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Understanding Baseball As a Site of Contested Ethnic and Racial Terrain

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Understanding Baseball As a Site of Contested Ethnic and Racial Terrain SANCTUARY, SOCIAL POWER, & SILENCE: UNDERSTANDING BASEBALL AS A SITE OF CONTESTED ETHNIC AND RACIAL TERRAIN A Dissertation Submitted to the Temple University Graduate Board In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy By Jen McGovern May 2013 Committee Members: Dr. Sherri Grasmuck, Major Advisor, Department of Sociology, Temple University Dr. Kevin Delaney, Department of Sociology, Temple University Dr. Pablo Vila, Department of Sociology, Temple University Dr. Robert Washington, Department of Sociology, Bryn Mawr College, External Reader ABSTRACT Sanctuary, Social Power, & Silence: Understanding Baseball as a Site of Contested Ethnic and Racial Terrain Jen McGovern Temple University, 2013 Doctoral Advisory Committee Chair: Dr. Sherri Grasmuck This research examines the connections between race, ethnicity, and professional baseball. The importance of this project rests on the connection between the global presence of new immigrants on baseball rosters and changes in the ethnic and racial landscape of the U.S since 1965 immigration reforms. The growing number of migrants and their children in the U.S. is pushing the boundaries of the color-line and is forcing Americans to think differently about race and ethnicity. While the field of immigration scholarship has dramatically increased in response to these changes, research has not focused on cultural practices, sports, or recreation. In a parallel way, few scholars in the sociology of sport have looked at the implications of these “in-between” minorities. This research fills that void by examining race, ethnicity, and baseball at three levels of analysis: the structural context, the symbolic dimension, and the level of interaction. This multi-layered investigation uses a mixed methods approach. In examining the structural level, I use secondary source data on leadership positions within Major League Baseball. I analyze the symbolic and interactive dimensions at a local level within two major U.S. cities: Los Angeles, California and Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. For both of these sites, I observed local media content and studied fan interactions in face-to-face focus groups and in chat rooms connected to local baseball blogs. Overall, the structural data reveal that minorities are well represented in leadership positions but that those positions are not distributed evenly by skin color, ethnicity, and nationality. The proportion of minorities in leadership positions has increased over time. Minority leadership presence is large when compared to other institutions within society, but is small relative to the diverse player pool. While European whites and light-skinned Hispanics are well represented in leadership roles, African Americans and darker skinned Hispanics are underrepresented in top positions. Furthermore, darker skinned players in top leadership positions are subject to stricter criteria than their light-skinned peers. At the symbolic level, I examined both media and fan narratives about race and ethnicity. Within both sets of narratives, the most prominent theme was absence. On the rare occasion that race and ethnicity were mentioned, discussion centered on overcoming ethno-racial barriers and on ethno-racial harmony. While most media dialogue was neutral or positive, more subtle patterns affected how ethno-racial players were introduced to the audience. Media content focused on pitchers and catchers—positions commonly associated with intelligence and mental preparedness, which are most often occupied by whites and Latinos. Greater exposure to players in these specific roles gives fan more opportunities to link those character traits to white and Latino and players. In addition, broadcaster evaluations of white players highlight dimensions of character make-up like work ethic and decision making while broadcaster evaluations of dark skinned players emphasize athleticism and physicality. In this way, both the structure and the content of the media reinforce the mind/body dualism that frequently characterizes white/black differences in other spheres of society. Fan descriptions of leadership echoed ii these implicit differences. They described players from all ethno-racial backgrounds in positive terms; however, they discussed white players largely in terms of character makeup and depicted black leaders as charismatic and athletic. Descriptions of Asian and Latino leaders were symbolically closer to whites than to blacks. At the interactive level, I analyzed fan conversations in face-to-face and in online settings. The findings underscore the importance of the social context on ethno-racial dialogue. While avoidance of race talk is the norm, there seems to be a heightened sensitivity to introducing this topic into a leisure space in which the very presence of race talk has the power to disrupt group solidarity. The group mode and group level solidarity also have an impact on when and how race can be discussed. In widely accessed blog sites, the entrance of non-baseball fans, a lack of solidarity and few shared expectations create an environment of open, hostile race talk. In contrast, the face-to-face nature of focus groups increases the pressure to follow social norms and thus eliminates the hostile race talk observed on some blogs. However, the setting also suppresses nearly all productive ethno-racial discourse. As fan groups build up transient solidarity through focused interactions and shared emotional energy, they increase their investment in having productive ethno-racial dialogue. When fans establish enduring levels of solidarity, they increase the risk of threatening the positive mood of the group and altering the leisure setting by introducing ethno-racial topics. Taken together, the data demonstrate that leadership opportunities and symbolic representations of baseball players are structured by race and ethnicity. Despite this structural evidence, fans either avoid talking about race or depict baseball as a place of racial equality. These narratives were closely connected to fans’ desires to maintain iii positive emotions within the leisure context of sport and to prioritize their sports identities over other competing ones in these leisure spaces. The findings emphasize baseball as a site of “contested racial terrain.” On the one hand, the discourse of baseball as a leisure space creates opportunities for social actors to build mutual trust and appreciation of other ethno-racial groups and allows them the chance to imagine racial equality as possible and achievable, even if uneven. On the other hand, the same discourse discourages fans from acknowledging and discussing ethnic and racial inequalities. The result is that baseball serves as a site of racial progress and change but does so within a narrow cultural context. Baseball therefore alters symbolic meanings of race while it simultaneously misses important opportunities to create more profound social change at the material level. iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertation only has one author – me. Sure, I spent countless hours over the past six years reading, writing, and researching in order to have my name on this paper but the journey to this moment was far from a solitary pursuit. Many people helped make this dissertation a reality. It is almost impossible to describe their contributions in just a few pages, but I’ll try because well-I just wrote a dissertation. First and foremost, I want to thank my chair, Sherri Grasmuck for all of the support that she provided throughout this process, even when she was halfway across the globe. Her feedback was critical to shaping my thinking about the issues presented in this work. In addition, her advice on how to practically address the different stages of this process was invaluable. Her enthusiasm for my project kept me motivated and made me want to work harder. I am fortunate that I had the opportunity to work so closely with such an amazing person. I am also indebted to the other three members of the committee. From the day I started at Temple, Kevin Delaney provided me with scholarly knowledge, sensible advice, and a lot of laughter. Pablo Vila offered vital guidance on the focus group interviews and challenged me to think about the world from a different lens. I am also appreciative of Dr. Robert Washington for reading my work and providing valuable commentary. I am grateful to all of the faculty and staff in the Department of Sociology at Temple. From formal class instruction to casual kitchen conversations, they have contributed to my development as a scholar. I am especially thankful to David Elesh, Rosario Espinal, and Anne Shlay for their guidance over the course of various research v assistantships, their efforts to incorporate me on additional projects, and for their general advice on how to tackle this crazy world we call academia. I’d also like to thank Gretchen Condran and Josh Klugman for their assistance with data analysis. We really have had some good times with numbers. I’d also like the acknowledge the contributions of Cathy Staples, Pam Smallwood, and Sharon Smith. Some people think they just make copies and cupcakes, but I know that they also offer the kind of support that is immeasurable. (Of course, the cupcakes don’t hurt). Another group of people that have shaped this work in ways large and small are the graduate students. I’m happy to call them colleagues and friends. In particular, I’d like to acknowledge Dan Schermond (we’ve come a long way together), Aubrey Hilbert (for help with all things statistical and snarky), Sahar Sadeghi (for her enthusiasm and expertise on sociology, cardio workouts, kale, and lentils), Sarah Pollock (for her infectious positivity and for being a wonderful sounding board), Sarah Jacobsen (for teaching me how to stay organized and always giving sage advice), and Jason Martin (for always being willing to listen and to help me solve problems, whether they be personal or data driven). Melody Boyd and Alison Watts have been especially helped in reliving their experiences in order to help me succeed. Last but not least, Corinne Castro has been an outstanding mentor and friend from day one.
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