1929-1949 The Great Depression
t was around noon on October 24, 1929, when the stock market began to crumble. By 2:30 p.m. the ticker tape was Ialmost two hours late, and five days later, on October 29, it was all over. The stock market had crashed and the Great Depression was soon to follow. Almost immediately, unemployment began to mount at the rate of 4,000 workers per week, and then the ranks of the job- less seemed to have no limits. Four million were unemployed in 1930, 11 million in 1932, nearly 13 million by 1933. Thousands upon thousands of workers—unable to meet mort- gage payments or pay rent—lost their homes. Many of the newly poor built homes of scrap metal and egg crates in city dumps. Bread and soup lines stretched endlessly through the nation’s cities. Some lived on bread and coffee; others picked over garbage cans to feed their families. William Green, president of the American Federation of Labor, told a congressional committee in 1930 that in Detroit, Michigan, “the men are sitting in the parks all day long and all night long, hundreds and thousands of them—muttering to themselves, ‘out of work, seeking work.’” And in the summer of 1932, people were marching in Washington, DC’s Anacostia Flats singing:
Mellon* pulled the whistle Hoover rang the bell Wall Street gave the signal —And the country went to Hell.
______*Andrew Mellon, a powerful banker and industrialist, was Secretary of the Treasury at the time.
Carriers in a Common Cause 36 1929-1949
Letter carriers and other postal employees found themselves in a strange situation during the early days of the Depression. Before the Depression, most Americans consid- ered the average pay of a letter carrier —$2,064 per year—a mediocre salary. But during the Depression, it was an enviable amount of money. And in a nation of 13 million unemployed, the security of postal jobs made such posi- tions even more attractive. In 1933, a letter carrier from Oregon described this ironic reversal: All my neighbors are out of work, and if I go to them and cry about my condi- tion they think I am crazier now than I was five years ago when they used to tell me to throw away that mail sack and get a decent job. Now, any one of them would be glad to carry mail for a dollar a day.… Under these circumstances, it is not surprising that letter carrier and postal clerk positions attracted some of the country’s best educated people—who in easier times might have become Economy Act of 1932. This law author- lawyers, doctors or teachers. Jerome J. ized the first wage reductions in the Keating, president of the NALC from history of the federal service: one 1962 to 1968, was a notable example of month’s furlough per year for every this phenomenon. Keating became a government employee. For letter carri- 1 substitute carrier in March 1924 to ers, this meant an 8 /3 percent decrease help pay his way through college. After in wages. graduating from the University of The election of Franklin D. Roosevelt Minnesota in 1930, he had the oppor- in late 1932 only aggravated the situa- tunity to become an instructor and tion for letter carriers. Most people later a professor. But Keating decided remember Roosevelt as a president who to remain a letter carrier because a let- tried to alleviate widespread suffering ter carrier’s job offered more security and revive the American economy during the Great Depression than that through “New Deal” legislation. of a college teacher. However, on the campaign trail If, like Keating, letter carriers were in 1932, he espoused a far different relatively fortunate compared to many political philosophy. Roosevelt had other workers, the Depression campaigned against Hoover on a plat- nonetheless affected them in very form of government economy, and he significant and often devastating ways. even had gone so far as to promise to As the Depression deepened, a drive to cut government spending to the bone slash the wages of all government and balance the national budget—cam- employees gained momentum, grew paign promises that did not bode well steadily, and culminated in Hoover’s for any government worker. True to his
Carriers in a Common Cause 37 Uniform Allowance
hen free city delivery was established in 1863, the first letter Wcarriers were not required to wear uniforms. Five years later, however, Congress authorized the use of uniforms and Postmaster General Alexander W. Randall issued an order prescribing a mandatory uniform for letter carriers: A single-breasted Sack Coat … with five brass buttons … pants of same material with fine broadcloth stripe one half inch wide down each leg.… In those early days, letter carriers were forced to pay for their own uniforms, a large expense considering their meager salaries. And while uniform styles have changed with the times, the burden of purchasing uniforms remained with letter carriers for another 86 years. Finally, in 1954, Congress passed a Uniform Allowance Act, providing letter carriers with $100 per year to purchase their uniforms. Since the advent of collec- tive bargaining in 1971, the union has negotiated the amount of the allowance. As a result, the allowance has increased over the years in an effort to keep pace with rising uniform costs and the larger selection of approved items carriers are authorized to wear.
word, on March 20, 1933—just 16 days For village carriers, whose pay was after taking office—Roosevelt replaced $750 a year less than city carriers, life Hoover’s furloughs with a straight 15 per- was even harder: cent salary cut. This drastic cut, com- My wife lost her job clerking in a store bined with a subsequent nine-day fur- for $12 per week, because the public lough for postal workers, reduced letter thought that both of us were not entitled carriers’ wages to their 1916 level. to a job. Within the last year my father What effect did these reductions have and sister have lost their jobs and that on letter carriers and their families? A puts three more for me to feed, clothe few quotations from a questionnaire the and keep warm. NALC sent out to its members in 1933 Hardest hit by the Depression, how- illustrate some of the hardship: ever, were substitute carriers. City subs Had to call the doctor last month on earned 65 cents an hour and village account of sickness and he claims all the subs earned as little as 50 cents an children [7] are undernourished and [yet] hour—meager wages even before the I am spending all my salary on food and 15 percent wage reduction. The steep the barest of necessities. decline in postal business forced the Department to reduce deliveries and I certainly hope we get back to full pay other services, making it impossible for very soon, for I for one cannot hold out subs to work enough hours to survive. much longer. The Federal man has been For example, in many large city offices about the only one with a job the past substitutes earned as little as $6 a week. two years and all his relations and Finally, Hoover’s Economy Act of 1932 friends look to him for assistance. I do prohibited the filling of most regular not believe there is a man in our office vacancies in the postal service—a cruel that is not helping friends and relatives... and devastating setback for subs whose Unless some relief is given, we will be very livelihoods were dependent upon forced to take our boys out of school. advancement.
Carriers in a Common Cause 38 1929-1949
Deeply concerned about the plight Congress,” the NALC presented of the subs, regular carriers came to impressive documentation that their assistance. In Oklahoma City, carriers’ wages were already inade- regular letter carriers announced quate before the wage reductions, and their willingness to take leave without that the hardship caused by the reduc- pay, and in Glendale, California, they tions far outweighed any possible ben- The 15 percent agreed to go on vacation—in both efits. The wage reductions, the NALC cases so that subs would have some further argued, were having no appre- salary cut, work. The Glendale scribe wrote in a ciable effect on balancing the budget. combined with 1934 Postal Record: Ultimately, yet unintentionally, the a subsequent Regular carriers are not having such a Roosevelt administration aided the good time or making too much, but we NALC in its fight for pay restoration. nine-day are not starving and we should be During 1933 and 1934 Roosevelt was furlough for willing to give a day’s work per month urging civilian employers to maintain to aid a brother. high wages and shorten the working postal workers, In Wichita, Kansas, the branch hours of their employees to get the reduced letter formed a special sub-relief organiza- economy moving again. At the same carriers’ wages time the administration insisted on tion to supply funds to needy subs to their and their families. continuing the 15 percent salary Substitutes tried to help them- reduction for all government employ- 1916 level. selves, too. A committee of subs ees. The NALC called this policy from Cleveland, Ohio, traveled “insincere and inconsistent.” A letter to Washington in 1933 to present carrier highlighted the contradiction their plight to the Roosevelt in a 1934 Postal Record: Administration. Subs in several large Is the government going to have one cities joined with other substitute policy for industry and another for postal workers to form their own their own employees? How long can organization, the National the administration Association of Substitute Postal urge industry to Employees, because they thought the increase wages and established unions were neglecting shorten hours and their problems. Although the claim force their own was not true, their impatience with employees to do the the NALC’s and other postal unions’ opposite? What will progress was understandable. be the fate of the Desperate and undoubtedly influ- fight for wage enced by the large number of strikes restoration? and demonstrations all across The NALC and America, these subs decided to voice other postal and fed- their complaints. They marched on eral organizations Washington, DC in 1934 demanding a finally won the fight. “job for every substitute.” The wages of all gov- In the face of the government’s ernment employees massive attack on their members’ were completely livelihoods, NALC President Edward restored by April J. Gainor and National Secretary 1935. And by the end Michael T. Finnan lobbied continuous- of the decade, substi- ly for wage restoration for all govern- tute carriers obtained ment workers and relief for substi- some relief when a tutes. In a 1934 “Memorial to bill giving them their
Carriers in a Common Cause 39 The Mailman
He goes around from house to house He carries papers, magazines, And rings the bell or knocks And ads of every sort, When there is something to be slipped Besides the V-mail letters from Inside the letter box. The farthest foreign port.
His pouch is filled with messages He is the messenger of love, Of happiness and cheer Surprise and tragedy, And also those that draw a frown He is the constant carrier Or possibly a tear. Of time and memory. National Postal Museum Library He brings the blanks for income tax So while I’m over here fighting And statements by the score, And going through all this hell, ence unscathed. For Edward J. Gainor, As well as word from Uncle Sam You just keep on delivering letters president of the NALC since 1914, the That it’s time to go to war. To Mrs. Paul L. Great Depression precipitated the begin- ning of the end of his administration. —S/Sgt. Paul L. Scheliam Although trouble for Gainor and other officers of the NALC did not become serious until 1938, signs of dis- content within the membership were first annual and sick leave benefits was evident earlier. In 1933, a small number passed on July 18, 1939. of carriers—unhappy with the wage reductions—began to criticize the A Power union leadership in The Postal Record, and the NALC convention in Atlantic Struggle Emerges City that year was combative. Restoration of wages in 1935, however, or the American labor movement, helped mollify some of the discontented Fthe Great Depression was a period members. Then, in the late 1930s, as of turmoil and change. At the war broke out in Europe and the cost of beginning, the number of union mem- living began to rise, letter carriers grew bers plunged as more and more workers more and more dissatisfied with their joined the ranks of the unemployed. By 1925 wages. Not surprisingly, a call for 1933, however, hundreds of thousands of new leadership and more militant tac- industrial workers were knocking at the tics at the national level was heard. doors of AFL unions seeking the benefits The first overt step in the power strug- of organization. Yet many AFL unions gle between the established leadership— were unable or unwilling to let them in. the “Old Guard,” as they were called—and Then, in the middle of the decade, a younger, more militant members within group of unions committed to organiz- the NALC was ironically taken in President ing industrial workers bolted from the Gainor’s home state of Indiana. In 1938, AFL to form the Congress of Industrial Indianapolis Branch 39 and 27 other Organizations (CIO). These CIO unions branches petitioned for a national quickly mounted successful organizing referendum to amend the NALC campaigns in auto, steel and other mass Constitution. The so-called Hoosier production industries. Amendment, which called for the election In contrast, the NALC maintained its of national officers by direct mail balloting affiliation with the AFL and survived the rather than by convention delegates, was period largely insulated from the cross- aimed directly at the Old Guard. Seventy- currents that buffeted many other unions. two percent of the membership voted in This is not to say, how ever, that the leader- the referendum, and the proposed ship of the NALC came out of this experi- amendment was defeated on April 15,
Carriers in a Common Cause 40 1929-1949
1 1939 by a 3 /2-to-l majority. Gainor had NALC Constitution to prohibit any won the first round. national officer from standing for The scene of the next stage in the reelection upon reaching the age of struggle for power was the NALC’s 65. If adopted, the resolution would Golden Anniversary Convention, held have blocked four of the top NALC in the city of its birth, Milwaukee, on officers, including Gainor, from run- September 4, 1939. From the moment ning for office in 1941. The conven- the convention opened, tension filled tion floor exploded into an uproar the air. The “Hoosier Amendment” may over this proposal, and after a noisy have been defeated five months earlier, and often acrimonious debate, a voice but the incident was not forgotten by vote defeated Resolution 70. Gainor Gainor or the delegates in attendance. had once again prevailed. In addition, Great Britain and France His troubles, however, did not end had declared war on Germany the day on that tumultuous afternoon in before the convention opened—a 1939. In the months following the sobering event which, as one can imag- convention, there was no progress on ine, increased delegates’ anxiety. the legislative front, and dissatisfac- The convention opened on an tion within the rank and file was ram- uproarious note when a rowdy group pant. Fourteen years without a wage of letter carriers who were not official increase was far too long. Then, as the delegates attempted to speak. A cross- 1941 convention approached, Gainor fire of cheers and calls to “throw them chose to run for re-election, instead out!” immediately erupted. Only after of retiring as many people hoped he President Gainor threatened to have would do. There was a feeling that the the police haul the dissidents from the organization was reaching a point of room was the convention able to con- crisis, and a way out had to be found. tinue with its normal business. Two key events then happened The afternoon of the third day, back-to-back. In when the Committee of Resolutions December 1940, read Resolution 70 to the delegates, more than 200 was the moment of highest drama. branches, led by Resolution 70 proposed to amend the Branch 1 in Edward Gainor father of the shorter work week
dward Gainor, NALC president from 1914 Ethrough 1941, led the long struggle to reduce letter carriers’ hours of work from 48 to 40 hours. His eventual success earned him tribute as the “Father of the Shorter Work Week.” Under Gainor’s leadership, the NALC secured legislation in 1931 creating a 44-hour work week for carriers, and then a 40-hour week in 1935. Gainor also brought his campaign for shorter working hours to all American workers as vice president of the American Federation of Labor.
Carriers in a Common Cause 41 Detroit, signed a petition for a referen- declined and carriers were financially dum to amend the NALC Constitution. better off than many other workers. But The amendment—another version of the job that had seemed enviable during Resolution 70—provided that no one the Depression once again became over 65 could run for national office. undesirable as the economy revived. By One month later, William C. Doherty of 1941, when the economy was expanding, Cincinnati’s Branch 43, a young member city letter carriers were earning a maxi- of the Executive Board, chose to make mum of $2,100 while workers in ship- his move. At the semi-annual meeting of yards and other defense industries were the National Executive Board in January now making two to three times more, 1941, Doherty announced that he was and many other workers were also earn- running for president of the NALC. Six ing good wages. Nonetheless, the gov- of the 21 members of the Board walked ernment greeted letter carriers’ requests out of the room with him, joining the for a pay increase with stoical indiffer- Doherty team. ence. In response, letter carriers were The next few months were difficult more than frustrated—they were angry ones for the NALC as the referendum at being treated like second-class became the battle ground on which the citizens by their employer, the U.S. Gainor and Doherty forces fought. Government. A Michigan carrier articu- Anyone who was for the amendment was lated the majority’s feelings in The Postal against Gainor, and vice versa. There was Record when he wrote: no middle ground. A carrier from Grand They all talk about the wonderful work Rapids, Michigan, illustrated the point the postal employees are doing all over with his partisan remarks in the February the country, but we have heard that, for... 1941 Postal Record: years. That don’t help us to buy our food Let us not try to straddle the fence. Either and clothing, that’s just a lot of water you are for this dastardly piece of legislation over the dam; what we want is a raise or you are against this vicious attack right now. against our national officers. In response to this treatment, dele- On April 5, 1941, the power struggle gates to the 1941 convention instructed effectively ended. With almost 90 Bill Doherty and the rest of the officers percent of the members voting, the to obtain a $900 increase, pushing top amendment won by an extremely letter carrier wages to $3,000 a year. narrow margin: 26,583 to 23,838. And on But before Doherty could initiate a September 6, 1941, with no one oppos- major salary campaign, the Japanese ing him, William C. Doherty was elected attacked Pearl Harbor on December 7, president of the NALC at the Los Angeles 1941, and America entered World War convention. II. In the next six to eight months, the entire nation mobilized to support the The NALC war effort. Over 15,000 letter carriers joined the Mobilizes armed services to fight for their coun- try. The rest continued to carry the ixteen years without a pay raise— nation’s mail, as essential a job in war Sthat was the situation letter as in peace. Temporary replacements carriers faced in 1941 and that were sought to fill vacancies, but with was why they elected William C. Doherty. wages so low it was difficult to find Although Congress had arbitrarily workers. Many carriers simply slashed their wages during the Great absorbed their absent co-workers’ Depression, the cost of living had duties. In addition, postal employees
Carriers in a Common Cause 42 1929-1949
were asked to perform extra wartime G.I. Mailman —Louis J. Sanker tasks, such as the distribution of over 120,000,000 ration books. Letter carriers He can march! What of it? The tramp of his feet worked long and hard during World War II Back home had been wearing a trail in the street. and they did so willingly, with no com- His shoulders that square now to pull off his pack plaints, except one: They were having an Had sagged to a load for many years back. extremely difficult time feeding their He had hurried along with a militant stride, for a uniform always was part of his hide— families on 1925 wages. And the service he gave repaid him in pride. In 1942, with mobilization of the coun- try’s war resources well underway, the Heat was a hammer, and cold was a claw; young, aggressive Bill Doherty began a Wind was a razor rasping him raw; campaign for a temporary wartime bonus And rain was a deluge drowning desire… of $300 a year. This salary drive was the But, stung by the storm, he sheltered his fire; first in a series of electrifying campaigns Elbowed the wind, taunted the rain, that channeled the anger of the member- Derided discomfort, made light of his pain— ship into a single voice demanding justice. For a duty well-done was adequate gain. Doherty’s leadership was dynamic and The folks he had served might have measured his worth: innovative. He seized the offensive imme- He solaced in death, was joyous in birth; diately. On Saturday night, August 8, 1942, Kept tight the courage of mother and dad, in a “Labor for Victory” broadcast spon- Till he knocked on the door with word from the lad. sored by the American Federation of He treasured their thanks, took pride in their praise— Labor, Bill Doherty carried the NALC’s But it’s strange that nobody thought of a raise, message directly to the American people: For nigh twenty years never thought of a raise.
Carriers in a Common Cause 43 Convention delegates parade in Denver during the 1943 convention. I think I should explain that the NALC women in the National Ladies is different from most other unions. We Auxiliary sent letters to their congres- can’t strike. In fact, we have no desire to sional representatives, community strike, even when conditions are as newspapers and labor newspapers, tough as they are now. That’s because and also sought endorsements from the letter carriers are working for Uncle state and central bodies of the AFL. Sam and for you, the people of the Finally, on April 9, 1943, the salary United States.… You, the people of the campaign achieved success, as United States, are our boss. We know letter carriers received a $300-a-year you want to treat us right. That’s why wartime bonus, effective until we hate to remind you that you have June 30, 1945. fallen down on us. Bill Doherty, however, did not After explaining the dire financial stop. The wartime bonus was only a circumstances letter carriers were in, short-term solution to an 18-year-old Doherty made his pitch: problem. In 1944, he called for I’m speaking tonight to the people who another salary campaign to obtain a live on every city street and country permanent $400-a-year pay increase. road in America. I’m speaking to you Needing little prodding from national for the letter carrier who comes your headquarters, letter carriers respond- way every day. Your letter carrier has ed enthusiastically to his call in a asked me to enlist your help. All you widespread outburst of local actions. have to do is to write a letter or post- In fact, Doherty derived many of his card to your Congressmen. ideas directly from the membership. Local NALC branches repeated and After Chicago’s Branch 11 and a num- expanded on the same message in ber of branches held large salary ral- broadcasts from their community lies, he called for a National Salary radio stations. Letter carriers and Rally Week during October 22-28, National Postal Museum Library Carriers in a Common Cause 44 1929-1949
1944. When carriers from Branch 36 time since July 1, 1863, when 449 in New York distributed tens of thou- modern carriers began to walk the sands of handbills after work hours to streets of America, city delivery carri- educate the public on the salary ers received the same wages regard- issue, the handbill was published in less of the size of the community in The Postal Record and Doherty which they worked. encouraged other branches to take Naturally, letter carriers similar action. No stone was left were ecstatic over their leg- unturned in this long, arduous, and islative victories. By the end For the first time well-organized campaign. And once of the 1940s, the job of a let- since July 1, 1863, again, Doherty and the carriers were ter carrier was beginning to victorious: On July 6, 1945, President compare favorably with jobs when 449 modern Harry S. Truman signed a bill giving in private industry. Letter carriers began to letter carriers their first permanent carriers’ anger and frustra- pay increase in 20 years. tion over past congressional walk the streets of This victory, important as it was, delays and inaction dis- America, city deliv- brought the top salary of letter carri- solved with each victory. Not ery carriers received ers to only $2,500—still an inadequate surprisingly, however, the wage and still short of the 1941 spectacular campaigns con- the same wages NALC convention mandate for a ducted by the NALC antago- regardless of the size $900 increase. nized some of the popula- On August 14, 1945, the Japanese tion. An article entitled of the community in surrendered and the war ended. Bill “Postman Voodoo” in the which they worked. Doherty again seized the initiative by October 10, 1949 issue of arguing that the war could no longer Newsweek had this to say: be used by Congress as an excuse for inaction. On August 29—just six Congress suffers from a strange weeks after the last pay increase—he occupational ailment. Postmanitis is called for another campaign to raise marked by a high fever and a flut- wages. His dramatic strategy paid off. tery stomach; although not fatal, it With Congress now able to direct its nevertheless is terrifying. It recurs attention to domestic matters, the whenever the legislators start think- salary bill sailed through both ing about what might conceivably Houses, and on May 21, 1946 happen if they ever did anything to President Truman approved another make the nation’s mail carriers angry. The only cure for it, as far as $400 a year increase for letter carriers. Congress knows, is simply to vote for Strengthened by these successes, everything the postal employees’ Doherty led the NALC to even greater lobby wants. victories in the immediate post-war years. The union secured passage of These attacks did not faze Bill 10 important pieces of legislation Doherty. His position was unassail- between 1946 and 1948, including able: Since the NALC was prohibited two more pay increases for city carri- from collective bargaining and denied ers. And one of the original objectives the power to strike by its employer, of the NALC—equalization of wages the Congress of the United States, for all letter carriers—was finally it was the responsibility of Congress achieved on October 29, 1949, when a to listen and respond to the NALC’s law abolishing village delivery service petitions. The NALC was not a was enacted, giving city delivery sta- pressure or special interest group— tus to all village carriers. For the first it was a union.
Carriers in a Common Cause 45