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Who is Karla Homolka? A Case of Media Identity Transformations By Deana Elizabeth Simonetta A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Affairs in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master In Sociology Carleton University Ottawa, Ontario c. 2010, Deana Elizabeth Simonetta Library and Archives Bibliothèque et ?F? 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The author retains copyright L'auteur conserve la propriété du droit d'auteur ownership and moral rights in this et des droits moraux qui protège cette thèse. Ni thesis. Neither the thesis nor la thèse ni des extraits substantiels de celle-ci substantial extracts from it may be ne doivent être imprimés ou autrement printed or otherwise reproduced reproduits sans son autorisation. without the author's permission. In compliance with the Canadian Conformément à la loi canadienne sur la Privacy Act some supporting forms protection de la vie privée, quelques may have been removed from this formulaires secondaires ont été enlevés de thesis. cette thèse. While these forms may be included Bien que ces formulaires aient inclus dans in the document page count, their la pagination, il n'y aura aucun contenu removal does not represent any loss manquant. of content from the thesis. ¦*¦ Canada Abstract On May 19, 1993 Karla Homolka was charged with manslaughter in the murders of Leslie Mahaffy and Kristen French. Since that day, Homolka' s actions have been the centre of public interest and her involvement in the murders has played a central role in the media reports on female criminal behaviour for almost two decades. Using a grounded theory approach, this research project analyzed newspaper articles on Homolka and her crimes taken from The Toronto Star and The Standard. The data analysis revealed that Homolka was conceptualized in the media as 'victim', 'mad', 'evil' and 'subhuman'. These media identities supported other research claims that, when a woman commits an act of violence, her gender serves as the lens through which all of her actions are understood (Sjorberg and Gentry, 2007; Myers and Wight, 1996). As my grounded theory analysis progressed, I began to realize that Homolka was not subject merely to the whims of media insight or public condemnation. Instead, media portrayals of Homolka reveal changing presentations of self that challenged others' conceptualizations of her. Further examination of media descriptions of those self-presentations revealed three (3) theoretical categories of identity transformations which I call 'complimenting' identities, 'combating' identities, and 'rejecting' identities. Thus, as a work in interpretative sociology, this thesis provides three (3) different categories that can be used to understand further the complex relationship between existing socially constructed personal and social identities. In regards to the Homolka case, it offers a stronger knowledge of the images of female sexual abusers within the criminal justice system and the general public at large. >»i Acknowledgements This research would not have been possible without the guidance, support and compassion of Dr. Karen March. Thank you for always believing in this project even when I showed up at your office with early 'drawings' of an analysis! Your constant questions and editorial advice not only shaped this project but taught me important lessons for my academic career. To Dr. Roberta Sinclair, thank you for encouraging me to apply for a Master's degree and your comments on the final drafts of this research. To Dr. George Pollard, who was the first person who inspired my sociological imagination! Since the first class I took of yours, intro to sociology, you have always encouraged and supported my academic decisions. My family, my rock, my heart. To the best parents a child could have. Mom you are my best friend who has always been there and supported me. Dad, you are my hero who has always pushed me to be the best I could be. You guys set an excellent example for me growing up, one that has engrained into my being - work hard, and do the best to your ability. With you two in my corner, I know I am never alone and can accomplish anything I put my mind to. I love you guys so much! To Tyler, thank you for your support and understanding on 'those' days when I was lost in outer space - my thesis zone. Most of all thank you for constantly reminding me to have fun and laugh, our fishing adventures always left me happy and refreshed to get back at it! To my dear friend Melissa Conte your support and understanding always made me feel reassured that I could accomplish this piece of work. Thank you for our countless phone dates. To my friends and family who had to sit and listen to me babble about this project, your patience and support will never be forgotten! Table of Contents Acknowledgements ii Abstract iii Introduction 2 Chapter 1 - Who is Karla Homolka? 1 1 Chapter 2 - Grounded in the Media 29 Chapter 3 - Self, Identity and the Reflections of Others 54 Chapter 4 - Complimenting Identities 72 Chapter 5 - Combating Identities 91 Chapter 6 - Rejecting Identities 112 Conclusion 125 References 136 \V Simonetta 2 Introduction There are a number of things that can be known for certain about Karla. She is equally, if not more, responsible for the crimes she and her partner committed. No one died until Paul Bernardo moved in with Karla Homolka. She could have chosen not to do what she did to her sister. She did what she did withfull knowledge that her actions put her sister 's life at risk. She had many opportunities to save her sister, Leslie Mahaffy and Kristen French. (Williams, 2003; p.519) On May 19, 1993 Karla Homolka was charged with manslaughter in the murders of Kristen French, 15 and Leslie Mahaffy, 14. Homolka who was a young attractive Caucasian middle class woman surprised the public with her involvement in the crimes. Since that day, Homolka' s actions have been the centre of public interest and her involvement in the Mahaffy and French murders has played a central role in media reports of female criminal behaviour. As Paul Bernardo has faded from the media, Homolka has always remained a predominant figure. A major question of concern is why the public still possesses an interest in learning about Karla Homolka' s participation in these crimes and hearing about her daily activities and present life. This research project began with an inquiry into whether or not Karla Homolka was considered a sex offender. I wanted to know if the Canadian public believed that a woman could commit a sexual offence and, subsequently, how they would view sexual abuse when perpetrated by a woman. In this way, the theme of female criminality emerged from the data and became part of the data analysis presented in the study. Similar to the research literature on how violent woman are conceptualized, Homolka was portrayed by the media as a 'victim', 'mad' and 'evil'. These portrayals supported research claims that, when a woman commits an act of criminal violence, her gender serves as the lens through which all of her actions are understood (Sjorberg and Gentry, 2007; Myers and Wight, 1996). In such cases, the actual violent act has less to do Simonetto 3 with the perception of the woman than the claims made in regard to her lack of "womanhood". Moreover, women who commit violent crimes are often constructed in a sensationalistic fashion that serves to reinforce standard stereotypes and myths about the inherently violent nature of women criminals (Dell, 1999). In conducting this research project, I found a continuum of changing images in how Homolka was conceptualized in the media from the beginning of the case until present day. Examination of these changing images gave me an understanding of how Homolka was conceptualized by the media, and hence, the public at large, over time. To explain, at the beginning of the case Homolka was portrayed by the media as a 'battered wife/victim' of Paul Bernardo but as details surrounding the case unfolded, media portrayals of Homolka started to change. She was considered 'mad' after the discovery of the videotapes; this image changed to an 'evil' portrayal after pictures of her partying in prison were released. The final portrayal constructed by the media after Homolka' s release from prison was 'subhuman.' She was depicted as being so beyond evil that she could not possibly be considered a mother. In this way, media portrayals of Homolka seemed to reaffirm traditional female gender roles, until, at the very end of the case; others could not understand her as a human and began to refer to her as a 'monster'. Something else seemed to be going on, however. Using a grounded theory approach in my examination of newspaper reports of Homolka and the Bernardo case, I began to realize that Homolka was not a 'puppet' subject to the whims of media insight or public condemnation.