuals that ensured the kingdom. Both kings gathered large armies and planned, as mentioned earlier, to meet at mutual support or protection. Friendship was of vital importance for both chieftains and Göta älv to fight a battle. This did not happen, however; instead a meeting of reconciliation householders – and their households. It was the tie that bound them together and provided a was organized between the kings. As Heimskringla stresses, the kings did not fight, but came certain predictability for both parties: the householders getting protection, and the chieftains to an agreement due to the overlapping of kinship and friendship ties. support. It is important to emphasize that in this relationship loyalty was strong, and to betray a friend resulted in the loss of honor. The friendships between chieftains, and between kings and chieftains, were unstable. As Kinsmen a rule, the chieftains supported the most generous king. Once the king’s finances worsened and gifts became fewer, i.e. when he could no longer uphold his friendship obligations, the The kinship system in Scandinavia during the Viking Age was bilateral. That is, one could trace chieftains began to look for a new and more benevolent king. Friendship between members one’s kin through both the maternal and the paternal line. Only siblings of the same parents of the social elite was established through gifts, as is so clearly seen in Hávamál, for example had identical families. Their father had another, so did their mother, each of their grandparents in stanza 41: ‘With presents friends should please each other, / With a shield or a costly coat: yet another, and so on and so on. These groups overlapped and formed a continuous network / Mutual giving makes for friendship / So long as life goes well.’3 of family relations. The bilateral kinship system had clear patrilineal tendencies; only sons One important aspect of friendship in the Viking Age is that it was established between two could carry on the family line. This is evident from the custom of using the patronymic. In a individuals, but the obligation to support and/or protect also included the friends of a friend, bilateral kinship system, it is difficult for individuals to maintain equally close contact with all as is plainly stated in Hávamál stanza 43: ‘A man should be loyal through life to friends, / To their relatives. One had to make choices, and what determined one’s choice was a kinsman’s them and to friends of theirs, / But never shall a man make offer / Of friendship to his foe’s power. It was more important to nurture a relationship with a chieftain, though he may be a friends.’ The chieftains and kings could therefore rely on the support of the chieftains’ friends.4 distant relation, than with a brother. Power and wealth also determined the degree of family As stated before, the overlaps between kinship groups were numerous. Friendship ties also loyalty. Loyalty was greater in families that had significant power and wealth to defend than overlapped, though not on the same scale as kinship ties. We can assume that most house‑ in families who had little or nothing to protect. Therefore, we must recognize the different holders were friends with only one chieftain. For them, there was no doubt about where their degrees of family loyalty, usually strong at the highest level of society and weak at the bottom loyalty should lie. Nevertheless, in a number of conflicts we hear about a group of householders (Jón Viðar Sigurðsson 2017a, 62-63; 2017b, 103-115). referred to as beggja vinir, ‘friends of both’. These men were friends with both of the conflicting Written sources from the Viking Age are few. They sometimes mention marriages between chieftains. members of the royal families, but almost never between the hundreds, if not thousands, of Householders who were friends with two chieftains at the same time were an important chieftain families. However, as we know from other parts of the world, throughout history buffer in conflicts between them. As friends of both the chieftains involved, they could not intermarriages among the social elite have always taken place. This must also have been the support one against the other. Therefore, it was their task to mediate. It could be advantageous case in Scandinavia. I would thus state that the family ties within the social elite stretched for householders to be friends with two chieftains simultaneously. In this way, they secured across Scandinavia, with endless overlaps. their own interests; if someone tried to violate their rights, they could seek support from both men. However, the drawback was that these householders might encounter a conflict of loy‑ alty if their chieftain friends had a dispute. Nonetheless, for society as a whole, it was greatly beneficial for the overlap between the groups of chieftains’ friends to be as large as possible. Their role as mediators aided in keeping the peace. The situation for the chieftains was identi‑  CONTENTS This page is protected by copyright and may not be redistributed

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cal; they were friends with other chieftains and kings, and in a dispute between their friends they could not support one side against the other but had to mediate. Let us return to the episode from 1036. The chieftains fighting for the two kings were obvi‑ ously their friends, but over the years they had also established friendships with other chieftains and were related to some of them as well. This type of situation was in no way unique. We find a number of similar episodes in sources describing events in the 12th and 13th centuries. The problem the social elite then faced was: which man among their “enemies” could they kill? This situation was of course problematic for the kings, and how they dealt with it is a question I will not answer in this article. In the Viking Age power was built up by establishing friendships, between chieftains and householders, and obviously their groups of retainers as well. The kings established friendships with their retainers, kings, chieftains and householders. Power was thus first and foremost about networks of friends, being vinsæll (having many friends). But power was also about control over people, to have ‘mannaforráð’. The entire society was linked together through these ties of friendship (Jón Viðar Sigurðsson 2011, 69‑108). The importance of friendship can probably best be seen in the first paragraph of the Gulaþingslög, from around 1160: ‘The first in our laws is that we shall bow toward the east and pray to the Holy Christ for peace and a fruitful harvest, and that we may keep our country settled and our sovereign lord complete; may he be our friend and we his, and may God be a friend to us all.’5 Friendship was a tool that ensured loyalty between householders and chieftains – the participants at the assembly – and the king. To protect them, it was beneficial to all also to have God as their friend. Kings and chieftains also established friendships with the Old Norse gods, and after the introduction of Christianity, with saints and God. To summarize the discussion so far, we can claim that friendship and kinship played a crucial role in the power game, and the overlap of these ties was one important reason for the peace in the Viking Age. I stated in my introduction that the power of the Danish kings was also significant for the peace in Scandinavia. So, let us have a look at the political situation in Scandinavia; due to the source situation, we will, as mentioned, focus on the 10th and 11th centuries.

The Power of the Danish

Exactly when kingship emerged in Denmark is unclear, but it must have been quite well es‑ tablished early in the 8th century (Sawyer 1988, 37‑48, 213‑288; Lund 1996, 83‑144; Näsman 1998, 1‑26; Albrectsen et al. 2001, 10‑53; Knut Helle 2003, 168‑83; Jensen 2013, 935‑45; Dobat 2009, 65‑104; 2016, 193‑217; Feldbæk 2010, 17‑26; Andersen 2015, 44). Two building projects from that time were on such a large scale that they must have had a powerful organizer: the Kanhave canal at Samsø in Kattegat, and the Danevirke (Ramskou 1963, 89, 91; Skovgaard‑ Petersen et al. 1977, 117‑118; Albrectsen et al. 2001, 19‑32; Daly 2006, 40‑41; Dobat 2008, 27‑67). Danevirke lay on the southern border of the Danish kingdom and stretched across Jutland at its narrowest point; between the bottom of the fjord Slien in the East and Holling‑ stedt by the River Treene in the West. It was an effective protection against eventual invasions  CONTENTS This page is protected by copyright and may not be redistributed

111631_viking encounters_.indd 26 19/08/2020 14.06 26 Jón Viðar Sigurðsson The Viking Age and the Scandinavian Peace 27 cal; they were friends with other chieftains and kings, and in a dispute between their friends from the Slavic and northern Saxon tribes, and later also from attacks by the Carolingian they could not support one side against the other but had to mediate. emperor (Albrectsen et al. 2001, 21). Let us return to the episode from 1036. The chieftains fighting for the two kings were obvi‑ An external military pressure has often been used as an explanation for state formation. ously their friends, but over the years they had also established friendships with other chieftains One such theory claims that because of outside pressure one family is elevated to or takes on and were related to some of them as well. This type of situation was in no way unique. We find a role of leadership in warfare; that is to say, the task of defending the region and attacking the a number of similar episodes in sources describing events in the 12th and 13th centuries. The threat (Hodges 1982, 187; Arnold 1984, 277; Bassett 1989, 23‑24). When Danevirke and the problem the social elite then faced was: which man among their “enemies” could they kill? emergence of the Danish royal power is discussed, one should remember that it defended not This situation was of course problematic for the kings, and how they dealt with it is a question only Jutland, but also larger parts of Southern Scandinavia, which must have had consequences I will not answer in this article. for the influence of the Danish kingdom. After the new kingdom was established, it could In the Viking Age power was built up by establishing friendships, between chieftains and start to expand in the area around Jótlandshafið (Skagerrak and Kattegat) and incorporate householders, and obviously their groups of retainers as well. The kings established friendships new chiefdoms. Most of these chiefdoms were small and unable to offer much resistance. with their retainers, kings, chieftains and householders. Power was thus first and foremost In addition, we can imagine that in many cases it would have been advantageous for local about networks of friends, being vinsæll (having many friends). But power was also about chieftains to enter into an agreement with their powerful neighbour. The Danish kings were control over people, to have ‘mannaforráð’. The entire society was linked together through able to organize a defence not only against the threat to the South, but also against other lo‑ these ties of friendship (Jón Viðar Sigurðsson 2011, 69‑108). The importance of friendship can cal, bothersome chieftains. The kingship could provide a way to minimalize armed conflicts probably best be seen in the first paragraph of the Gulaþingslög, from around 1160: ‘The first between chieftains, as they could not accept that their friends, which in fact was the base on in our laws is that we shall bow toward the east and pray to the Holy Christ for peace and a which they built their power, harmed each other. fruitful harvest, and that we may keep our country settled and our sovereign lord complete; There are few written sources that mention the geography of the Danish kings’ realm and may he be our friend and we his, and may God be a friend to us all.’5 Friendship was a tool that how they expanded it. The most important ones are the Voyages of Ottar from Hålogaland, the ensured loyalty between householders and chieftains – the participants at the assembly – and Frankish Annals and the kings’ sagas. Sometime between 871 and 900 the voyager and trades‑ the king. To protect them, it was beneficial to all also to have God as their friend. Kings and man Ohthere, who resided the furthest north of all Norwegians, in a place called Hålogaland, chieftains also established friendships with the Old Norse gods, and after the introduction of came to the court of King Alfred the Great in England. The king, who was very interested in Christianity, with saints and God. geography, arranged for the tales of his voyages to be written down. Ohthere described his To summarize the discussion so far, we can claim that friendship and kinship played a travels north to Bjarmaland and also his journey from Hålogaland to Kaupang in Vestfold crucial role in the power game, and the overlap of these ties was one important reason for the and further on to Hedeby, which was by Slien just inside Danevirke. He did not state when he peace in the Viking Age. I stated in my introduction that the power of the Danish kings was entered into the realm of the Danish king, just that when he sailed from Kaupang to Hedeby, also significant for the peace in Scandinavia. So, let us have a look at the political situation in from Vestfold across the Oslo fjord, and along the coast of Østfold and Båhuslen, he had Scandinavia; due to the source situation, we will, as mentioned, focus on the 10th and 11th Denmark on the port side (Two Voyagers: 22. Cf. Kroman 1976, 12‑14). centuries. The Frankish Annals, which are a main source of Danish history at the end of the 8th and the start of the 9th centuries, state that in 813 the Danish kings Haraldr and Reginfred left with an army to ‘Westarfoldam’, an area in the furthest north‑west of their kingdom, and which The Power of the Danish ‘looked out towards the northern point of Britannia (Scotland) where princes and people refused to be subordinate’.6 A series of problems arise with this interpretation of the note. Let Exactly when kingship emerged in Denmark is unclear, but it must have been quite well es‑ us start with the geographical localization of ‘Westarfoldam’. Researchers have almost without tablished early in the 8th century (Sawyer 1988, 37‑48, 213‑288; Lund 1996, 83‑144; Näsman exception believed it to be the equivalent to this day’s Vestfold (Munch 1852‑63, ii, 391‑392; 1998, 1‑26; Albrectsen et al. 2001, 10‑53; Knut Helle 2003, 168‑83; Jensen 2013, 935‑45; Dobat Albrectsen 1970, 125; Jørgensen 1985, 84; Reallexikon 32, 304; Krag 1995, 89; Jensen 2006 2009, 65‑104; 2016, 193‑217; Feldbæk 2010, 17‑26; Andersen 2015, 44). Two building projects (2004), 427; Skre 2007, 460‑461; Andersen 2015, 45). Such an interpretation, however, is very from that time were on such a large scale that they must have had a powerful organizer: the doubtful, as Vestfold does not ‘look…out towards the northern point’ of Scotland. Another Kanhave canal at Samsø in Kattegat, and the Danevirke (Ramskou 1963, 89, 91; Skovgaard‑ more convincing interpretation of the name is that it actually alludes to Agder (Pedersen et Petersen et al. 1977, 117‑118; Albrectsen et al. 2001, 19‑32; Daly 2006, 40‑41; Dobat 2008, al. 2003, 382‑386). 27‑67). Danevirke lay on the southern border of the Danish kingdom and stretched across In the Norse sources there are no suggestions that “Vestfold” was called anything other than Jutland at its narrowest point; between the bottom of the fjord Slien in the East and Holling‑ Vestfold. The saga of Óláfr Tryggvason, for example, states that King Haraldr blátǫnn (c. 930 stedt by the River Treene in the West. It was an effective protection against eventual invasions to 986) gave Haraldr grenski a king’s name and made him ruler of ‘Vingulmǫrk, Vestfold and  CONTENTS This page is protected by copyright and may not be redistributed

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Agder to Lindesnes’ on the same terms that his friends had possessed them, and as Haraldr hárfagri had given his sons.7 This ambiguity around “Westarfoldam” is probably best explained by the fact that the authors of the Frankish Annals, and possibly also people of Viking-Age Scandinavia, used the term “Vestfold” in a somewhat broader sense than it is used today. It is the kings’ sagas, and then especially Heimskringla, written by Snorri around 1230, that make up the grounds for which most of the discussion about the unification of the Norwegian state – from around the end of the 9th century and into the second half of the 12th century – is based. Snorri claims that it was the power base of Haraldr Hárfagri in Vestfold, which was the starting point for unification. From there he conquered Opplandene, and thereafter, through an alliance with Hákon Grjótgarðsson in Ørlandet, the later Earl of Lade, he overpowered the chieftains from Trøndelag and gained control of their area. In the end he traveled to the South-west, and in the battle of Hafrsfjord in Jæren around 880 conquered the chieftains there. The gathering of Norway under one king was thereby finalized. We should, however, be wary of Snorri’s account: Haraldr Hárfagri was first and foremost a western king. He ruled Sogn and Fjordane, Hordaland, Rogaland and parts of Agder, and his main base was at Avaldsnes at Karmøy outside of Haugasund. The archaeological source material in Northern Jæren in Rogaland seems to support such a conclusion, as it shows us that there was a decline in grave goods after 900, which points to the confiscation of farms by the new royal power after the battle of Hafrsfjord (Solberg 2000, 286). The battle of Hafrsfjord is important to us. It has been interpreted not only as the last battle of Haraldr Hárfagri’s quest to unify Norway under one king, but also as the first attack on his kingdom. The opponents were possibly acting on Danish orders. In a poem about Haraldr, Haraldskvæði, which was composed not long after the battle had taken place, the poet Þorbjǫrn hornklofi tells of King Haraldr winning the battle austkylfur fleeing to the East. One of Haraldr’s opponents was called Haklangr, a ‘person with a long chin’, a name that also appears on a rune stone from Lolland.8 After the battle of Hafrsfjord it appears that Lindesnes became a border between the Danish and the Norwegian kings’ realms (Krag 1995, 86; 2000, 44-46, 215-217). This is alluded to in several younger sources, for example the kings’ saga Fagrskinna from around 1225. There it is written that the Danish king Sveinn Haraldsson tjúguskegg (c. 960-1014) made Eiríkr Hákonarson earl over parts of ‘The Nor- wegian realm, which he owned’, but he himself kept control of Viken, which was the area between Göta älv and Lindesnes.9 There are no reliable statistics for the population of Scandinavia in the Viking Age, but later, around the year 1300, around 3 million people probably lived in the three Scandinavian kingdoms. In Sweden there were around 500,000 (Finland was at this time a part of Sweden, but the Finns are kept separate from this calculation). In the Norwegian kingdom, which at the time also encompassed the Swedish areas of Båhuslen, Jämtland and Herjedalen, c. 500,000 people lived, and in the Danish, which included Skåne, around 2 million (KLNM 13, 384-395; Lund & Hørby 1980, 107; Benedictow 1993, 179-186; Myhre & Øye 2002, 252-253; Hybel & Poulsen 2007, 128; Jensen 2013, 965; Gammeltoft et al. 2015, 19). It looks like the population of Western Europe doubled in the period c. 650 to 1000, and thereafter tripled between 1000 and 1340 (Russell 1972, 36). If we believe such an increase in population also occurred in Scandinavia, around 650,000 people lived there about 800, and a million by 1050. Probably  CONTENTS This page is protected by copyright and may not be redistributed

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Agder to Lindesnes’ on the same terms that his friends had possessed them, and as Haraldr Figure 1. The political situation in the second half hárfagri had given his sons.7 This ambiguity around “Westarfoldam” is probably best explained of the Viking Age. Graphics: Author. by the fact that the authors of the Frankish Annals, and possibly also people of Viking-Age Scandinavia, used the term “Vestfold” in a somewhat broader sense than it is used today. It is the kings’ sagas, and then especially Heimskringla, written by Snorri around 1230, that make up the grounds for which most of the discussion about the unification of the Norwegian state – from around the end of the 9th century and into the second half of the 12th century – is based. Snorri claims that it was the power base of Haraldr Hárfagri in Vestfold, which was the starting point for unification. From there he conquered Opplandene, and thereafter, through an alliance with Hákon Grjótgarðsson in Ørlandet, the later Earl of Lade, he overpowered the chieftains from Trøndelag and gained control of their area. In the end he traveled to the South-west, and in the battle of Hafrsfjord in Jæren around 880 conquered the chieftains there. The gathering of Norway under one king was thereby finalized. We should, however, be wary of Snorri’s account: Haraldr Hárfagri was first and foremost a western king. He ruled Sogn and Fjordane, Hordaland, Rogaland and parts of Agder, and his main base was at Avaldsnes at Karmøy outside of Haugasund. The archaeological source material in Northern Jæren in Rogaland seems to support such a conclusion, as it shows us that there was a decline in grave goods after 900, which points to the confiscation of farms by the new royal power after the battle of Hafrsfjord (Solberg 2000, 286). The battle of Hafrsfjord is important to us. It has been interpreted not only as the last battle of Haraldr Hárfagri’s quest to unify Norway under one king, but also as the first attack on his kingdom. The opponents were possibly acting on Danish orders. In a poem about Haraldr, Haraldskvæði, which was composed not long after the battle had taken place, the poet Þorbjǫrn hornklofi tells of King Haraldr winning the battleaustkylfur fleeing to the more than half of the population lived in areas the Danish kings ruled. This calculation is East. One of Haraldr’s opponents was called Haklangr, a ‘person with a long chin’, a name highly unreliable, but it does provide some indications as to the supreme position of power that also appears on a rune stone from Lolland.8 After the battle of Hafrsfjord it appears the Danish kings possessed in Scandinavian politics. that Lindesnes became a border between the Danish and the Norwegian kings’ realms (Krag In the Viking Age, at least from 813, the Danish kings had firm control over Denmark and 1995, 86; 2000, 44-46, 215-217). This is alluded to in several younger sources, for example much of southern Norway and western Sweden, the area coloured brown in the map Fig. 1. the kings’ saga Fagrskinna from around 1225. There it is written that the Danish king Sveinn The yellow region on the map is the kingdom allegedly founded by Haraldr Hárfagri and Haraldsson tjúguskegg (c. 960-1014) made Eiríkr Hákonarson earl over parts of ‘The Nor- his sons, in particular Hákon, in the years c. 865‑930. What is important for us is that the wegian realm, which he owned’, but he himself kept control of Viken, which was the area Danish kings controlled this kingdom for most of the period c. 960‑1035. The two Óláfrs, between Göta älv and Lindesnes.9 Óláfr Tryggvason, who ruled c. 995‑1000, and Óláfr Haraldsson, who ruled 105‑1028, probably There are no reliable statistics for the population of Scandinavia in the Viking Age, but started out as Danish sub‑kings. If we move further north, to the light red part of the map, we later, around the year 1300, around 3 million people probably lived in the three Scandinavian come to the earldom of the Earls of Lade. After 960, the earls were close friends of the Danish kingdoms. In Sweden there were around 500,000 (Finland was at this time a part of Sweden, kings, and for a period they controlled the kingdom established by Haraldr Hárfagri on their but the Finns are kept separate from this calculation). In the Norwegian kingdom, which at behalf (Jón Viðar Sigurðsson 2017a, 32‑47). the time also encompassed the Swedish areas of Båhuslen, Jämtland and Herjedalen, c. 500,000 If we now move to Sweden, and the orange part of the map, we can assume that the chief‑ people lived, and in the Danish, which included Skåne, around 2 million (KLNM 13, 384-395; tains there were also included in the network of the Danish kings. Finally, the purple part, the Lund & Hørby 1980, 107; Benedictow 1993, 179-186; Myhre & Øye 2002, 252-253; Hybel & kingdom of the Svear. We know that the kings of Svear opposed the Danish kings from time Poulsen 2007, 128; Jensen 2013, 965; Gammeltoft et al. 2015, 19). It looks like the population to time; however, there can be little doubt that they, and some chieftains, were also included of Western Europe doubled in the period c. 650 to 1000, and thereafter tripled between 1000 in the network of the Danish kings (Jón Viðar Sigurðsson 2017a, 32‑36). The most obvious and 1340 (Russell 1972, 36). If we believe such an increase in population also occurred in argument in support of the belief that chieftains from all over Sweden were fighting with the Scandinavia, around 650,000 people lived there about 800, and a million by 1050. Probably Danish are the so‑called England rune stones, that is, rune stones that refer to voyages to  CONTENTS This page is protected by copyright and may not be redistributed

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England:10 ‘And Úlfr has taken three payments in England. That was the first that Tósti paid. Then Þorketill paid. Then Knútr paid.’ In short, the network of the Danish kings, especially in the period c. 960‑1030, literally stretched over all of Scandinavia. This resulted in a rather strong and consistent state of peace throughout most of the period, as stated in one of the poems about Knútr inn ríki.11 The Dan‑ ish kings, thanks to their networks and manpower, could therefore launch attacks on England and conquer it. To keep their networks together the Danish kings needed resources, the most obvious being the Danegeld. They had another source of income, however, that was probably equally important: taxes from trading in the North Sea. In his book from 2013, The wealth of Anglo- Saxon England, Peter Sawyer states that one of the main ‘conclusions of this book is that the remarkable development of England’s economy in the century before the Norman Conquest [that is c. 960 to 1060] was due to its abundant and widely dispersed coinage, which was made possible by a flourishing export trade’ (Sawyer 2013, 111). How many believe that the Vikings, and the Danish kings, were not controlling this trade? But what is significant is that at about the same time the German silver starts flowing, around 960, Haraldr Bluetooth (958‑987) starts his building activity in Denmark; the Danish kings take control of Western Norway and establish alliances with the Earls of Lade; and finally the large‑scale attacks on England begin with Sveinn around 990. Overlaps of kinship and friendship ties were the principal means of securing local peace in Scandinavia. The Danish kings were without a doubt the most important political players in the Viking Age, and it was this position and their networks that guaranteed the peace.

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Annales regni – G.H. Pertz & F. Kurze (eds) 1895: Annales regni Francorum inde ab a.741 usque ad a.829., qui dicuntur Annales Laurissenses maiores et Einhardi. Hannover. Edda 2008 – Carolyne Larrington (transl.). The Poetic Edda. Oxford, 2008. Gulatingslova – T. Ulset et al. (eds) 1994: Den eldre Gulatingslova. Oslo. Íslenzk fornrit Eddukvæði I – Jónas Kristjánsson & Vésteinn Ólason (eds) 2014: Eddukvæði I-II. Íslenzk fornrit. Reykjavík. Íslenzk fornrit XXIII – Ármann Jakobsson & Þórður Ingi Guðjónsson (eds) 2011: Morkinskinna I. Íslenzk fornrit XXIII. Reykjavík. Íslenzk fornrit XXVI – Bjarni Aðalbjarnarson (ed.) 1941: Heimskringla I. Íslenzk fornrit XXVI. Reykjavík. Íslenzk fornrit XXVIII – Bjarni Aðalbjarnarson (ed.) 1951: Heimskringla III. Íslenzk fornrit XXVIII. Reykjavík. Íslenzk fornrit XXIX – Bjarni Einarsson (ed.) 1985: Ágrip af Nóregskonunga sǫgum. Fagrskinna. Nóregs konunga tal. Íslenzk fornrit XXIX. Reykjavík. Monumenta – G. Storm (ed.) 1880: Monumenta historica Norvegiæ: Latinske kildeskrifter til Norges Historie i middelalderen. Christiania. Saxo Grammaticus – P. Zeeberg & K. Friis‑Jensen (eds) 2005: Gesta Danorum I-II. Copenhagen.

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England:10 ‘And Úlfr has taken three payments in England. That was the first that Tósti paid. Skaldic I – D. Whaley (ed.) 2012: Skaldic poetry of the Scandinavian Middle Ages. Vol. I. Parts 1‑2. Poetry Then Þorketill paid. Then Knútr paid.’ from the Kings’ sagas 1. Turnhout. In short, the network of the Danish kings, especially in the period c. 960‑1030, literally Two Voyagers – N. Lund et al. (eds) 1984: Two Voyagers at the Court of King Alfred. The Ventures of stretched over all of Scandinavia. This resulted in a rather strong and consistent state of peace OHTHERE and WULFSTAN together with the Description of Northern Europe from the Old English throughout most of the period, as stated in one of the poems about Knútr inn ríki.11 The Dan‑ Orosius. York. ish kings, thanks to their networks and manpower, could therefore launch attacks on England and conquer it. To keep their networks together the Danish kings needed resources, the most obvious Bibliography being the Danegeld. 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