Treball Fi De Màster

UNIVERSITAT POMPEU FABRA Màster en Lingüística Teòrica i Aplicada

! Treball fi de màster

! !

! Diachronic Change of the Vowel Harmony in the Speech of Pas

! Manuel Moreno Carral

Dirigit: Esteve Clua

Barcelona, 1 de setembre de 2014 ii Agradecimientos

El número de personas a las que debo agradecer por la realización de este estudio es grande, pero me gustaría comenzar por mi familia, por haberme apoyado durante estos años, y especialmente en esta nueva etapa en la lingüística. Me gustaría agradecer especialmente a mi madre y a mi abuela, que colaboraron activamente con la realización de este trabajo, parti- cipando en algunas de las entrevistas de manera activa y realizando un rol importante como informantes. Me gustaría también agradecer a todas las personas que han participado altruistamente en este estudio, destacando especialmente a las 12 personas del grupo de mayor edad, que han sabido conservar un patrimonio colectivo de la etnia pasiega como es su habla tradicional, y que han plasmado en las grabaciones fruto de este trabajo algunos datos etnográﬁcos de incalculable valor; además, me gustaría agradecer a los casi 40 jóvenes de la comarca que colaboraron con el estudio, a quienes animo a mantener algo tan suyo como el habla de sus ancestros. También me gustaría agradecer al profesorado de los tres centros que han participado en este estudio, el CEIP el Castañal, de Selaya, el IES Valle de Toranzo de Alceda, y el Colegio Virgen de Valvanuz de Selaya. Este estudio no hubiese sido posible sin su incalculable ayuda y su predisposición a colaborar. Finalment, m’agradaria agrair al meu director, Esteve Clua, per haver acceptat dirigir aquesta tesina i per la seva ajuda al llarg del seu procés d’elaboració. Moltes gràcies.

A todos, muchas gracias

iii iv Contents

1Introduction 1 1.1 Reviewoftheliterature ...... 2 1.1.1 JuncalandHolmquist ...... 3 1.2 VowelSystem...... 5 1.2.1 Increased vowel closeness in ﬁnal unstressed positions ...... 5 1.2.2 Tonicvowelmetaphony ...... 7 1.2.3 Harmonizationofthepretonicvowels...... 8 1.2.4 VowelHarmony...... 9

2AimoftheStudyandMethodology 13 2.1 Sample ...... 14 2.2 Interview ...... 16 2.2.1 Conversation ...... 16 2.2.2 LinguisticQuestionnaire ...... 17 2.3 Analysis ...... 18

3Results 21 3.1 Group1...... 21 3.2 Group2...... 23

4 Conclusion 25 4.1 Future Work ...... 26 4.2 Furtherobservations ...... 27

Appendices 31

A Linguistic Questionnaire 33

BLinguisticQuestionnaireResults 39

v vi List of Figures

1.1 Within Spain (side map), zoom to Cantabria (main map); area of the dialect (dark grey) as described by Penny (1969), and the administrative boundaries ofthemunicipalitiescontainingsucharea(lightgrey)...... 2 1.2 Vowel system extracted from Penny (1969). The original transcription has been transliteratedtoIPAforthesakeofclarity...... 10

2.1 Setup of the interviews at the CEIP El Castañal, in Selaya. Two children would sit in front of the interviewer with the recorder pointing at them from a tripod. The school was so kind as to spare a whole classroom for the interviews. . . . . 16

3.1 Vowel diagram resulting from the analysis of the data gathered through the linguistic questionnaire. The dots show the mean of all speakers; the error crosses show the standard deviation of the data. For a numeric listing of the datainthisﬁgureseeAppendixB...... 22

A.1 Question 1: words whose tonic vowels is /a/ or metaphonized /5/...... 33 A.2 Question 2: words whose tonic vowels is /e/ or metaphonized /1/...... 34 A.3 Question 3: words whose tonic vowels is /i/ or metaphonized /1/...... 34 A.4 Question 4: words whose tonic vowels is /o/ or metaphonized /0/...... 35 A.5 Question 5: words whose tonic vowels is /u/ or metaphonized /0/...... 35 A.6 Question 6: words whose tonic vowels is /je/ or metaphonized /j1/...... 36 A.7 Question 7: words whose tonic vowels is /we/ or metaphonized /w1/...... 36 A.8 Question 8: words whose tonic vowels is /ja/ or metaphonized /j5/...... 37

vii viii List of Tables

1.1 Masculine singular, plural and uncountable paradigm comparison of Pasiegu andmetaphonizingvarietiesofAsturian...... 8 1.2 Examples of every kind of trigger of the harmonization of the pretonic vowels. Data collected from Penny (1969, 2009) and from my own experience with speakers...... 9 1.3 System A appears in conditions of non-metaphony and System B appears in conditionsofmetaphony ...... 10

2.1 Composition of Group 1 (older speakers), showing sociolinguistic data...... 14 2.2 Composition of Group 2 (younger speakers), showing some sociolinguistic data 15 2.3 Description of the expected answer for every one of the 29 slides of the linguistic questionnaire, according to the vowel system introduced in Section 1.2...... 18

3.1 Composition of Group 1 (conservative speakers), showing sociolinguistic data. . 21

B.1 Numeric results of the Linguistic Questionnaire in both Group 1 and 2...... 39

Abstract

This study addresses the preservation of the phenomenon known as vowel harmony in the speech of the Asturleonese dialect traditional to the area known as La Pasieguería, encompass- ing several mountain valleys in the central-southern sector of the Autonomous Community of Cantabria, in Northwestern Spain. This phenomenon has been described in many theoretical works in the last 30 years, being based on the on-ﬁeld data by Penny (1969, 1970a,b). However, some of its most characteristic features are extinct or about to become so. The aim of this study is: ﬁrstly: to precisely determine the conservation state of this phenomenon and its distribution and secondarily, try to add some more data to the linguistic debate.

Resumen Este estudio aborda la conservación del fenomeno conocido como armonía vocálica en el habla del dialecto asturleonés que es tradicional en el área conocida como la Pasieguería,que se compone de algunos valles de montaña en el sector centro-meridional de la Comunidad Autónoma de Cantabria, en el Noroeste de España. Este fenomeno ha sido descrito por gran cantidad de trabajos teóricos en los últimos 30 años, basándose en los datos de Penny (1969, 1970a,b). Sin embargo, algunas de sus caracte- rísticas más distintivas han desaparecido o están a punto de hacerlo. El objetivo de este estudio es: primeramente, determinar precisamente la conservación de este fenómeno y su distribución y, en segundo lugar, intentar añadir algunos datos al debate lingüístico.

Resum Aquest estudi aborda la conservació del fenomen conegut com a harmonia vocàlica en la parla del dialecte asturlleonès que és tradicional en l’àrea coneguda com la Pasieguería, cons- tituïda per algunes valls de muntanya al sector centre-meridional de la Comunitat Autònoma de Cantàbria, en el Nord-oest d’Espanya. Aquest fenomen ha estat descrit per gran quantitat de treballs teòrics en els últims 30 anys, basant-se en les dades de Penny (1969, 1970a,b). No obstant això, algunes de les característiques més distintives han desaparegut o estan a punt de fer-ho. L’objectiu d’aquest estudi és: primerament, determinar precisament la conservació d’aquest fenomen i la seva distribució i, en segon lloc, intentar afegir algunes dades al debat lingüístic.

Chapter 1

Introduction

Cantabria, an Autonomous Community of Northwestern Spain, has a rich dialectal inventory.

Some Cantabrian dialects, speciﬁcally those from Western and Coastal Cantabria, have been traditionally known as montañés, while some others have traditionally been considered inde- pendent by their speakers; this is the case of the speech of Pas, in the Southeastern border with the province of Burgos, which runs along the ridge-line of the Cantabrian Mountains.

The Speech of Pas (autonym: Pasiegu [pasjeGu]) has a very special vowel system that has drawn the attention of many linguists since the second quarter of the 20th century. The most frequent phenomenon nowadays is the increased closeness of the vowels in the three posible final unstressed syllable patterns: [-u(s), -i(s), -3(s)]. However, this study will focus on two other phenomena that were mainstream 2 generations (50-60 years) ago; these have been traditionally known as vowel metaphony and the vowel harmony, however, the first is only a type of the second. The first, or more appropriately, the lack of it, has a very close relation with the concept of ’Neuter of Matter’, which marks a special class made of all uncountable nouns. We will see about this more in-depth in 1.2.

The main focus of the study will be the diachronic change of these phenomena amongst the people of the area traditionally called La Pasieguería, meaning the area in which pasiegu shepherds live, where this dialect is traditionally spoken (see Figure 2.1), ranging from the young speakers who are now attending school, to the eldest generations who have not or have only partially, and live in the most isolated areas.

1 Figure 1.1: Within Spain (side map), zoom to Cantabria (main map); area of the dialect (dark grey) as described by Penny (1969), and the administrative boundaries of the municipalities containing such area (light grey).

1.1 Review of the literature

This dialect has been well documented by a series of studies throughout the 20th century. In the early years of this century, Menendez-Pidal, on a excursion to the Pas Valley, listened to what he though was vowel metaphony1, which at the time was center of important debate in the linguistic community. That drew the attention of this philologist, who wrote brieﬂy on the topic (Menéndez Pidal (1954)) but, most importantly, when in charge of the realisation of the

ALPI (Atlas Lingüístico de la Península Ibérica) (Menendez Pidal and Navarro (1947-54)), requested especial attention for this area. That was ﬁrst of te many scientiﬁc studies to come.

The montañés amateur ethnologist García Lomas (1960) wrote a monographic work on the customs of the area, including brief notes on the dialect. However, this work is not to be given a great deal of conﬁdence, given that some of the facts he describes (such as presence of vowel metaphony in feminine nouns) have been proven inexistent by successive studies.

The English linguists, Ralph J. Penny, carried out a series of works in the late 1960’s, including his PhD Thesis (Penny (1970b)), which is, to date, the most comprehensive study of every aspect of the dialect, including a list of several thousands of words, and a survey to delimit the area of metaphony in Eastern Cantabria. From his findings, he wrote two articles: the first of them concerning what he referred to as Vowel harmony (Penny (1969)), which served as the starting point for many other linguists to try and find a plausible explanation

1As we will see later, the term ’metaphony’ has been habitually used in the context of Asturleonese phonol- ogy "to indicate the raising of the tonic vowel before ﬁnal [-u] or [-i]"(Penny (1970a), p22, Note 3)

2 for this dialect’s unusual vowel system working, among others: McCarthy (1984), Hualde

(1989) and Picard (2001); the second of them (Penny (1970a)) deals with the diachronic development of the vowel metaphony in the Asturleonese dialects, and the interrelation of this phenomenon with the morphematic distinction of countable and uncountable nouns known as

’Neuter of Matter’2 which is best preserved in dialects with heavy vowel metaphony.

Years later, with the autonomy of the province of Santander from Castile, and the con- stitution of the Autonomous Community of Cantabria, a great effort has been made to study the ethnography of the inner valleys of Cantabria, which result in the existence of studies such as ALECan (Atlas Lingüístico y Etnográfico de Cantabria) (Álvar López (1995)). These studies did not bring any new information to light, and served to confirm that dialects of inner

Cantabria are rapidly receding before Standardised Spanish, which serves as the sole language of the administration, the media and the education.

1.1.1 Juncal and Holmquist

If there are two studies to which we must pay especial attention in our review of the bibliography, those must necessarily be Fernández Juncal (1998) and Holmquist (1982). Both conducted sociolinguistic studies in Cantabria, Juncal was looking for the preservation of metaphony and ’neuter of matter’ in the whole of Eastern Cantabria, while Holmquist performed a more geographically restricted study in Ucieda, West Cantabria.

Holmquist performed a sociolinguistic study of wide scope restricted to the village of

Ucieda, some 35km in straight line form the area we focus on, but more than 60km by the shortest road route. This village falls both in one of the other mayor socilinguistic groups of Cantabria, known as Montañés, and the other mayor dialectal group, known as Western

Cantabrian. Western Cantabrian diﬀers in some important dialectal features, especially those related to vowel innovation, or, more precisely, to which phonetic features are conserved and which are subject to change. In this area, metaphony has completely decayed or only a few relics of it remain, and harmony has not developed a regular pattern of inﬂexion. This

2This dialect used to perform a distinction between uncountable and countable nouns and all other words agreeing with these. This distinction was achieved in Pasiegu by means of a third morpheme /u/ (’neuter’), contrasting with /0/ (masc.) and /3/ (fem.).

3 corresponds to a similar evolution as that experimented in neighbouring Eastern Asturian dialects. He extracted many interesting data in this town, such as the existence of diﬀerent allophonic variants of /u/, which he measured. This proved the data in Penny (1969, 1978) valid and accurate. In addition, he found some very interesting sociolinguistic tendencies, such as women being more prone to linguistic innovation, i.e., leaving dialectal traces and embracing Standard Spanish features, in addition, he observed that some phenomena were more resilient to castilianisation, such as the pharyngeal articulation of /x/3.

Juncal’s study was much narrower in scope and wider in geographical extension. She studied the whole of Eastern Cantabria, where she paid special attention to the Speech of Pas.

She focused on the sociolinguistic distribution of metaphonetic processes in the area relating them the the ’neuter of matter’, as Penny had identified the relationship between these two phenomena. Apart from that, she performed general sociolinguistic tasks in an area where no prior sociolinguistic study had been carried out. She achieved some interesting conclusions, specially the quick decaying of the phenomenon, which she could not find in its maximum degree in any of the interviewees, including a group especially constructed for this purpose, by asking some informants on the best places to find the most conservative speakers. This study, in addition, is publicly available in the internet, and includes the whole questionnaire with detailed answers. Juncal states that she could not find any difference in the articulation of the final -u sounds, which would mean the complete vanishment of metaphony’s main trigger, and could justify the lower figures. This, again, matches what Penny had stated in the 60’s:

Los rasgos que más difícilmente se borran del habla pasiega son, en la fonética, las vocales ﬁnales [-¨@ -u -´5 ]; en la morfología, la [-y-] analógica, anti-hiática o etimológica de ciertos verbos; y en la sintaxis, el empleo del neutro de materia. Al contrario, se evita cuidadosamente el empleo de la metafonía, de las vocales mixtas [ı u]y de la terminación [-á˛in -éin] de la persona Ellos del pretérito. La metafonía y las vocales mixtas sólo “ “ se admiten en el habla más familiar.

Penny (1970b), §11, p294.

3The opposite variation might be found in Pas, where the pharyngeal /h/ in words such as humu (smoke), might be pronounced [x] or kept [h], but /x/ is rarely performed [h]. 4In English: "The features that are hardest to remove from the Speech of Pas are, in the phonetics, the

4 Contrastingly, the most recent study in the area, that of Ortega-Santos (2012) found the opposite situation, reporting that vowel metaphony was still much more vital than previously reported; a closer review of the examples provided conﬁrmed that he did not distinguish the two main types of harmony present in this dialect, resulting in an overwhelming majority of examples (if not all), corresponding to the harmonisation of the pretonic vowels, which is relatively common in Romance languages, but not to the metaphony that aﬀects the tonic vowel.

1.2 Vowel System

From a diachronic point of view, the evolution of the vowels of this dialect must have been fairly similar to that found in other Asturleonese dialects, which is almost exactly the same as that of Standard Spanish; the cases in which diphthongation of Latin’s Oand˘ E˘ occur being maybe the most relevant diﬀerence between these. In Pasiegu, diphthongation occurs in words such as intriegu ’entrego’ (I deliver) or argüella ’argolla’ (argolla). However, in some cases the diphthong [wo] appears in positions where [we] or no diphthongation would be expected,

5 as in: cuortu ’corto’ (I cut) and ah. uogu ’ahogo’ (I drown). Finally, sometimes it does not happen at all: denti ’diente’ (tooth), cerola ’ciruela’ (plum).

From this point, the dialect must have experienced some changes that made it diverge from the common Asturleonese trunk, these changes can be mainly reduced to three phenomena that are synchronically6 very characteristic of the Speech of Pas:

1.2.1 Increased vowel closeness in ﬁnal unstressed positions

This is a very well known feature of the dialects of Eastern Cantabria. It is completely systematic and does not take into account the position of the vowel within the syllable, or the presence or type of syllabic coda.

ﬁnal vowels; in the morphology, the analogical, antihiatic or etymological [-y-] in certain verbs; in the syntax, the use of ’neuter of matter’. As opposed to this, the use of metaphony, central vowels and the ending [-á˛in -éin] in the person They of the preterite are carefully avoided. Metaphony and central vowels are only“ allowed“ in the most intimate speech". 5 I use the Asturian notation for the aspirated result of latin F- 〈h. 〉,whichinPasisarticulated[x]or[h]. 6Or, at least, were until very recently, as stated in Penny (1970a): "Metaphony is absolutely regular and constant in the singular"

5 Back vowels in atonic word-ending syllables: are closed to /u/. This is the reason why

’neuter of matter’ morpheme and the vocalic part of the masculine plural morpheme are

both /u/ instead of /o/, which is the rule among most other Asturleonese dialects.

E.g.: pelu [’pe.lu] (the hair, ’neuter of matter’); also with syllabic codas such as [-l],

árbul [’aR.bul] (tree). These examples are common to the whole of Cantabria, however,

as we mentioned, this feature is completely regular in Eastern Cantabria, which provides

the following examples which would bear /o/ in more Western dialects: pelus [’pe.lus]

(hairs, masculine plural), lu [lu] (itAC.SG.NEU ), cantu [’kan.tu] (I sing). This feature is very much alive, as even recent loanwords experience it: parkinson

[’par.kin.sun] (Parkinson’s Desease).

Front vowels in atonic word-ending syllables: are closed to /i/. > E.g.: lechi [’le.tSi] (milk), tienin [’tje.nin] (they have), or, again, even in the most recent

loanwords tupper [’ta.piR] (tupperware).

/a/ in atonic word-ending syllables: is pronounced more closed, [3] or even [@].

E.g.: pala [’pa.l3] (shovel/spade), bajan [’ba.x3n] (they go down).

Masculine singular morpheme, /0/7: does not change.

E.g.: pirru/perru [’p1.r0 /’pe.r0](maledog),pilu/pelu [’p1.l0 / ’pe.l0](asinglehair)8.

In the cases of /u/ and /i/, this process is already consolidated into the dialect, so these changes stay even if the vowels stop being ﬁnal: árbulis (trees), imáginis (images). However,

/a/ is only aﬀected while it remains ﬁnal: bajamus [ba.xa.mus] (we go down).

On the other hand, ﬁnal tonic vowels are systematically maintained, a good example is the verbal inﬂexion of the preterite: cantó [kan’to] (he sang), canté [kan’te] (I sang), está [es’ta]

(he/she is).

7In most of his work, Penny uses a modiﬁed version of the Revista Española de Filología’s phonetic alphabet, which was previously used in ?.InPenny(2009)heﬁnallyswitchestotheInternationalPhoneticAlphabet, establishing the next equivalences between RFF and IPA: [u] [0], [ı] [1], [á˛] [5], [ö] [ø], I will use this ⌘ ⌘ ⌘ ⌘ equivalences except for [ø], in its stead I shall use [8] 8Depending on the presence/absence of metaphony

6 1.2.2 Tonic vowel metaphony

The term ’metaphony’ is used in the Asturleonese panorama for the harmonisation of the tonic vowel to the height of the word-ending vowel, either [-i] or, more habitually, [-0]. In the latter, and in the case of our dialect, centralisation occurs as well, creating a whole new paradigm of centralized vowels, as described in Penny (1969), which we will se below.

The cases in which [-i] triggers metaphony are few and could basically be listed as:

1. Demonstrative pronouns: isi (that), isti (this).

2. Singular imperatives of -er/-ir verbs: bibi (drinkIMP.SG), cumi (eatIMP.SG, ’eat’).

3. First person singular of the strong preterite of some verbs: vini (’I came’), hici (’I did’),

triji (’I brough’).

4. Some nouns: puinti (bridge), h. uinti (fountain), and a few else.

Metaphony related to ﬁnal [-i] is simply a phonological change and does not relate to any syntactical or morphological feature of the dialect, in addition, it is almost completely disappeared9.

On the other hand, the masculine singular morpheme of this dialect [-0] has been described to trigger the raise and centralization of the tonic vowel in this and other Asturleonese dialects, as shown in the Table 1.1, below.

In Pasiegu this change is somewhat simple in two-syllable words: tonic front vowels rise to [1], tonic back vowels rise to [0], and the open vowel /a/, rises to [5]. This happens as well when the tonic vowels are part of diphthongs. For longer words, see Section 1.2.3.

As in metaphonizing dialects of Asturian, the vocalic part of the plural morpheme and neuter morpheme are the same and do not trigger metaphony, while the masculine singular morphology is exactly the same in both dialects10.

In 1992, the Corpus Oral del Español Rural, Fernández-Ordóñez (dir.)11 interviewed two

9In the rest of this text we shall use the term ’metaphony’ to address exclusively the harmonization of the tonic vowels triggered by ﬁnal [-0] 10In the case of tonic /a/, Pasiegu shows a tendency towards the a > 3 Asturian model 11Entrada de Vega de Pas, Cantabria (COSER-1232-01), interview held in July 1992 with two men in their mid 60’s

7 Singular Plural Neuter Change Dialect +[META] -[META] -[META] Pasiegu pelus ["pe.lus] pelu ["pe.lu] pilu ["p1.l0] e>1 Asturian pelos ["pe.los] pelo ["pe.lo] Gloss single hair hairs the hair Pasiegu otrus ["o.tRus] otru ["o.tRu] utru ["0.tR0] o>0 Asturian otros ["o.tRos] otro ["o.tRo] Gloss anotherMS othersMPl ’some other’Uncount. a>5 Pasiegu blancu ["bl5N.k0] blancus ["blaN.kus] blancu ["blaN.ku] a>3 blencu ["bl3N.k0] Asturian blancos ["blaN.kos] blanco ["blaN.ko] a>o bloncu ["bloN.k0] Gloss whiteMS othersMPl otherUncount.

Table 1.1: Masculine singular, plural and uncountable paradigm comparison of Pasiegu and metaphonizing varieties of Asturian. people in the area where none used metaphony morphologically, after this Fernández Juncal

(1998) found the morphematic distinction between masculine singular and neuter to be lost.

In spite of this I have myself observed it to some extent in a few very conservative speakers.

1.2.3 Harmonization of the pretonic vowels

This process consist in the harmonization of the pretonic vowels to the quality of the tonic vowel, spreading along the clitic group if no syllable containing an /a/ nucleus is found. This phenomenon might be found in a large part of Cantabria, but it is most regular in the speech of Pas. It was described as being ’non categorical’ by Penny (2009), but examples of every single closed phoneme or rising diphthong triggering it may be found, as shown in Table 1.2.

The opposite behaviour, i.e. the opening of the vowels in situations where the tonic vowels is not closed or there is an /a/ between the tonic and the ﬁrst syllables of the word, is not uncommon at all. This way, it is not uncommon to ﬁnd words such as: enformar (inform), enterés (interest), destrayesi (distract oneself).

Finally, it is easy to see from the data in Table 1.2 that the cases in which the trigger element is a metaphonized vowel, those in which [-0] is the ﬁnal letter, have centralized vowels throughout the whole word. This is due to the combination of the previous two phenomena: pretonic harmony and tonic vowel metaphony; this is what is jointly referred to as the "Vowel

Harmony" of the Speech of Montes de Pas. We will see the operation of this the next section.

8 Type Trigger Example IPA Gloss /i/ ciniza [Ti"ni.T3] ash Non Metaphonetic Vowel FS /u/ iscurrir [is"ku.riR] slide/slipInf /1/ vicinu [b1"T1.n0] neightbor Metaphonetic Vowel MS /0/ usucu [0"s0.k0] bear cubMS /ja/ innuviasi [in.nu"bja.si] find a coupleInf /j5/ cunfiáu [kun"fj50] confidentMS /je/ rimienda [ri"mjen.D3] patchs3S.P res.Ind Rising diphthong with [j] /j1/ rimiindu [r1"mj1n.D0] patchMS /jo/ cumió [ku"mjo] ate3S.P ret.Ind /ju/ inviudu [im"bju.du] widow3S.P res.Ind /j0/ invidiusu [1m.b1"Dj0s0] enviousMS /wa/ minguar [miN."gwaR] shrinkInf /w5/ risguardu [ris"gw5RD0] voucherMS /we/ ish. uerzu [is"hweR.Tu] effortNeu Rising diphthong with [w] /wi/ lingüina [liN"gwi.n3] little tongueFS /w1/ dispuistu [d1s"pw1s.t0] skillfulMS /wo/ iscuondu [is"kwon.du] hide3S.P res.Ind /wu/ lingüuca [liN"gwu.k3] little tongueFS

Table 1.2: Examples of every kind of trigger of the harmonization of the pretonic vowels. Data collected from Penny (1969, 2009) and from my own experience with speakers.

1.2.4 Vowel Harmony

Penny (1969) makes an in-depth description of this dialects’s vowel system12. He theorises a 9- vowel system (see Figure 1.2), from which he distinguishes two groups, the vowels that appear in conditions of vowel metaphony, and the vowels that appear in conditions of non-vowel metaphony (see Table 1.3).

This situation was explained in detail but, in my opinion, Penny fails to explain the role of the phoneme /5/ in stoping the centralisation of the pretonic vowels, and the role of /8/ in the whole system. In Penny (2009), he presents a newer, simpler approach to the rules that govern distribution of the vowels in cases of vowel metaphony, including a reasonable explanation for the problem I just mentioned. This model has been the base for most of the latter explanations. I ﬁnd quite interesting the one in Picard (2001), which proposes the existence of a tenth phoneme /9/, which is equal to /e/ in the contexts it appears in and would make the whole system work around the concept of peripherality, contrasting peripheral and

12In the very abstract of his paper, he states that this dialect’s vowel system is unparalleled in any other Romance Dialect he was aware of at the moment

9 Figure 1.2: Vowel system extracted from Penny (1969). The original transcription has been transliterated to IPA for the sake of clarity. centralised vowels.

It must be pointed that the combination of metaphony and pretonic harmonization is most clearly seen in paroxytones longer than 2 syllables. Moreover, examples of more than three syllables are to be used in this explanation.

From the system in Figure 1.2, Penny distinguishes two vowel paradigms, as seen in Table

1.3. The only requirement for the vowels in the System B to appear being the presence of the word ending masculine singular morpheme, [-0], i.e. the presence of tonic vowel metaphony.

This makes Vowel Harmony morphologically relevant and is maybe the main reason this phenomenon has drawn so much attention overtime.

System A System B Front Central Back Front Central Closed iu10 Mid eoe 8 Mid-open 5 Open a

Table 1.3: System A appears in conditions of non-metaphony and System B appears in conditions of metaphony

Let us describe shortly the behaviour of System A, which is the one we ﬁnd in every situation where metaphony is not present, i.e.: every word except masculine singular nouns, pronouns and adjectives ending in [u] and elements harmonized to them, such as prepositions and articles.

System A allows every one of the ﬁve vowels /a e i o u/, though restricting the presence of mid vowels [e/o] to positions where they are not followed by a continuous succession of

10 syllables with high vowels or rising diphthongs that spans all the way to a tonic high vowel or rising diphthong. I hope the next example serves to clarify what I just explained: the word espada (sword) has a tonic /a/ which allows all five vowels in the pretonics; now, if we take espadiría (swordmaking forge), we see that the tonic vowels is /i/, and it harmonizes the previous /i/, but not the word-initial /e/, this is because there is an /a/ which prevents the harmoniation; finally, if we take espadín (little sword), there is no harmonization, as the /a/ prevents the propagation. However, if we were to take a word free of /a/ among its pretonics the harmonization would spread until the first syllable and even in the proclitic elements, which might be the reason for the existence of certain pairs such as: el/il, con/cun, de/di, en/in. An example of the last situation is the nearby town Espinosa (de los Monteros), whose female inhabitants are called ispinusiegas.

This behaviour is similar in System B, as the role of [a]instoppingthepropagationofthe harmonization, however, in this case, some special situations occur. If we take the last example, the masculine form of ispinusiega is ispinusiegu [1s.p1.n0"sj1.G0], with all the vowels within [5

10]. If it was the case that a word would have a tonic [a], all vowels from system B could be taken, this is the case of sakabocáu [s5.k5.b8"c50] (hole saw); in this situation the height of the vowels [e/o] is mostly kept (with many exceptions). The last and most complicated situation is where there is an open vowel in the proclitic group. In this case, there would be full metaphonetic harmonization to the left of this vowel, and the less constrained type to the right. This is the case of escalufriyu [es.k5.l0"fR1.J0] (shudder).

11 12 Chapter 2

Aim of the Study and Methodology

The main goal of this study is to compare the changes in this dialect’s vowel system through the time and provide the linguistic community with precise data on the composition of this dialect’s vowel system. To do so, this study has largely reedited the linguistic questionary

ﬁrst employed by Fernández Juncal (1998), with only a few minor changes. By processing the recordings of this questionary with the help of a software package for the analysis of the speech (Praat), we can precisely provide ﬁgures on the F1 and F2 formants for most vowels in the dialect. Although much work is still to be done in this area.

In addition, this study provides ﬁgures on the preservation of some of the features of this dialect among children, such as: increased vowel closeness in ﬁnal unstressed positions, use of

’neuter of matter’, use of pretonic vowel harmonisation and a general overview of the general usage of the vocabulary of the dialect.

13 Code Sex Age Birthplace S1 F 80 Cubía, Selaya S2 M 86 Bustantegua, Selaya S3 M –2 Bustantegua, Selaya S4 M – Bustantegua, Selaya S5 F 78 Buscobe, Selaya S6 F 80 Pisueña, Selaya S7 M 86 Pisueña, Selaya V1 M 85 Viaña, Vega de Pas V2 M 73 Viaña, Vega de Pas V3 M 87 Viaña, Vega de Pas R1 F 69 Carcabal, San Roque de Riomiera R2 M 74 Carcabal, San Roque de Riomiera

Table 2.1: Composition of Group 1 (older speakers), showing sociolinguistic data.

2.1 Sample

The best way to achieve a good diachronic comparison would be by contrasting the composition of the vowel system between the most conservative speakers of two points in time spaced by a signiﬁcant period of time. However, I am not aware of the existence of appropriate recordings in between Juncal’s gathering in 1998 and the earlier gatherings by Penny in the mid 1960’s1.

The ﬁrst is too close to the present time (2014) and the second would be almost imposible to obtain; in the case of being able to use it, it would predate the digital age and possibly require restoration and digitalisation works which would be far beyond the scope of this work.

Once the previous possibility was ruled out, it was necessary to build two groups of present- day speakers of very different ages so we could at least compare the different preservation states in the language of two different age groups. The groups are composed as follow:

Group 1: composed by ten of the most conservative speakers among the elderly people,

trying to include individuals from all three valleys.

Group 2: composed from the most conservative speakers among the school population, ages

8 to 18. Younger children are excluded.

1COSER performed some recordings in 1992, but these only include two speakers and do not include an appropriate linguistic questionnaire 2S3 and S4 did not reveal their age, but informants reported they were well above 80 years old

14 Group 1 was composed by requesting locals to provide with names of speakers they considered very conservative. In addition, the staﬀin the old people’s home from Vega de Pas led us to three individuals which volunteered for the study. The total sample of the group 1 is composed as is shown in Table 2.1.

Group 2 was considerably easier to form. To do this we simply relied on the teaching staﬀof three schools3 within the Area. The teachers easily identiﬁed the most conservative speakers4 among their school populations and provided all kind of help, premises to conduct the interviews and access to the students. A detailed list of the students is not going to be provided, however, an overview list can be seen in Table 2.2. This group was made of 34 young people aged between 8 and 18, from locations spread across most of the area, with the notable exception of the village of San Roque de Riomiera, where very few children of schooling age remain. This made it impossible for children from this municipality to be included. However, many of the children’s parents were native to this village.

Birthplace5 Number of students Ages Corvera de Toranzo Ontaneda 1 12 Luena San Miguel 2 12 to 16 San Pedro del Romeral La plaza 4 12 to 13 Bustantegua 1 9 Campillo 1 12 Selaya Pisueña 5 9to13 Selaya 5 8to11 Candolías 2 12 to 16 Estallo 2 13 to 15 Vega de Pas Pandillo 3 12 to 18 Vega de Pas 1 13 Santibáñez 3 10 to 12 Villacarriedo Tezanos 3 10 to 12 Villacarriedo 1 12 Villafufre Vega 1 11 TOTAL 35 8to18

Table 2.2: Composition of Group 2 (younger speakers), showing some sociolinguistic data

3Special thanks to the teaching staﬀfrom CEIP El Castañal,andColegio Santísima Virgen de Valvanuz, both in Selaya, and to the IES Vega de Toranzo,inAlceda. 4This is partially so because many of the linguistic traits of this dialect, such as the verbal and nominal morphology, are considered defects and targeted by teachers during early education. 5Toponyms are the oﬃcial ones in Spanish, the forms in the dialect might or might not change, e.g.: Pisueña and Selaya do not change but Campillo, Candolías and Tezanos do change to Campíu, Candulías and Tezanus.

15 Figure 2.1: Setup of the interviews at the CEIP El Castañal, in Selaya. Two children would sit in front of the interviewer with the recorder pointing at them from a tripod. The school was so kind as to spare a whole classroom for the interviews.

2.2 Interview

The interviews were held on record. The recordings were taken with a Zoom H1 Stereo recorded on best quality settings 6 producing over 50 GB of .wav ﬁles. No ﬁlters were used and special care was put into avoiding ambient noise and echo, which some of the recordings having quality levels comparable to those of a studio recording.

2.2.1 Conversation

The ﬁrst part was a conversation on habitual topics; these ranged from the price of the milk

(which conveniently is a ’neuter of matter’ substantive), the tastes of the interviewees, their lifestyles, their recent activities, ethnographic topics or any other topic that might come into conversation.

Group 1: this part could last indeﬁnitely, as long as the interviewee had the time and were

willing to continue. The main reason for this is my personal judgement that the ethno-

6Stereo Sound, Bitrate: 320kbps, Sampling Frequency: 44.1kHz

16 graphic value of some of the materials recorded are at least as important as the linguistic

data that can be extracted from them. Some interviewees showed all dialectal features

within few words from starting the interview, others took considerably more time.

Group 2: this part lasted for between 15 and 20 minutes, as the interviews were held during

school time. In one case, the interview lasted for nearly 1 hour, because of the extraor-

dinary exhibition of dialectal features in a very conservative girl (who provided with

examples of every vowel phenomena, vocabulary, verbal/nominal morphology. . . ).

This part of the interview was very ﬂexible, being systematically conducted in pairs for subjects of Group 2. In the case of individuals from Group 1, an informant was usually together with the interviewer to talk to the interviewees, as old people in the area tend to be suspicious of unknown people asking questions. In these cases one, two or more people might talk on record, sometimes independently of the interviewer; these were probably the times at which the most conservative register was recorded.

2.2.2 Linguistic Questionnaire

The second part of the interview was the linguistic questionnaire, this was heavily based in the one used in Fernández Juncal (1998), and can be seen in Table 2.3.

The questionnaire was made of 29 slides containing pictures of the objects9,animalsor places to be named. These were shown to the interviewees, who, if could not identify the expected word, would be pointed towards it. The words are ordered so every masculine

(metaphonizing) noun is followed by a diﬀerent feminine noun, which always lacks metaphony.

This way we can objectively compare the centralisation process of vowels when overcoming metaphony.

7According to the vowel system we presented in the introduction, this is what is to be expected, not the actual result 8It has been reported that words coming from roots with Latin diphthong -au- would not suﬀer metaphony. Despite this, the word uru

17 Tonic element # Expected7 IPA Gloss 1 caja ["ka.j3] box 2 gatu ["g5.t0] cat a/5 3 vaca ["ba.k3] cow 4 caballu [k5"b5.L0] horse 5 mesa ["me.s3] table 6 quisu ["k1.s0] cheese e/1 7 teja ["te.x3] roof tile 8 diu ["d1.0] finger 9 pipa ["pi.p3] sunflower seed 10 higu ["1.G0] fig i/1 11 gallina [ga"Li.n3] hen 12 pinu ["p1.n0] pine 13 copa ["ko.p3] glass 14 lubu ["l0.b0] wolf o/0 15 gota ["go.t3] drop 16 turu8 ["t0.R0] bull 17 uña ["u.ñ3] fingernail 18 puñu ["p0.ñ0] fist u/0 19 pluma ["plu.m3] feather 20 ñudu ["ñ0.D0] knot 21 grieta ["gRje.t3] crack 22 ciirvu ["Tj1R.b0] stag je/j1 23 Rumiera [Ru"mje.R3] Riomiera (village) 24 ciilu ["Tj1.l0] sky 25 cueva ["kwe.b3] cave 26 pañuilu [p5."ñw1.l0] handkerchief we/w1 27 puerta ["pweR.t3] door 28 cuillu ["kw1.L0] neck ja/j5 29 lumiacu [l0"mj5.k0] slug

Table 2.3: Description of the expected answer for every one of the 29 slides of the linguistic questionnaire, according to the vowel system introduced in Section 1.2.

2.3 Analysis

During the first part of the interview notes were taken on-site about many different aspects of the speech of the interviewee, but including notes on the presence of the different phenomena we pointed. If some phenomenon was unclearly heard, a reference to the time in the recorder was taken for later re-assessment in an off-site listening. This way, we only provide data on the presence of the mentioned phenomena, but not on how habitual they are within the speech of the different interviewees, that would imply a very time-costly analysis and will be discussed

18 in Subsection 4 (Conclusion: Future Work).

For the second part of the interview, the audio was processed in a digital audio editor

(Audacity), where interviewers comments were removed from the recording so the linguistic questionnaire resulted in a succession of bare words. Every speaker’s recording was then saved to a discrete .wav file. These files were then analysed using Praat, where the first and second vowels formants (F1 and F2) were extracted. The resulting data was then statistically treated with the software R and represented in a two-dimensional box-and-whiskers graph, which constitutes a vowel diagram of the dialect.

19 20 Chapter 3

Results

It must be said that the results on this report must be considered preliminary, as the amount of materials gathered is so big that it requires more time than what is available for the realisation of this project.

3.1 Group 1

The results for the Conversation part of the interview for this group are shown in Table 3.1:

Code Neuter of Matter Closed last atonic vowel Pretonic Harmonization Metaphony S1 Frequent Yes Yes Scarce S2 Frequent Yes Yes No S3 General Yes Yes Scarce S4 General Yes Yes No S5 Frequent Yes Yes No S6 General Yes Yes No S7 Frequent Yes Yes Scarce V1 General Yes Yes No V2 General Yes Yes No V3 General Yes Yes No R1 Frequent Yes Yes No R2 General Yes Yes No

Table 3.1: Composition of Group 1 (conservative speakers), showing sociolinguistic data.

It can be seen that 100% of the individuals in this group showed frequent (if not general) usage of ’neuter of matter’, closed atonic last vowels and humanisation of the pretonic. How-

21 ever, only two people showed some degree of active tonic vowel metaphony, and, in this cases it was weak and unsystematic. However, this does not prevent this phenomenon from living in a phonetic level, as can be seen from the results of the linguistics questionary in Figure 3.1.

Figure 3.1: Vowel diagram resulting from the analysis of the data gathered through the linguistic questionnaire. The dots show the mean of all speakers; the error crosses show the standard deviation of the data. For a numeric listing of the data in this ﬁgure see Appendix B.

A clear distinction of [u] and [0] can be observed, however, its distribution is comple- mentary, the later occurring as a word-ending allophone, while the former takes every other position. We can see that among the tonic partly-metaphonised vowels, a certain degree of centralisation can still be observed, although it is not enough to become distinctive phonemes.

22 3.2 Group 2

Meanwhile, a randomly chosen sample of 10 out of the 35 students has been taken out for analysis. Out of these 10 students, no signs of active vowel harmony have been found.

We can save the reader the raw data or the graph1, both of which would not provide us with anything but a perfectly common Standard Spanish vowel diagram, with the addition of a couple of allophones corresponding to the increased vowel closeness in word-ending atonic syllables, and the two allophonic variants of /u/ we previously described in group 1.

Vowel metaphony has not been found either, except for some individual words which are common in the area nowadays, i.e. priscu for prescu (peach), puyu for poyu (stone seat), and some family nicknames.

The results from Group 1’s Conversation Interview, on features that have been found are:

Increased vowel harmony: this feature is general. Even students with families from other

countries have picked it up. It has changed its distribution, though: it used to aﬀect

clitic-group-ending syllables, but now it aﬀect all word-ending syllables.

Harmonization of pretonic vowels: this feature is not common, although it is present.

Aproximatelly 23% (8/35) of the individuals showed it to some degree. Harmonization

of proclitic elements has not being found, instead, atonic proclitic elements are treated

as atonic words and their vowels closed accordingly, e.g. *cun la qui está cayendu instead

of con la qui está cayendu (expression similar to "as much as it is raining").

’Neuter of matter’: this grammatical feature is very frequent. Over 82% (29/35) of the

students use it systematically. The most frequent usages are those of the anaphoric

pronouns, identifying uncountable concepts such as lluvia (rain) and lechi (milk)with

ellu/lu (itNOM,itOBJ), but other uses such as agreeing adjectives and quantiﬁers are frequent as well.

1If the reader wishes to review this data, and that from Group 1, it is available in Appendix B

23 24 Chapter 4

Conclusion

The data from the conversational part of the interview shows that the most conservative speakers are still part of a stage of the dialect that has "ceased to be the most common", as

Fernández Juncal (1998) said.

Some features, such as vowel metaphony were present in few of these, and even in those who used them, the percentage of the times they used them as compared to the number of times they could have used them is quite small. This is to be conﬁrmed with precise ﬁgures in a future work. Contrastingly, every member of Group 1 knew about metaphony, some were able to reproduce it readily when asked; normally identifying it with backwards people speech and even joking about it.

If we stick to the results of the analysis of the linguistic questionnaire, we clearly see the remaining of the metaphonetic system which must have been normal when people in Group 1 learned to speak. This system has nevertheless ceased to be phonological, but still lives in an allophonic environment, where vowels tend to centralise and approach the position of 0.

Both other phenomena (ﬁnal closed vowels and pretonic harmonisation) were mainstream in this group.

On the other hand, things were very diﬀerent in Group’s 2 school population, none but a couple could even recognise metaphony in words such as pirru, which sounded alien to them.

The two who could, gave a short list of examples which they “have heard from their families".

Both subjects lacked knowledge on the mechanics of this harmonisation, using it equally in

25 singulars and plurals. This situation is not rare to ﬁnd, as many words are fairly commonly used in the area, relics from what was habitual not so many years ago.

However, children and teenagers did use many traces of the dialectal speech of the area, even if they have totally dropped metaphony, and almost completely dropped the harmonisation of the pretonic vowels. Again, some students show a very diﬀerent state of conservation, making use of verbal and nominal morphology in many situations. These constitute a fairly small minority, though. When we get to ’neuter of matter’, it is found in 8 of the 10 interviewees from Group 1, supporting the vitality of this phenomenon within the area. In all of the cases, the use of this grammatical feature was systematic in the anaphoric use of the personal pronouns1, but somewhat less systematic with agreeing adjectives and quantiﬁers, though present.

The Linguistic questionnaire, shows that the vowel system in young people is consistent with that of Standard Spanish including two extra allophones for the atonic /a/ in last syllable position, and another one for the /u/, which surprisingly has survived unlike its tonic metaphonised tonic counterpart. If the questionnaire measured the allophonic variants of /e/ in atonic word ending syllable, it would most certainly have produced a third allophone [ﬁi].

4.1 Future Work

The materials gathered during the ﬁeldwork associated with the realisation of this work have a much greater potential than the brief observations in this document, however, the amount of time needed in order to perfectly analyse this recordings is far greater than the amount of time expected for an academic study of this one’s nature.

I am perfectly aware of the fact that many questions of all kinds are still to be answered: the phonetic realisation of the neuter/masculine distinction, the exact structure of the whole vowel system, including some vowels that have not been targeted in this study; or even the distribution of the allophones of /a/ within the clitic group. I am also aware that the linguistic questionnaire is much improvable, specially concerning the familiarity of the interviewees with

1 I bring here two quotations from school boys in Selaya: "a esuNEU veti tú a saber qué li echan" (you ﬁgure what they put on thatNEU [bottled milk]); "trabajandu di esu se gana muy pocaNEU sueldu",(workingasthat you make very littleNEU money) where quantiﬁer agrees with sueldo with neuter -a.

26 some of the concepts. A good example of this was the word paja (straw), which was used in the early versions of the questionnaire, but was later dropped in favour of vaca (cow), due to most people in the area lacking a similar concept and using the ’neuter of matter’ herba/yerba secu (dried grass) instead.

In addition, the use of local vocabulary is as well interesting form a lexicographic point of view. This is a ﬁeld I am especially interested in, as many teachers reported that they could provide me with collections of words they have compiled though the years of teaching experience and contact with the students and their parents.

Lastly, while constructing Group 2 of informants, I did not notice the fact that 9 out of 12 of these individuals speak the northern sub-variety of the dialect, while only 3 (V1–V3) spoke the southern one. This, although not necessarily bad, as the phenomena we were looking for is common to both varieties. Specially acute is the relative abundance of informants from

Selaya (S1–S7)2. The composition of Group 2 is clearly improvable.

All these matters are interesting to me, and surely I will devote some time to them in the near future, specially thanks to the network of informants I put together in order to perform this study, which is a part of this study that should by no means be underestimated.

4.2 Further observations

It is worth mention that, even though it was not on the scope of this work, I was able to record the use of some linguistic phenomena that were thought to be completely lost in the area, the ones I most clearly noticed were:

Palatalisation of L-: this is a mainstream phenomenon in Asturleonese, which existed in

the area, as shown by toponyms such as Lloreda (cognate to Catalan Lloret), until not

far back in time. Examples of palatalised L- were recorded in the coast of Cantabria in

the late XIX century.

Three interviewees in Group 1 used the word llumiacu (slug), which comes from latin

LIMACIS, and is more commonly heard as lumiacu.

2This is due to my family providing me with quality informants which, in addition, felt confortable with me asking them questions.

27 Preservation of [S] phoneme: one of the subjects systematically used the word casa (As-

turian caxa) to refer to a box (caja), but perfectly articulated [x] in all other positions.

Lack of x/h merger: At least three of the subjects systematically diﬀerenced [h] as a re-

sult from latin F-, from [x] in a distribution equivalent to that of Standard Spanish

(,/x/) pair. Thus, fully diﬀerencing the minimal pair (h. uegu, juegu)(["hwe.Gu], ["xwe.Gu]) (ﬁre, I play).

This contrast with Cantabria, where both phonemes have fully merged into [h]: dijo["di.ho]

(he said), h. uegu ["hwe.Gu] (ﬁre); or with what is the most common behaviour in conservative speakers in Pas, a full merge into [x]. The same minimal pair as above results

(["xwe.Gu], ["xwe.Gu])

28 Bibliography

M. Álvar López. Atlas ling¯uístico y etnográﬁco de Cantabria. Arco-Libros, 1995.

C. Fernández Juncal. Variación y prestigio: estudio sociolingüístico en el

oriente de Cantabria. Biblioteca de Filología Hispánica. Consejo Supe-

rior de Investigaciones Cientíﬁcas, 1998. ISBN 9788400077723. URL

http://gredos.usal.es/jspui/bitstream/10366/22434/1/978-84-7800-100-2.pdf.

I. Fernández-Ordóñez (dir.). Corpus oral y sonoro del español rural, 2005. URL

www.uam.es/coser.

A. García Lomas. Los Pasiegos. Biblioteca Cantabria. Ediciones Librería Estudio, 1960. ISBN

9788495742094.

J.C. Holmquist. Language Loyalty and Linguistic Variation in Spanish Cantabria. Princeton

University, 1982. ISBN 9067653543.

J.I. Hualde. Autosegmental and metrical spreading in the vowel harmony systems of north-

western spain. Linguistics,7(5):773–806,1989.

John J. McCarthy. Theoretical consequences of montañes vowel harmony. Linguistic Inquiry,

15:291–318, 1984.

R. Menendez Pidal and T. Navarro. Atlas ling¯uístico de la península ibérica, 1947-54. URL

www.alpi.ca.

R Menéndez Pidal. Pasiegos y vaqueiros. 1954.

29 I. Ortega-Santos. El habla pasiega: vitalidad y características actuales. La lengua, lugar de

encuentro: Actas del XVI Congreso Internacional de la Asociación de Ling¯uística y Filología

de la América Latina, pages 2061–2070, 2012.

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148–166, 1969.

R.J. Penny. Mass-nouns and metaphony in the dialects of north-wester spain. Archivum

Linguisticum,I:21–30,1970a.

R.J. Penny. El habla pasíega: ensayo de dialectología montañesa. Colección Támesis. Boydell

& Brewer, Limited, 1970b. ISBN 9780900411052.

R.J. Penny. Estudio estructural del habla de Tudanca. Beheifte zur zeitschrift für Romanische

Philologie. Max Niemeyer Verlag Tübingen, 1978. ISBN 3484520736.

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VI, 2001.

30 Appendices

Appendix A

Linguistic Questionnaire

This appendix contains the pictures used in the linguistic questionnaire. The pictures are divided in 8 groups according to the tonic vowel change searched.

(a) Slide 1: caja (box) (b) Slide 2: gatu (cat)

Figure A.1: Question 1: words whose tonic vowels is /a/ or metaphonized /5/

33 (a) Slide 5: mesa (table) (b) Slide 6: quisu (wheel of cheese)

Figure A.2: Question 2: words whose tonic vowels is /e/ or metaphonized /1/

(a) Slide 9: pipa (sunﬂower seed) (b) Slide 10: higu (ﬁg)

Figure A.3: Question 3: words whose tonic vowels is /i/ or metaphonized /1/

34 (a) Slide 13: copa (glass) (b) Slide 14: lubu (wolf)

Figure A.4: Question 4: words whose tonic vowels is /o/ or metaphonized /0/

(a) Slide 17: uña (nail) (b) Slide 18: puñu (ﬁst)

Figure A.5: Question 5: words whose tonic vowels is /u/ or metaphonized /0/

35 (a) Slide 21: grieta (crack) (b) Slide 22: ciirvu (stag)

San Roque de …

Figure A.6: Question 6: words whose tonic vowels is /je/ or metaphonized /j1/

(a) Slide 25: cueva (cave) (b) Slide 26: pañuilu (tissue)

Figure A.7: Question 7: words whose tonic vowels is /we/ or metaphonized /w1/

36 (a) Slide 29: lumiacu (slug)

Figure A.8: Question 8: words whose tonic vowels is /ja/ or metaphonized /j5/

The last picture was actually looking for the remains of palatalised l-, which was indeed found.

37 38 Appendix B

Linguistic Questionnaire Results

These are the numeric results of both Group 1 and Group 2. Data is obtained from the analysis of the record of the Linguistic Questionnaire (See Appendix A).

Group 1 Group 2 Fone F1 (Hz) (F 1) F2 (Hz) (F 2) F1 (Hz) (F 1) F2 (Hz) (F 2) a 790,14 34,61 1656,91 40,57 640,42 90,61 1504,04 48,91 5 705,09 42,10 1630,71 69,94 625,94 51,94 1528,42 82,88 3 635,46 114,63 1737,59 101,00 594,88 37,41 1584,36 97,95 e 512,05 91,65 2192,94 37,85 471,28 10,28 1908,48 93,02 o 544,90 14,03 1100,25 103,40 485,72 91,65 1002,74 93,02 i 393,04 51,72 2231,11 91,94 357,49 26,69 2177,49 54,05 1 <é 503,37 35,91 2052,16 73,81 445,54 56,35 1945,42 59,64 1 <í 408,85 45,40 2011,26 100,15 368,35 54,58 2079,62 59,28 u 387,67 6,31 1119,88 96,77 340,28 17,74 932,12 36,55 0 447,25 70,16 1440,97 94,43 407,74 61,04 1140,38 46,31 0 <ó 519,99 38,86 1143,95 45,73 465,72 85,72 1028,57 28,36 0 <ú 436,79 46,20 1336,44 79,62 322,89 66,03 988,01 30,65

Table B.1: Numeric results of the Linguistic Questionnaire in both Group 1 and 2.