Nungwu-Uakapi: Southern Paiute Indians Comment on the Intermountain Power Project Intermountain-Adelanto Bipole I Transmission Line
Item Type Report
Authors Stoffle, Richard W.; Dobyns, Henry F.; Evans, Michael J.
Publisher University of Wisconsin-Parkside
Download date 26/09/2021 11:53:44
Link to Item http://hdl.handle.net/10150/270819 - OFFICECOPY - DO NOT REMOVE
SOUTHERN PAIUTE INDIANS COMMENT ON THE INTERMOUNTAIN POWER PROJECT, REVISED INTERMOUNTAIN - ADELANTO B I P O L E I PROPOSAL b a 1 Goshute If ` Indian . 4 Reservation Q `' I. 09& w Q a IPP POWER I U v I, PLANT z 04°' a é W o 1/ Delta Z '1 / 1//'III u) v 11 Ely ////// v7 Fillmore
KanoshRichfield
ti
Beaver cr_ yso,,,,, la I riund Pioche S C AIL A N T E D E SIE R T 8 r Panaca 1 NEVADA §= 0 Cedar City á I I y vpik. xó 1 G Óá Ì !`i COVFu.. I,S 5 UTAH TPe SP 0,' Q4 \N v iP , w P , Cle 8 \NN. J St George anab Q -- Kaibar QI,i Paiute PARIA PLATEAL I Indian \N. Reservation 15 Q W 4 , % eservatlon l_ 4 m
4, D
z c LAS VEGA It II < `. 'r~, 1 C N fi OCON/NO PLATEAU ` II \ F Ìt0411 `<')1'F\ De GqqN/ 9¡9 rF qT . ,+0> o ' c.z I* Ba z u, INTERMOUNTAIN POWER PROJECT I Kingman I, D . TRANSMISSION LINE I A.C. THANSMIîTI()NI INE
Bastow 10 0 10 20 30 w i4. ¡9. inMiles áÁSI r0 Scale 00 it o Gti i,.< I_ictorville B Oo G s ... , LakeHavasu oZ. City 4OUNTA/NS CALIFORNIA - (`i ARIZONA , eni ,`,) .P.arker N NGWb.- ttAKAP i :
SOUTHERN PAIUTE INDIANS COMMENT ON THE INTERMOUNTAIN POWER PROJECT
INTERMOUNTAIN -ADELANTO BIPOLE I TRANSMISSION LINE
Report Submitted
by
APPLIED URBAN FIELD SCHOOL,
UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN -PARKSIDE
to
APPLIED CONSERVATION TECHNOLOGY, INCORPORATED
Contributing Scholars: Submitting Officer and Editors: Steven D. Boyd, BS Richard W. Stoffle, PhD Dan Bulletts, NAC Director, Applied Urban Field Pamela A. Bunte, PhD School David B. Halmo, BA Lucille Jake, NARA Henry F. Dobyns, PhD Florence V. Jensen, BA Director, Native American Andrew C. Sanders, BS Historical Demography Project Newberry Library Michael J. Evans, MA Research Consultant Department of Anthropology University of Florida
University of Wisconsin -Parkside
Kenosha, Wisconsin
August 31, 1983 NUNGW1:3-45AKAPi
Nungwu -uakapi means "gardens of the People," referring, to the ecological niche - the riverine /spring oasis - which provided the essential natural resources for survival in the desert, water and vegetable foods, managed by Southern Paiute peoples in typical Rancherian fashion; and reflecting the contemporary concerns for these sacred cultural resources.
Plate 1. Las Vegas Wash, One of Many Sites Formerly Utilized by Paiute People for Irrigated Fields and Gardens.
ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This report is the third produced by the University of Wisconsin -Parkside's Applied Urban Field School research team regarding the potential effects on Indian cultural resources by the Intermountain PowerProject electrical transmission lines. Literally hundreds of people have contributed to these reports but space and requests for privacy permit only a few to be mentioned.
Special thanks go to the many Indian people who have joined this endeavor. They have contributed their time and specialized knowledge; but most of all, they have placed their trust in the Native American Impact Assessment process and the members of this research team.
Much effort has been expended by tribal officials. Tribal Chairs who have contributed are Travis Benioh, Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah; Richard Arnold, Pahrump Paiute Tribe; Dolores Savala, Kaibab Paiute Tribe; Preston Tom, Moapa Paiute Tribe; and Billy Frye, Las Vegas Paiute Tribe. These Chairs and their Councils appointed Official Tribal Contact Representatives to work with the study team. These OTCRs were Richard Arnold, Pahrump Paiute; Gloria Yazzie, Las Vegas Paiute; Herbert Meyers, Moapa Paiute; Clifford Jake, Indian Peaks Paiute; Ferman Grayman, Shivwits Paiute; and Ralph Castro, Kaibab Paiute. Other Indian people made special contributions to the research. Foremost among these were the dozens of people who left their busy schedules to spend from one to two days four - wheeling along dusty roads identifying cultural resources. Only through their efforts have the general concerns expressed by tribal members been specifically identified as being in the study area. These on -site visits were greatly facilitated by the efforts of two Indian people, Dan Bulletts and Lucille Jake, who worked as members of the study team. Graphics for the cover of this report were drawn by the Kaibab Paiute artist, Vivienne -Caron Jake. Finally, we would like to thank the staff ofApplied Conservation Technology, Inc. for their extensivetechnical, professional, and personal support during this andthe two previous projects. The repeated assistance of Gary Dudley, Ed Weil, Sally Higman, Mike Macko, CoryChristensen and others at ACT improved the research, thefinal report, and the quality of the mitigation recommendations.
iii TABLE OF CONTENTS
Frontispiece
N ngwe- trakapi ii
Acknowledgements iii
Table of Contents iv
List of Tables ix
List of Plates xii
List of Maps xiii
CHAPTER I. MANAGEMENT SUMMARY 1
The Intermountain Power Project 1
The Southern California System 1
Ethnographic -Ethnohistorical Analysis of Native
American Values 2
Native American Concerns 3
CHAPTER II. INTRODUCTION TO STUDY 5
Natural Setting 5 Native American Peoples Affected by IPP:Revised
Right -of -Way 6
Ethnographic Situation Summary 10
Study Team. and Structure 11
CHAPTER III. RESEARCH DESIGN, ASSUMPTIONS AND ACTIVITY 13
Theory 13
The Legal Milieu of the Revised IPP Proposal 15
Native American Assessment Issues 15
Federal Regulations 15
Control of Information 16
Determination of Potentially Affected Groups 17
iv r
Indian Groups Potentially Affected by IPP:Revised 18
Sacred Sites and Resources 19 Ethnographic Resources Potentially Affected
by IPP 20
Native American Representatives 22
Evidence Validity 24
Ethnohistory 25
Research Tasks 27 Project Initiation 27
Native American Communication Network 27
Literature Search, Annotation and Assessment 28
In -field Ethnographic Interviewing 29
Spring Ethnobotanical On -Site Visits 30
Chronology of Field Work 31
February -March Field Work 31
April -May Field Work 32
CHAPTER IV. ETHNOHISTORICAL SUMMARY 34
The Columbian Exchange 40
The Euroamerican- European Invasion 45
Gold Rush 46 Mountain Meadows 53
Mormon Expansion 58
The Railroad Era 64
Mining Frontier 67
Labor Gangs 68
Federal Resource Reservation 74
Mountain Meadows Aftermath 76
Euroamerican Economic Expansion 78 Reserving Too Little Too Late 80
CHAPTER V. NATIVE AMERICAN VALUES 86
Key Repsonse Factors 86 Historical Factors 86
Contemporary Factors 88 Indian Responses to IPP Proposal 89
General Concerns Expressed 89
General Concerns for Cultural Items 90
General Concern for Indian Places 91
General Concerns for Indian Plants 96
Specific Concerns Expressed by Tribe 96
The Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah 100
Background 100
Methodology 102 Expressed Concerns for Cultural Items 103
Expressed Concerns for Places 103
Expressed Concerns for Plants 120
Mitigation Recommendations 120 Kaibab Paiute Tribe of Arizona 129
Background 129
Methodology 129 Expressed Concerns for Cultural Items 131
Expressed Concerns for Places 133
Mitigation Recommendations 136 Moapa Paiute Indian Tribe of Nevada 141
Background 141
Methodology 141 Expressed Concerns for Places 142
vi C
Expressed Concerns for Plants 144
Las Vegas and Pahrump Tribal Responses 148
Background 148
Methodology 148
Expressed Concerns for Cultural Items 149
Expressed Concerns for Places 149
Mitigation Recommendations 156
CHAPTER VI. MITIGATION RECOMMENDATIONS 163 General Mitigation Recommendations 163
Native American Observer 163
Mitigation of Formerly Unknown Cultural Resources 164
Mitigation of Native American Plants 164
Site -Specific Mitigation 165
Site -Specific Mitigation: Utah 166
Escalante Desert Section 166
Thermal Hot Springs Area 166
Blue Knoll Area 166
Desert Flats Area 166
Escalante Desert Section Mitigation 167
Antelope Range Section 167
Slope Springs Area 167
Antelope Range Section Mitigation 168
Dixie National Forest Section 168
Pinto Creek Canyon Area 168
Holt Canyon (Uvwitu) Area 168
Mountain Meadows Area 170
Transitional Area 170 Dixie National Forest Section Mitigation 170
vii Gunlock Section 173
Tobin Wash Area 173
Manganese Wash Area 174
Jackson Wash Area 174
Gunlock Section Mitigation 179
Beaver Dam Mountains Section 179
Beaver Dam Slope Area 180
Beaver Dam Wash Area 180
Beaver Dam Mountains Section Mitigation 180
Site -Specific Mitigation: Nevada 182
Tule Springs Hills Section 182
Tule Springs Hills Section Mitigation 182
East Mormon Mountains Section 182
Cave Hill Valley Area 182
East Mormon Mountains Section Mitigation 183
Moapa Section 183
Moapa River Valley Area 183
Southwestern Flats Area 187
Moapa Section Mitigation 187
Dry Lake Range Section 188
Rock Shelter Valley Area 188
Southern Dry Lake Range Area 188
Dry Lake Range Section Mitigation 188
Frenchman Mountain Section 190
Frenchman Mountain Section Mitigation 190
BIBLIOGRAPHY 193
APPENDICES 210
viii LIST OF TABLES
1. Oasis Marshland Vegetable Food Resources in Southern Paiute Country 38
2. Major Pueblo Epidemic Episodes Which May Have Spread Disease Among Southern Paiutes Via Traders 43
3. Mormon Colonization In Pahvant and Southern Paiute Oases 1851 -1866 51
4. Mormon Colonization in Southern Paiute Oases 1858 -1866 60
5. Mining Colonization in Southern Paiute Spring Oases 1859 -1866 63
6. Mormon Railroad Corridor Colonization 66
7. Southern Paiute Labor Gangs At Euroamerican Settle- ments and Economic -Religious Traditionalists About 1870 71
8. Native American Cultural Items, Ranked by Intensity of Overall Expressed Concern 92
9. English Names for Indian Places Ranked by Intensity of General Concern 94
10. General Concern for Indian Plants Found in the IPP Right -of -Way 97
11. General Cultural Items Concerns for Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah 104
12. Indian Places in North -South Sequence and Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah Degree of Concern 106
13. Plants of Concern to Members of Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah from the IPP Right -of -Way 121
14. Mitigation of Indian Tools /Housing Recommended by the Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah 124
15. Mitigation of Indian Burials Recommended by Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah 126
16. Mitigation of Indian Plants Recommended by Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah 128
17. Use of Native American Observer During Construction as Recommended by Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah 128
18. Will Indian Opinion Be Heard According to Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah 130
ix 19. General Cultural Items Concerns for Kaibab Paiute Tribe 132
20. Indian Places in North -South Sequence and Kaibab Paiute Indian Tribe Degree of Concern 134
21. Mitigation of Indian Tools /Housing Recommended by Kaibab Paiute Indian Tribe 137
22. Mitigation of Indian Burials Recommended by Kaibab Paiute Indian Tribe 137
23. Mitigation of Indian Plants Recommended by Kaibab
Paiute Indian Tribe . 139
24. Use of Native American Observer During Construction as Recommended by Kaibab Paiute Indian Tribe 139
25. Will Indian Opinion Be Heard According to Kaibab Paiute Indian Tribe 140
26. Plants of Concern to Moapa Paiutes Collected and /or Observed in IPP Right -of -Way 146
27. General Cultural Items Concerns for Las Vegas and Pahrump Paiutes 150
28. Indian Places in North -South Sequence and Las Vegas/ Pahrump Paiute Tribes Degree of Concern 151
29. Plants of Concern to Las Vegas and Pahrump Paiutes Collected and /or Observed in IPP Right -of -Way 158
30. Mitigation of Indian Tools /Housing Recommended by Las Vegas and Pahrump Paiute Tribes 160
31. Mitigation of Indian Burials Recommended by Las Vegas and Pahrump Paiute Tribes 160
32. Mitigation of Indian Plants Recommended by Las Vegas and Pahrump Paiute Tribes 162
33. Use of Native American Observer During Construciton as Recommended by Las Vegas and Pahrump Paiute Tribes .. 162
34. Will Indian Opinion Be Heard According to Las Vegas and Pahrump Paiute Tribes 162
35. Indian Plants in Holt Canyon Area IPP Right -of -Way 169
36. Indian Plants in Mountain Meadows Area of IPP Right - of -Way 171
x 37. Indian Plants in Red Butte Portion of Mountain Meadows Area of IPP Right -of -Way 172
38. Indian Plants in Rods Spring Portion of Manganese Wash Area of IPP Right -of -Way 175
39. Indian Plants in Manganese Wash Area of IPP Right -of- Way 176
40. Indian Plants in Cole Spring Portion of Jackson Wash Area of IPP Right -of -Way 177
41. Indian Plants in Jackson Spring Portion of Jackson Wash Area of IPP Right -of -Way 178
42. Indian Plants in Beaver Dam Wash Area of IPP Right -of- Way 181
43. Indian Plants in Cave Hill Site Portion of Cave Hill Valley Area of IPP Right -of -Way 184
44. Indian Plants in Halfway Wash Portion of Cave Hill Valley Area of IPP Right -of -Way 185
45. Indian Plants in Muddy Wash Portion of Moapa River Valley Area of IPP Right -of -Way 186
46. Indian Plants in Rock Shelter Valley Area of IPP Right -of -Way 189
47. Indian Plants in Gypsum Cave Area IPP Right -of -Way 191
48. Indian Plants in Las Vegas Wash Area of IPP Right -of- Way 192
xi LIST OF PLATES
1. Las Vegas Wash, One of Many Sites Formerly Utilized by Paiute People for Irrigated Fields and Gardens ii
2. Henry F. Dobyns, Project Ethnohistorian /Editor, and Research Assistant Kris Jones at Work in the Newberry Library xiv
3. Mouth of Holt Canyon (Uvwita), Looking Over the Escalante Desert 112
4. (from left) Clifford Jake, Yetta Jake, Pam Bunte, and Glenn Rogers On -Site at Uvwitakaivats Lithic Site .. 112
5. View of Manganese Wash Area from Sandy Beach 116
6. Mary Snow and Ferman Grayman Observing Remains of Paiute House Poles at Sandy Beach 116
7. Ferman Grayman and Dan Bulletts Discussing Traditional Use of Indian Plant Speciman at Rods Spring Site 117
8. Mary Snow and Ferman Grayman Examining Paiute Metates at Jackson Spring Site, at Edge of Road to Motoqua ... 117
9. Overview of Beaver Dam Slope and Beaver Dam Wash Areas 119
10. Ferman Grayman and Warren Bushhead On -Site at Beaver Dam Slope Area. Note Burned Area on West Utah Mtn. .. 119
11. The Cave Hill Valley Area, with Joshua Trees in Fore- ground, and the Navajo -McCullough Line and Sheep Truck in the Background 143
12. Barrel Cactus (Echinocactus sp., pavio) and Agave (Agave sp., yant) at Cave Hill Site 143
13. Overview of Moapa River Valley Area 145
14. Herbert Meyers, Steve Boyd, and Pam Bunte Examining Indian Plant in Moapa River Valley Area. Navajo- McCul- lough Line Can Be Seen in Background 145
15. View to the East from Gypsum Cave 154
16. Ilee Castillo and Richard Stoffle at Gypsum Cave 154
17. Overview of Rock Shelter Valley Area 155
18. Ilee Castillo at Rock Shelter Site 155
19. Cynthia Lynch and Richard Arnold of the Pahrump Paiute Tribe On -Site at Las Vegas Wash 157
xii LIST OF MAPS
1. Revised IPP Right -of -Way, Inside Front Cover
2. Southern Paiute Nation, Inside Back Cover Plate 2. Henry F. Dobyns, Project Ethnohistorian /Editor, and Research Assistant Kris Jones at Work in the Newberry Library.
xiv CHAPTER I. MANAGEMENT SUMMARY
This report is the Native American cultural heritage re- source study conducted by the University of Wisconsin -Parkside Applied Urban Field School (AUFS) for Applied Conservation Technology, Inc. (ACT). It deals with the revised section of the Intermountain Power Project (IPP:R), a development being proposed by the Intermountain Power Agency (IPA). The IPA is a consortium of 23 Utah municipalities and has authorization to construct and operate a 1500 mega -watt (MW), coal- fired, steam electric genera- ting station near Delta, Utah.
THE INTERMOUNTAIN POWER PROJECT
The IPP generating plant, located near Delta, Utah, is cur- rently under construction. The IPA plans commercial operation of the two 750 -MW generating units to start in July of 1986 and 1987. The IPP generating plant will use coal mined from existing and planned shaft mines in central Utah. Water for thegenera- ting plant will come from the Sevier River and local wells. At this time the IPA plans to install one Direct Current (DC) trans- mission system to Southern California and two Alternating Current (AC) transmission systems to substations in Utah and Nevada. This report deals only with the Southern California transmission system.
THE SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA TRANSMISSION SYSTEM
The Southern California Transmission System will consist of one transmission line traversing the states of Utah, Nevada and California. Construction on this 489 mile long line, referred to as the + 500 kv DC Intermountain -Adelanto Line 1is scheduled to begin in October of 1983.
The present study is concerned with the revised section of the IPP Intermountain -Adelanto Line 1. This revised section of the transmission line consists of a 200 -foot wide right -of -way corridor that is 208 miles long in Utah and 139 miles long in Nevada. The Nevada portion of the transmission line in great part follows the alignment of the existing + 500 kv Navajo - McCullough transmission line. The present study is a continua- tion of the studies completed in 1982 for the other sections of the Intermountain -Adelanto transmission line (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a, 1982b). p. 2
The present study is concerned with the Native American cul- tural resources found within the revised section of the transmis- sion line corridor. Under the terms and conditions of the Federal Land Policy and Management Act of 1976, Titles II and V, IPP has received from the Bureau of Land Management (BLM), as the lead agency, the transfer of ownership for the generating station site, and a granting of rights -of -way for the Southern California System's + 500 kv DC transmission line. The right -of -way is li- mited to 200 feet in width, with the centerline located at the midpoint of the respective right -of -way. The grant is general, without any site -specific stipulations. Such stipulations will be made part of the grant when a Notice To Proceed is issued, authorizing the initiation of construction. Prior to the is- suance of a Notice to Proceed, the BLM has specified various en- vironmental /cultural studies to be completed. Among these is the study culminating in the submission of this report.
ETHNOGRAPHIC -ETHNOHISTORICAL ANALYSIS OF NATIVE AMERICAN VALUES
The present study identifies Native American peoples across whose aboriginal territory the proposed IPP Intermountain - Adelanto Line 1 (Revised) transmission line right -of -way would be constructed. It also identifies other Native American groups that have lived in and utilized portions of the proposed right - of -way during historic times. This study analyzes what values members of Native American groups historically present in south- west Utah and southern Nevada place upon cultural resources that may be adversely affected by construction of the proposed trans- mission line and associated facilities. It does so by describing specific concerns expressed by contemporary Native Americans, and by presenting an ethnohistorical analysis of how intergroup rela- tions and forced Native American demographic and cultural changes have contributed to shaping contemporary values, perceptions and attitudes. The present study also conveys Native American recom- mendations for mitigating adverse impacts of the proposed con- struction upon their cultural heritage.
The findings of the study reported here are intended to as- sist the IPA in complying with requirements of federal regulatory agencies in carrying out IPP. In conducting the study, the 'authors and their associates relied, insofar aspossible upon results of earlier research dealing with the study area. The comparison of eye- witness accounts of Native American behavior to published descriptions of an "ethnographic present" reconstructed from interviews revealed conceptual deficiencies in many of the latter. Consequently, the present report describes Native American traditional and historical behavior in the region that includes the study area somewhat differently than previously pu- blished ethnographies. Considerable eye- witness description of historic Native American behavioral patterns is incorporated in p. 3 the present report as evidence for the validity of the conclusion it presents. The contemporary Native American inhabitants of southwestern Utah and southern Nevada belong to various Southern Paiute groups who occupied the region when Euroamerican travel and colonization began in the nineteenth century. This region comprises the Southern Paiutes' Holy Land and includes the sites of their eth- nic creation (Nuvagantu) according to their traditional oral Scripture, and numerous sites or zones especially sacred (Spicer 1957; Dobyns 1960). They are conscious, to a degree varying with individuals, that traditional belief defined the entire study area as essentially sacred and as part of the specific region that their ancestors received from supernatural beings. This characteristicmental set of a "persistent people" (Spicer 1971) makes legal mandateswith regard to Native American cultural heritage pertinent to the question of possible adverse impacts upon that heritage due to construction activities.
Legal mandates currently require that Native Americans par- ticipate in preparing environmental assessments and call for Native American identification of resources viewed as sacred, so as to guarantee that their legitimate cultural heritage concerns are included in such documents. The American Indian Religious FreedomAct reaffirms for Native Americans the same First Amend- mentprotection that other Unied States citizens receive. The effectof the Act is to prohibit federal officials from issuing permits for projects that will interfere with Native American freedom of religious practice.
NATIVE AMERICAN CONCERNS
The specific concerns for each group potentially affected by the IPP:Revised right -of -way is presented in the text and tables of Chapter V. It is evident from these data that Southern Paiutes are concerned with all cultural items within the study area, with special emphasis on plants (food, medicinal and basketry), religious sites and burials. With regards to burials, one general statement which occurred repeatedly addresses the issue of vandalism for personal gain and collection when there are laws, as well as social norms, prohibiting such treatment of non -Indian burials. These burials are only sacred to Native Americans. Frequently the latter know the name of the person buried in an area, the information being passed down through the years as oral history. Older individuals often have parents, aunts, uncles, grandparents and other relatives buried at various points throughout the region. Because Paiutes know who is in the grave, and the burial site itself is sacred in nature, they suf- fer an immeasurable amount of psychological trauma associated with the uncovering and destruction of these sites. The Southern p. 4
Paiutes' recommendation for protecting any burials uncovered dur- ing construction is simple: leave the burial alone and go around it. When avoidance is not possible, each potentiallyeffected Tribe is developing its own policy regarding the disposition of burials.
Water is a valuable commodity in the desert. Water sources, such as springs and rivers, were the locations of Southern Paiute homes and fields. These were places where Southern Paiute people were born, lived and died. Hence contemporary Southern Paiutes have a high degree of concern for springs, not only because they are a valuable resource, but because they are a valuable cultural resource as well.
The concept of places being important to Southern Paiutes for traditional cultural reasons extends to mountains, washes and valleys. Each Southern Paiute group has places it considers im- portant, the distance people live from the locations usually being directly related to how they feel about them. These places are discussed in some detail in Chapter 5; site- specific mitiga- tion recommendations are described in Chapter 6. Some of these sensitive areas are the Pinto Creek area, the Holt Canyon area, Mountain Meadows, the Manganese Wash area, the Jackson Spring area, the Beaver Dam Slope and the Beaver Dam Mountains. All of these areas were used traditionally for hunting, agriculture, gathering plants and habitation sites. Some of these areas are still being used by contemporary Southern Paiutes.
Some mitigation recommendations provided by the tribes are presented in Chapter 5. In general, simple avoidance of impor- tant places and items is the preferred method of protection. If avoidance is not possible then a movement of the affected item, the transplanting of plants, or the reburial of disturbed graves is recommended. In the case of larger areas, the least destruc- tive mode of construction of the proposed line is recommended. Some locations are so culturally and religiously sensitive that Indian people recommended they be avoided by the IPP. p. 5
CHAPTER II. INTRODUCTION TO STUDY
This report presents the findings of a study of Native American cultural heritage values in southeastern Nevada and southwestern Utah. The study was conducted by the Applied Urban Field School of the University of Wisconsin -Parkside, for Applied Conservation Technology, Inc. of Fullerton, California. It deals with the revised section of the + Intermountain -Adelanto Line 1 right -of -way proposed by the Intermountain Power Agency. In order to petition for a notice to proceed, the IPA must provide documentation supporting general environmental and technical stipulations set forth in the Right -of -Way grant. Those stipula- tions involve ten specific concerns: clearing, erosion control and rehabilitation, wildlife and habitat protection, access ma- nagement, solid waste disposal, protection of visual resources, safety and health, cultural resources, water resources, and air quality. Native American ethnographic resources are classified as one of the cultural resources. This report presents the eth- nographic value analysis and impact assessment for the Utah and Nevada sections of the revised portions of the right -of -way.
NATURAL SETTING
The study area consists of a right -of -way 61m. (200 feet) wide. The revised portion of the route begins in thenorthern Escalante Desert. Turning due south, it passes to the east of Blue Knoll, and continues south -southwestward, paralleling the northern and western flanks of the Antelope Range. It then passes to the east of Newcastle, and continues south, crossing the easternedge of Mountain Meadows. Upon entering the Dixie National Forest north of Red Butte, the route assumes a more wes- terly direction, passing Tobin Bench on the southeast, and cros- sing the Tobin Wash. It then crosses the Manganese Wash to the west of Gunlock, and continues southwestward crossing the nor- thern portion of Pahcoon Spring Wash. The right -of -way subse- quently passes to the north of the Beaver Dam Mountains, and con- tinues southwestward across the alluvial plains to the Nevada - Utah border.
The right -of -way enters Nevada to the southeast of the Tule Springs Hills. Turning in a more southerly direction, it passes to the southeast of the East Mormon Mountains, and continues southwestward. Turning due west just east of Meadow Valley Wash, the right -of -way then crosses the wash and abruptly turns south, passing to the east of Moapa. The proposed route then turns south, paralleling Dry Lake Valley and the Dry Lake Range on the east. It continues in a southerly direction, running between Lava Butte and the Frenchman Mountains. The route then goes p. 6
south -southwestward in direction, passing to the east of Victory Ville and Henderson. After passing along the western flank of the Black Hills, the IPP right -of -way merges with the original Line 1 route east of the McCullough Range, north of McCullough Pass.
NATIVE AMERICAN PEOPLES AFFECTED BY IPP RIGHT -OF -WAY
The proposed IPP:Revised right -of -way would cross part of the aboriginal territory of the Southern Paiute Nation. About 1825, that territory extended from near the Mojave River in southern California to the southern edge of Sevier Lake in south- western Utah. It included the desert west of the Lower Colorado River from Chemehuevi Valley northward, to the great bend of the stream. It also included the territory north of the westward - flowing Colorado River upstream to a plateau zone between the Paria and Escalante rivers. Some Southern Paiutes lived south of the Colorado River east of its Little Colorado tributary, west of Black Mesa and south to Moencopi Wash.
Past studies have indicated that about 1825, the Southern Paiute Nation was organized into two major socio- religious divisions, each centered on a share of the ribbon -like riverine oases of the Virgin River and its tributaries (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a, 1982b). The Western Division of the Southern Paiute Nation ranged generally west of the Utah -Nevada state boundary, from at least the north end of the Snake Range, Cedar Range and Bristol Range, Pahroc range, and Silver Canyon Mountains south to Chemehuevi Valley (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a). The Eastern Divi- sion inhabited the plateau highlands, raised small crops on Colorado River sandbars, and caught many fish in Panguitch Lake and elsewhere. The core gardening territory for this Eastern Division seems to have been along Santa Clara Creek and the Virgin River above the mouth of the tributary (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982b). From at least 1859 to 1873 the head chief of this Eastern Division was identified by Euroamerican officials as headchief of all Southern Paiutes.
WESTERN DIVISION SOUTHERN PAIUTES
Previously published studies described that portion of southern Nevada affected by the proposed right -of -way as the pre - colonization habitat of two so- called "bands" labeled the Moapa and the Las Vegas bands. Our previous analysis (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a) suggested that when Euroamerican colonization of southern Nevada began, the entire Western Division of the tribe (including the Panaca, Paranagat, Moapa, Las Vegas and Chemehuevi p. 7 bands) was known as the Paranayi. That term is translated into English as "people with their feet in the water." The water re- ferred to is that flowing down Meadow Valley Wash, Moapa River and the Virgin River into the Colorado. From the Colorado north to the headwaters of Meadow Valley ran the ribbon -like oasis where all contingents of the Paranayi appear to have cultivated food crops. The Western Division of the Southern Paiutes seems to have been rather populous and wide ranging to be properly la- beled a band. It might properly be considered one of two sub - tribes constituting the Southern Paiute Nation, where the term "subtribe" is used in a purely technical sense to indicate that the tribe formerly consisted of the western and eastern com- ponents.
When Euroamericans colonized southern Nevada and adjacent southwestern Utah, they usurped the same domestic water sources and irrigated fields upon which the Paranayi Paiutes had depended for food and water. They also felled the same kinds of trees for fuelwood as Paranayi Paiutes had used but cut many more; larger ones to saw into timbers and lumber for mines and houses and many smaller trees to make into fence posts. Euroamerican coloniza- tion quickly crippled the Paranayi Paiute economy. Simultaneous- ly, Old World diseases transmitted by immigrants decimated the Native Americans population. Rapid social and cultural change followed as the groups were riddled by mortality. By 1875, the Paranayi Paiutes had split up into two types of subsistence units. A number of small labor gangs became economically depen- dent upon specific Euroamerican settlements, while at least three Southern Paiute camps struggled to survive by exploiting natural resources using a combination of traditional and Euroamerican technology (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982b).
During the twentieth century, transitional labor gangs di- sintegrated. As Paranayi Paiutes learned to speak English and to wear European style clothing, they traveled widely in search of wage labor, and negotiated their own employment. It was no longer necessary to belong to a labor gang with a bilingual leader or contract broker. Single adults and nuclear families ranged over very long distances to seek employment in the cash economy of the region. Extended families provided children with emotionally supportive rearing and cultural continuity. These kindreds came to be based at the Moapa River Reservation, the Las Vegas Colony, at Pahrump in Nevada, and just across the state borders at Indian Peaks Reservation in Utah, at Kaibab Reserva- tion in Arizona, and the recently established Chemehuevi Reserva- tion in California. Consequently, contemporary Southern Paiutes at Moapa River Reservation, Las Vegas Colony, and Pahrump in Nevada were consulted by the staff of the present study. More- over, a religious leader residing at Kaibab Reservation served as the key Native American liaison person between the staff and Native American consultants. p. 8
EASTERN DIVISION SOUTHERN PAIUTES
Almost all of southwestern Utah formed the northern and western portion of the territory of the Eastern Division of the Southern Paiute Nation. Ethnohistorical investigations conducted during this study suggest that the Eastern subtribe may have been self -labeled Yanawant (Brooks 1950:27; see Chap. IV). The Eastern Division people raised small crops on sandbars bordering the Colorado River. Their horticultural core and mainstay con- sisted of riverine oasis fields along Santa Clara Creek and the Virgin River upstream from the confluence of the two streams. All of the local socio- economic groups constituting the Eastern Division, except the Willow Springs band south of the Colorado River, planted summer crops in the riverine oases. They may well have spent most of the summer hunting and collecting wild foods at higher and cooler elevations on the plateaus and in the moun- tains, rather than constantly weeding, cultivating and irrigating their crops. Some local socio- economic groups exploited rivers and lakes for fish and waterfowl (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a:15).
Euroamerican colonization of riverine oases rapidly disrup- ted the aboriginal settlement pattern and economic system of the Eastern Division peoples. Members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter -Day Saints began their invasion of Eastern Division lands in 1851. They essentially completed their occupation of key riverine oasis fields by 1862 when irrigation canal construc- tion at St. George destroyed the antecedent Southern Paiute small -scale canal network along that portion of the Virgin River Valley (Brooks 1961). Perhaps by that time, and certainly not later than the early 1870's surviving Eastern Division Southern Paiutes had become members of ethnic labor gangs. The tribal head chief and Eastern Division chief are not mentioned in docu- ments after 1873. Just as with the Western Division Paranayi peoples, each labor gang subsisted as a segregated Native American satellite to a specific Euroamerican settlement, with a more or less bilingual male "chief" who served as a cultural bro- ker between the two ethnic groups. A key function of the cultu- ral broker was to act as a labor contractor who recruited un- skilledSouthern Paiute workers for Euroamericans seeking help. The broker also acted as a spokesman for labor gang members trying to obtain services or favors from members of the dominant ethnic group. Labor gangs lived near the edges of the Euro- american towns of Beaver, Gunlock, Kanosh, Panguitch, St. George and Cedar City (Kelly 1934:552 -553).
Two of the southeastern bands of the Eastern Division ma- naged to escape the labor gang fate. The Willow Springs people retreated into their lands south of the Colorado River, where they were overrun by Navajo shepherds expanding into their terri- tory and eventually were incorporated as a cultural enclave on the Navajo Reservation. The Kaiparowits people similarly re- treated into the high plateau and mountain wilderness of inhospi- table southeastern Utah until the 1918 influenza epidemic decima- ted them (Bunte and Stoffle 1981). Then the few surviving Kaipa- p. 9 rowits crossed the river to amalgamate with the Willow Springs people.
At the northwestern margin of the aboriginal territory of the Southern Paiute Eastern Division, a number of families found a sizeable refuge area at the south end of the Needle Mountains in Hamblin Valley and the nearby slopes. There, these people were able to find a relative abundance of game animals and nutri- tious wild plant foods. Thus, they were able to continue, like the Kaiparowits and Willow Springs bands, a surprisingly tradi- tional economic pattern well into the twentieth century. These families also appear to have formed part of the Cedar City labor gang and became known as the "Indian Peaks Band." The micro - history of this population is not at all well known. Quite pos- sibly residence either in the mountainous refuge area or on the outskirts of Cedar City was very fluid, with people moving back and forth as employment opportunities appeared at the town or seasonal resources became available in the mountains.
The existence of a refuge area in the uplands, where many traditional and well -liked foods could still be obtained by one's own efforts fostered relatively intensive resource exploitation by members of the Cedar City labor gang. Economic ties and de- tailed knowledge of wild plant and game resources in this area consequently continue today to be stronger than among any other Southern Paiute Eastern Division group, save the Willow- Springs- Kaiparowits amalgamated band.
During the 1950's the federal government termination policy resulted in almost all of the Paiute groups in Utah having fede- ral services terminated. Inasmuch as the Paiute land base near Cedar City was not federal trusteeship land, the framers of the termination legislation overlooked the Cedar City labor gang. In 1980, new legislation restored federal recognition and services to the Utah Southern Paiutes. Approximately 500 surviving Utah Southern Paiutes are now organized in a single ethnic unit called the Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah. Elected representatives are cur- rently selecting federal lands that will become about 15,000 acres of new reservation.
After the period when labor gangs organized Southern Paiute social interaction, families ranged well beyond their own Holy Land in search of wage labor. At the same time, families of other Native American peoples also ranged into the Southern Paiute Holy Land in search of employment. As a result some fami- lies of the Pahvant Utes lived in and utilized parts of the study area in southwestern Utah. In order to determine the potential impact of the proposed right -of -way on cultural resources of these Pahvant Utes and the degree of concern for this area indi- viduals might have, the study staff consulted with Pahvant Utes at both Kanosh and Richfield. p. 10
ETHNOGRAPHIC SITUATION SUMMARY
The descendants of the aboriginal Southern Paiute ethnic group have a legitimate historical interest in the proposed IPP right -of -way. The emergence of a new ethnic legal amalgam in southern Utah is quite perceptible in the initial choices of ap- proximately 15,000 acres of reconstituted reservation for the re- recognized Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah. The post -1980 Utah Paiute polity seeks about 4,000 acres in Millard, Iron and Sevier counties to utilize as reserved residential areas for the five local populations. The Bureau of Land Management currently administers these lands. They have selected nearly 10,000 addi- tional acres of land currently under U.S. Forest Service adminis- tration. The larger 9,520 acre parcel, located in the Manti -La Sal National Forest, was chosen for its economic potential; rich coal deposits lie under the surface. The smaller 430 -acre tract is located in Fishlake National Forest; it contains many still- well-remembered burial spots and ceremonial sites. These are labeled "Paiute" in current discourse (Associated Press 1982).
The Utah Paiutes' request for the 430 -acre parcel of land near Fishlake, because it is "dotted with Paiute burial grounds ", points up a very important dimension of the current ethnographic situation. The Utah Paiutes are very much concerned about pre- serving and protecting their ancestors' graves. They consider these graves sacred. Federal policy and law vest in Native Americans special rights of access to religious shrines and sa- cred areas. Planning large construction projects like the IPP transmission line requires, therefore, consultation with the Native Americans likely to be affected. In southcentral Utah, that means primarily members of the recently re- recognized Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah.
Dominantgroup pressures toward formalization of a Southern Paiute politicalorganization have resulted in formation of federally- recognized, constitutional governments at Moapa River Reservation and Las Vegas Colony in Nevada. Elected chairmen act as spokesmen for their constituents. Appointed liaisonpersons referred to as Official Tribal Contact Representatives (OTCRs) have worked with the ethnographic study team to insure the incor- poration of the perspectives of members of these groups in the present study. In addition, the Pahrump Southern Paiute communi- ty currently seeks federal recognition as an autonomous group, and its special concerns have also been voiced through the same mechanism for the present study.
Southern Paiutes with special interests and concerns rela- tive to ancestral lands in southern Nevada also reside on the Kaibab Reservation in northern Arizona. The present study takes into account the concerns of these individuals. p. 11
Not only have Southern Paiutes persisted as distinctive eth- nic enclaves in Nevada and Utah, but they have also started a socio- economic -cultural renaissance, which appears to be gather- ing momentum. Residents of the Moapa River Reservation in south- eastern Nevada have launched a large -scale, capital intensive greenhouse tomato -cucumber growing and marketing venture. Re- cently, Congress restored approximately 70,000 acres to the Moapa reservation (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a:159 -60) and federally sub- sidized housing programs have notably enlarged the size and qua- lity of housing stock at both Moapa and Kaibab reservations. The Southern Paiutes living at Kaibab are also joining leaders of other Southern Paiute populations to form an overarching Southern Paiute organization to represent all of the scattered jurisdic- tions.
STUDY TEAM AND STRUCTURE
Applied Conservation Technology, Inc. is providing the In- termountain PowerAgency with professional consulting services necessary to perform and coordinate environmental studies related to the IPP Southern California Transmission System. In coordi- nating the necessary studies of Native American cultural resour- ces to be potentially affected by the revised right -of -way across southwest Utah and southeast Nevada, ACT selected the Applied Urban Field School of the University of Wisconsin -Parkside to perform the ethnographic resources field studies. Dr. Richard W. Stoffle, Associate Professor of Anthropology at UW- Parkside, is Director of the Applied Urban Field School (AUFS), and submitting officer of this report.
The on- campus staff of the AUFS in the present study included:
Mrs. Florence V. Jensen, Research Associate, administrative coordination, ethnohistory, analysis. Mr. Michael Daniel, Research Assistant, data management.
Ms. Susie Finney, Research Assistant, data management.
Mr. David B. Halmo, ResearchAssistant, analysis and writing. Mr. Todd Howell, Research Assistant, data management.
The off -campus field staff of the AUFS engaged in the pre- sent study includes Director Richard W. Stoffle, Florence V. Jensen, and
Dr. Pamela A. Bunte, Assistant Professor ofAnthropology, New Mexico State University, linguist- ethnographer. p. 12
Mr. Steven Boyd, Department of Botany and Plant Sciences, University of California, Riverside, field botanist.
Mr. Dan Bulletts, Moccasin, Arizona, Kaibab Paiute cultural consultant -Native American research associate. Mrs. Lucille Jake, Moccasin, Arizona, Kaibab Paiute cultural consultant -Native American research associate.
Mr. Michael J. Evans, Department of Anthropology, University of Florida, computer consultant, ethnohistory, administra- tive coordination, editor.
Mr. Andrew C. Sanders, Herbarium Curator, Department of Bo- tany and Plant Sciences, University of California, River- side, arid -lands botanist.
The off -campus ethnohistorical field staff of the AUFS en- gaged in the present study included:
Dr. Henry F. Dobyns, Director, Native American Historical Demography Project, Center for the History of the American Indian, The Newberry Library, ethnohistorian and editor.
Ethnographic -Ethnohistorical Analysis. As the ACT /AUFS scope of work statement specified, the AUFS staff comprehensively reviewed published literature, mainly anthropological and histo- rical, dealing with Native Americans in southwest Utah and south- east Nevada. The staff recovered relevant data from newspaper files and selected archives insofar as proved feasible during the time available. The AUFS staff reconsidered evidence bearing on boundaries between aboriginal tribal Holy Lands, especially in terms of environmental and land -use pattern characteristics (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a; 1982b). The staff revised earlier questionable interpretations of Southern Paiute settlement pat- terns and subsistence technology, particularly the horticultural conversion of solar energy into storable human foods. Archival and newspaper eyewitness accounts proved most useful in accurate- ly reconstructing natural resource exploitation, processing, ex- changes and consumption. p.13
CHAPTER III. RESEARCH DESIGN, ASSUMPTIONS AND ACTIVITY
The present report attempts to present clearly in non -tech- nical terms contemporary Native American concerns overpossible adverse impacts of the revised section of the IPP Intermountain - Adelanto Line 1 transmission line right -of -way on their cultural heritage. Clarity and accuracy dictate using technical terms in some passages, however these technical terms and the analysis rest upon sound theoretical and conceptual underpinnings. Con- cepts developed by numerous anthropological studies of cultural change characteristic of interaction between initially distinct ethnic groups guided analysis.
THEORY
A conceptual framework which is basic to the analysis of the present study is Edward H. Spicer's (1971) idea of the persistent cultural systemas it applies to the historic Southern Paiute experience. Southern Paiutes have existed for a long time in a contrasting cultural situation (Spicer 1971:796). They have maintained a cultural identity system besides their genetic dif- ference despite Euroamerican immigration into their traditional territory. Surviving numerous conflicts, Southern Paiuteshave continually opposed forced assimilation into the dominant society (Spicer 1971:797). They remain conscious that they still reside in their ancestral Holy Land (Spicer 1957; Dobyns 1960). Many continue to speak the Southern Paiute language as well as English (Spicer 1971:798). They still observe traditional mourningbe- havior; some even abandon a dwelling in which someone dies (Anderson and Mike 1974:21), although the results are regarded as counterproductive by Euroamericans. Increasingly since World War II, Southern Paiutes at Moapa River Reservation, Las Vegas Colony, and now Pahrump, have organized to achieve economic, so- cial and political objectives (Spicer 1971:799). An ethnohisto- rical account summarizes Southern Paiute cultural system per- sistence.
The present report is also written very much within the framework of the concept of the Columbian Exchange (Crosby 1972) of germs and viruses as well as technologies, languages, andthe migration of Old World populations to the Western Hemisphere. The cultivation of Old World wheat, for example, provided Native Americanswith a winter food crop that could potentially double the available food grain supply. The major NewWorld grain, maize, grows only during the summer and is not frost -resistant as is wheat. p. 14
A major aspect of the Columbian Exchange has been a precipi- tous and major decline in Native American numbers (Dobyns 1966). Native Americans lacked immunity to Old World pathogens; they also lacked a cultural pattern of nursing sick persons (Joralemon 1982:112). The pre -Columbian New World population fell from more than 100,000,000 to less than 5,000,000 during the first century and a half after Columbus' discovery (Dobyns 1966; Cook 1981; Cook and Borah 1979). Southern Paiutes were no more immune to Old World diseases than any other Native Americans. In addition they experienced a nineteenth century repetition of sixteenth century trans -oceanic transmission of Old World diseases. Mem- bers of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter -Day Saints colonized the Great Salt Lake Basin in 1847. This religious movement then had a number of foreign missionaries trying to convert people to Mormonism in Great Britain, Scandinavia, and Germany. Hundreds of new converts from Western Europe traveled westward every sum- mer during the 1850's and 1860's. They came directly from Europe, through Atlantic ports of the United States, across the Great Plains to "Zion" in Utah. Inevitably, some of them carried with them contagious diseases that were endemic in the cities from which they came, to the Native Americans in Utah. The demo- graphic collapse among Utah native peoples that resulted was ra- pid and dramatic. LDS Church President Brigham Young (1853:1) described its progress in the fall of 1853: "The Indians in these mountains are continually on the decrease, bands that num- bered 150 Warriors when we first came here number not more than 35 now;..."
Demographic change, as it pertains to Southern Paiutes, has been discussed in only one published paper (Stoffle and Evans 1976), and the two companiòn analyses of the IPP right -of -way in Nevada and Utah (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a, 1982b).
A third conceptual basis for the present study is that of cultural ecology viewed in historic perspective. Many regional anthropological studies have borrowed the concept of environmen- tal determinism of human cultures from geographers writing early in this century (e.g., Steward 1938). The present authors do not assume that diverse natural environments encountered within the study areadetermined the similarities in precolonial Pahvant, Ute and Southern Paiute cultures. This study presents evidence about some ways in which Southern Paiute peoples exploited quite different ecological niches (Dobyns 1981). A fourth conceptual base is that concerning cultural revita- lizationmovements (Wallace 1956). Such concepts lead to the conclusion that Southern Paiutes in southeastern Nevada and southwestern Utah appear to be in the early phase of a largely secular cultural and economic revitalization movement. Inhabi- tants of the Moapa Reservation and members of the Paiute Tribe of Utah are taking the lead in this ethnic renaissance,achieving a marked demographic expansion of their population for the first time in a century. p. 15
THE LEGAL MILIEU OF THE REVISED IPP PROPOSAL
NATIVE AMERICAN ASSESSMENT ISSUES
Anumber of federal and state laws and /or regulationscall for conducting a study to assess the potential effects of ade- velopment project on Native American people and their cultural resources. Such a study, called here a "Native American Impact Assessment" or NAIA, occurs as part of a more comprehensive set of studies called an "Environmental Impact Assessment" or EIA. A NAIAmay be placed in any one of several sections of the EIA set of studies. For example, a NAIA may be defined (1) as part of the "Cultural Resource Management" or CRM studies where there will be a close relationship with the archaeology research (Dickens and Hill 1978). On other projects, a NAIA may be de- fined (2) as part of the "Social Impact Assessment" or SIA studies where Indian economic, demographic, and sociological im- pacts can be discussed with cultural issues and thecombination compared with the local non -Indian population (Finsterbusch 1980; Finsterbusch and Wolf 1981; Leistritz and Murdock 1981). In still other studies, a NAIA may be given (3) its own category and termed an "Ethnographic" or "Native American Values" study. The present report falls within the latter category. It is, there- fore, limited in its scope to a discussion of Native American cultural patterns set within an historic perspective. When Native American inputs should be made a part of the EIA set is still very much a topic of regional and national debate. Thus, many of the procedures and interpretationspresented in this chapter belong to a point in the discussion rather than being final interpretations of the laws and regulations that in- fluence NAIA's. Despite the currently changing legal milieu within which NAIA's are conducted, most of the following assump- tions are widely accepted, as some have been published as part of the on -going debate (cf. Stoffle, Jake, Evans, and Bunte 1981; Stoffle, Jake, Bunte, and Evans 1982).
FEDERAL REGULATIONS
As potentially impacted cultural and historic resources, Native American sacred areas should be studied according to the Congressional Declaration of the National Environmental Policy Act (83 Stat. 852). The Historical Preservation Act (80 Stat. 915) supports the need to study Indian cultural resources by en- couraging the "historic preservation" of objects significant in p. 16
American history, including archaeological sites and culturally important locations. Finally, the American Indian Religious Freedom Act of 1978 (92 Stat. 469 or PL 95 -341) defines the special status of sacred places, artifacts, plants,-and animals of Native American peoples in the United States. This law guarantees American Indians access to sacred sites, including cemeteries, required in their religion, and the freedom to use, in the practice of their religion, sacred natural species and resources, even though these resources may no longer be con- trolled by the Indian people. The final Council on Environmental Quality (CEQ) regulations on the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA) that appeared on November 29, 1978, in the Federal Register (Vol. 43 No. 230:44978- 56007) clarify the appropriate role of Indian Tribes as participants in the NEPA process. According to Section 55989, Indian Tribes should have early knowledge of projects, are invi- ted to participate in the formulation of issues and in the re- search itself, and are invited to comment on drafts of reports before they become available during the "Public Comment Period." They have these rights, "whenever a project can impact Indian people living on a reservation." The status of non -reservation and off -reservation Indian people is not specified.
Federal regulations are most pertinent to the proposed IPP right -of -way primarily because most of it traverses federal lands administered by the Bureau of Land Management. The proposed right -of -way does not pass through or over any incorporated towns or cities in Utah. City ordinances do not, therefore, affect the proposed right -of -way.
CONTROL OF INFORMATION
Patterns of control over social impact assessment research data are defined by professional ethics. Often they are speci- fied in contracts although they are rarely specified by law. Anthropologists professionally define their relationship with a personwho provides information (termed informant, respondent or consultant) in a manner parallel to attorneys or physicians. That is, information provided by a consultant is treated as pri- vate communication and confidential and the consultant is enti- tled to privacy. Analyses based upon field notes are prepared for public con- sideration. These become the property of scholarly journals or of agencies that fund research and analysis. Such public docu- ments are written by the ethnographer so that they meet broad scientificgoals while maintaining maximum protection for the privacy of the consultant and his /her people. p. 17
Certain ethical standards for producing ethnographic studies of Native American sacred sites have developed over a period of years. These standards have usually been found to be acceptable by tribal councils, public utilities, and government regulatory agencies.
Consultant Anonymity. It is BLM policy that ethnographers identify Native Americans with whom they consult. In order to encourage consultants to speak with relative freedom, however, our policy is to present in a report no more information about a person quoted than is necessary to indicate the kind of authority with which that individual speaks. The study team will provide the BLM, separately from the report, a list of those interviewed, along with the information about group affiliation, age, role and status that the BLM requires.
DETERMINATION OF POTENTIALLY AFFECTED GROUPS
In order to determine which Native American groups are po- tentially affected and have the right to make comments about the resources of a particular study area, the criteria for being a "Native American group" and for being an "occupant" of the study area have to be established.
Whilemuch of the legislation regarding Native American re- sources has used the term "tribe," it is being used in a narrow sense to refer to BIA- recognized, reservation -based Indian groups. A key issue here is whether an Indian group is totally sovereignover its members, resources, and territory. Swagerty (1979) should be consulted for a full bipartisan discussion of this issue. Because such a narrow tribal definition would ex- clude many Native American peoples from having the right to make responses and because previous NAIA reports have taken a broader definition of tribe (see Bean and Vane 1978, 1979; ERT 1980; Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a, 1982b), it is recommended here that the term "tribe" be operationally defined to mean a Native American cultural (ethnic) group. Such a definition permits inclusion of linguistically, culturally, and socially distinct Indiangroups even though they may no longer own theirtraditional lands or may not be recognized by the Bureau of Indian Affairs as "organized tribes." That this can be a critical broadening of thedefini- tion for a NAIA study is demonstrated in the Paiute case: most groups have lost upwards of 95% of traditional lands; all Paiute groups in the State of Utah lost their reservation status a gene- ration ago while other Paiute groups have been incorporated as cultural minorities on the Navajo Indian Reservation, andover half of the Nevada Paiutes are not officially recognized accor- ding to their traditional band affiliations. p. 18
A second criterion for establishing which groups are poten- tially affected is that of a group having traditionally occupied portions of the study area. Here we find two ways of making such a determination. The most common definition of "occupancy" re- fers to a Native American group which occupied portions of the study area on a full -time basis at the time of Euroamerican con- tact. The terms "aboriginal inhabitant" and "traditional terri- tory" usually refer to such a group and its land. A second defi- nition of "occupant" is a Native American group which currently lives in the study area on a year -round basis. Both definitions assume that residence location provides the Native American group the opportunity to incorporate natural features of the area into its cultural definition of social -self.
INDIAN GROUPS POTENTIALLY AFFECTED BY IPP
In general the study area involves the traditional territor- ies of the Pahvant Utes and the Southern Paiute peoples. The Pahvant Ute people lived south of the lower Sevier River and east of Lake Sevier. Only the riverine oasis and the western slopes of the Pahvant Mountains were suitable for Native American habi- tation. Pahvant Utes lived in villages located in both riverine and mountainous habitats. Ethnographers have considered most of their resources to have been at higher elevations farthereast, but that Pahvants did cross the lower deserts "for specialpur- poses." They have expressed uncertainty as to how far south Pah- vant villages existed (Steward 1974:53).
The resources of Lake Sevier in the form of fish, waterfowl, and plant foods were sufficient in and of themselves to attract Pahvant people. The eastern shore of Lake Sevier can beconsi- dered the effective mid -nineteenth century western frontier of Pahvant land -use. At least one twentieth century Pahvant claimed that there were former villages located at Kanosh and Black Rock (Steward 1974:54). Whether a Pahvant division actually wintered at Black Rock prior to Mormon colonization is a difficult question to resolve. That area was on the frontier between Pah- vants and Southern Paiutes, and their traditional relationship appears to have been amicable, with intermarriage occurring be- tween the two groups. Given the friendly social relations that existed between them, land use probably overlapped at Sevier Lake and Beaver River.
Southern Paiute territory extends from the southern tip of Lake Sevier to southern California along the Lower Colorado River. Previous studies (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a, 1982b) have classified the Southern Paiutes as forming part of the Rancherian Culture Area stretching northward from the frontiers of civilized Mesoamerica to the northern frontier of Southern Paiute country (Dobyns and Euler 1980). Horticultural activity was very impor- p.19 tant for the Southern Paiutes, especially along the riverine oa- ses of the streams comprising the Virgin River system. Most, if not all, Southern Paiute groups had gardens and irrigable fields along these riverine oases. These Southern Paiute groups are currently organized as the Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah.
In Nevada, portions of Las Vegas and Moapa band territories are crossed by IPP. In addition, previous NAIA field research conducted by Stoffle and Evans during the Allen- Warner Valley project (Bean and Vane 1979) revealed that Pahrump Paiutes had traditional trails to the Colorado River that passed through Las Vegas Paiute territory. Pahrump Paiutes also specified locations near the Colorado River which were especially sensitive to them. Following the practices of previous studies (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a, 1982b) Pahrump Paiutes were interviewed as a separate group regarding site -specific information.
SACRED SITES AND RESOURCES
A NAIA reportmust provide a definition of what Native American sacred cultural resources are and how they are to be identified. Since the passage of the American Indian Religious Freedom Act there has been a major attempt to specify how this law is to be translated into specific United States government agency regulations. A Federal Agencies Task Force (1979), in consultation with Native American traditional religious leaders, has summarized the thoughts of numerous interest groups regarding what Native American sacred cultural resources are and how they should be protected. That report has already stimulated great controversy (see White 1980), and recent articles (Arnold 1980; Rosen 1980; Winter 1980) suggest that the argument will continue.
For any specific NAIA it is necessary to find a middle ground in the definition of these resources that will be accep- table to most of the interest groups which have expressed an o- pinion on the issue. The following assumptions have beenesta- blished by comparative studies of religion and are generally ac- ceptable to Native American leaders, federal agencies such as the Bureau of Land Management, major corporations, and professional anthropologists. It is assumed that human groups vary in the degree to which they define portions of their society, culture, and material resources as sacred rather than secular. It is also assumed that when compared with many other ethnic groups in con- temporary United States society, Native Americans generallyde- fine more of their social, cultural, and material resources as sacred. It is assumed that among sacred resources orsociocul- tural patterns some can be more important than others and that this relative importance can be changed over time by group con- sensus. Inasmuch as the sacredness of these resources can and does change through time, it is assumed that no NAIA is complete p. 20 without consulting with the potentially affected group. There- fore, a Native American group can define as sacred a wide range of resources -- from the food members eat, to the places they once lived, to their activities, to their ancestors' burials, to the trails they once traveled upon -- and only they can make such a determination.
These assumptions help place in perspective apparently con- flicting responses regarding potential impacts on sacred re- sources. For example, a Native American person can say, without the statements being in mutual conflict, that all of the land is sacred and that a specific area is clear of sacred resources and will not be harmed by construction. In the first case the re- sponse is to the general idea of having the development occur at all; the latter is a conditional response which means that if the project goes ahead, a particular area has the fewest cultural resources.
ETHNOGRAPHIC RESOURCES POTENTIALLY AFFECTED BY IPP
Pahvant Ute and Southern Paiute peoples have occupied the desert land of the study area for at least 800 years (Euler 1964:379). Some scholars have viewed their presence in this harsh land as a sign that they were a people dominated by their environment and by their more powerful neighbors. From such a perspective, the plants and animals of the desert are natural elements of the environment and not the product of human acti- vity. In contrast to this view, recent research suggests that Southern Paiute peoples significantly managed and therefore modi- fied their environment (cf. Kehoe 1981; Stoffle and Evans 1976; Stoffle, Jake, Bunte and Evans 1981). Instead of being dominated by the desert, they learned to "husband its resources." Southern Paiutesconsciously adjusted plants and animals to the many de- sert micro -environments between 600 feet above sea level on the Colorado River banks to 11,918 feet at the summit ofNuvagantu (Charleston Peak). By prudently and economically managing these "natural" resources, Southern Paiutes assured their own continued survival and population expansion in the desert. A knowledge of plant genetics is suggested by this research as a major "cultural focus" (Anderson 1956; Shipek 1970, 1981). Over hundreds of years of "husbanding" the environment, Paiutes in effect made many of the plants, animals, and places of the desert into human artifacts.
In order to maximize available resources, Paiutes developed an "adaptive strategy" (Bennett 1976:273) involving seasonal movement in pursuit of the total spectrum of flora and fauna in the environmentas well as cultivation of crops by floodplain, oasis, riverine irrigation and dryland techniques. This wide - ranging semi -sedentary adaptation has been termed a "transhumant p. 21 adaptive strategy" (Stoffle and Evans 1976:6). Our research sug- gests that this strategy, when combined with plant and animal husbandry, produced an environmental "carrying capacity" that actually exceeded the carrying capacity produced by Euroamerican strategies of full time farming and /or ranching (Thomas 1976:14). The transhumant adaptive strategy effectively utilized extensive desert tracts and supported denser populations than those pre- viously estimated by Steward (1938).
Although it is impossible to ascertain the total range of natural food sources actually utilized by the Southern Paiutes, we can proceed toward an estimate by listing (1) those foods these people claim to have utilized, (2) foods that Euroamericans observed Southern Paiutes utilizing, and (3) foods present in the area and known to have been utilized by neighboring Native Americans. Our ethnohistorical investigations of Southern Paiute ethnobotany indicate that they utilized 64 families of flora en- compassing at least 170 species of edible plants. These food sources ranged from cacti to grasses, to berries, to trees such as pinyon and juniper. Leaves, stalks, bark, fruit, roots and any other edible portion of these plants wasutilized (Palmer 1878; Kelly 1964; Woodbury 1965). The list would be greatly ex- panded were it to include an equally impressive array of medici- nal plants that often have nutritional value. In similar fashion, these Indian people utilized most of the varieties of fauna found within their territory (Kelly 1964:47- 55). Hoofed animals utilized included bighorn sheep, antelope, mule deer, and elk. Rodents eaten included cottontail rabbit, chipmunk, deermouse, muskrat, rat, beaver and porcupine. Carni- vores included mountain lion and bobcat. Birds of many varieties were taken from specially constructed hunting blinds. Reptiles including snakes and lizards were frequently eaten. Insects con- sumed included locusts, green caterpillars and ants. Euro- americans commented at great length on the fact that no portion of the area's fauna from ants to deer was overlooked as a food source. The native pattern of total faunal utilization was ex- tended to Euroamerican animals such as horses, cattle, sheep and donkeys, much to the consternation of the Euroamericans who brought these animals into the area.
Most of these Indian people were not only effective consum- ers and keepers of natural foods, but also planted irrigated gar- dens of maize, beans, and squash near permanent water sources. Although is has been suggested by some researchers that the Southern Paiutes were non -cultivators (Kelly 1964:36), such a position is not supported by historic and archaeological evidence (Stoffle and Evans 1978:4 -5). An early Spanish explorer, Escalante, in 1776 described the Southern Paiutes as cultivating the irrigable lands within their territory (Euler 1966:33). The Mormon explorer, John D. Lee, in 1852 observed Paiutes in the Santa Clara RiverValley cultivating 100 acres of corn and squashes (Woodbury 1944:140). A few days later, in the narrow but fertile bottom lands of the Virgin River at the edge or pos- sibly in Kaibab Paiute territory, Lee again observed that: p. 22
"Their corn was waist high; squashes; bean; potatoes, etc. look well. They had in cultivation four or five acres; their wheat had got ripe and was out" (Woodbury 1944:143). When Euro- americans first traveled down the Colorado River, past Southern Paiute territory, they found small fields of maize planted along the river (Powell 1957:100). Powell stated that all of the Southern Paiutes cultivated the soil prior to settlement of the area by Euroamericans (Powell and Ingalls 1874:53).
In summary, it has been necessary to provide an alternate explanatory frame of reference in order to assess the inclusive- ness and emotional intensity of Indian peoples expressed concerns over resources that Euroamericans normally define as "a partof nature." For example, during the Allen- Warner Valley study (Bean and Vane 1979) and the two previous IPP studies (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a, 1982b), Las Vegas, Pahrump, and Cedar City Paiutes repeatedly mentioned a concern that power line access roads would result in the killing of small mammals and reptiles. The desert tortoise was singled out as a common example of an animal that would be harmed. Indian people discussed at length examples of times when they had stopped cars on busy interstate highways in order to save a tortoise from harm. Such paternalistic state- ments may seem insincere exaggerations until they are viewed as role components associated with desert animal husbandry. Similar paternalistic statements emerged regarding the relationship be- tween Indian people and their plants.
The most widely recognized type of Native American cultural resources are physical artifacts such as home sites, grinding stones, mortar depressions, arrowheads, petroglyphs andpicto- graphs. These are found throughout the study area. Less widely recognized but nonetheless critical cultural resources are Native American trails, places where events of historic or cultural im- portance occur, and places of religious importance. While the trail is itself a physical artifact, it and the other places of cultural significance may not be associated witharchaeological features. Their locations and importance can only be determined by interviews with Native American people. In addition, great concernhas been expressed over the potential impacts on Indian burials.
NATIVE AMERICAN REPRESENTATIVES
Another basic question that must be answered in a NAIA con- cerns the appropriate or representative response from aNative American group. When a group is organized and recognized by the Bureau of Indian Affairs, the first level of contact by the NAIA researcher is the tribal chairman and council. Depending on the size of the tribe and the degree of concern over the proposed development, the council will either make an official response p. 23 regarding the project or will specify an appropriate committee to make a response. A much more complex situation exists when the Native American group is not officially recognized and may, therefore, not have a spokesperson who is empowered to speak for all the group. For example, one of the least organized and re- cognized Southern Paiute groups is the so- called "San Juan Paiutes," composed of the Willow Springs and Navajo Mountain groups. An undetermined number of these people (perhaps 300) define themselves as Southern Paiute, continue to speak the Paiute language, follow many traditional Paiute cultural ways, but live on lands that are officially designated as a portion of the Navajo Reservation. Although these people are territorially and politically incorporated by the Navajo Nation, they recently expressed the desire to be considered in a NAIA as a separate and culturally distinct group (P. Bunte, pers. comm.). Their spokes- persons' status is based on informal group consensus.
The Pahrump Paiute Tribe of Nevada_ constitute a similar case. Like the Willow Springs Band, the Pahrump Paiutes were recognized in the early ethnographic literature on Southern Paiutes but the U. S. Government failed to confer on them tribal status or assign territory to them. Despite a lack of official U. S. Government recognition, the Pahrump Paiutes still attempt to function as an independent group whenever it is appropriate. They agreed during the Allen- Warner Valley regional planning study (Bean and Vane 1979) to have their views generally combined with the Las Vegas Paiutes but noted that they would probably speak as a separate group when and if site -specific proposals were made. They have an elected council and chairman.
In addition to establishing who is the appropriate official contact person for a Native American group, there still remains the question of how to elicit the most complete and representa- tive response to the potential development project. This is an issue that must be carefully negotiated with the group's contact person, who must understand the project and the type of impact study being conducted. The Bureau of Land Management, for exam- ple, has three classes of studies ranging from regional planning, to problem- specific, to site -specific research. Working with the official contact person is especially sensitive when the tribal government is not viewed as representative of all groups within the society.
Beyond the official contact level, there are three broad types of Native American expert consultants and each willpro- bably provide a different perspective on the group's sacred re- sources. These are (1) traditional religious practitioners, (2) groupmembers selected at random, and (3) persons who have the most direct contact with the potentially impacted portions of the study area. Traditional religious practitioners have specialized knowledge of religious practice, religious materials, and reli- gious locales that most persons in the group will not have. A random selection of group members, usually divided by age, sex, and whether residing on or off the reservation, will help specify the range of knowledge about, and the diversity of concerns for, p. 24 sacred resources. Finally, consulting with persons who actually live within the study area or have lived there in recent times often provides the greatest detail regarding the presence and distribution of resources.
EVIDENCE VALIDITY
Inasmuch as a great majority of Native American sacred cul- tural resources exist on or are a part of lands no longer owned by them, it is often necessary to specify why a Native American person or group has a right to express concerns over the disposi- tion of resources within a study area. The major means of vali- dating the right to make a response and determining the quality of the expressed concerns involves ethnohistory. An ethnohisto- rical methodology uses multiple data sources such as archaeology, documents, and oral history to "triangulate" research findings to help assure their accuracy. Ethnographic comparisons with living peoples or with contemporaries for whom more data are available serve further to validate ethnohistorical findings. Oral history is a cornerstone of the ethnohistorical method. It generally is accepted as valid evidence by professional ethno- historians who have used such data as testimony in Indian Land Claims Commission legal court actions since the early 1950's (Dobyns 1978). After (and sometimes during) such hearings, these findings are presented for academic scrutiny through publication in professional journals such as Ethnohistory.
Survey data are also extremely useful. They allow more groupmembers to be reached and permit quantification of re- sponses. The methodology and its resulting findings are widely accepted by non -social scientists who frequently serve as admi- nistrators of proposed development projects and regulatory agen- cies. The difficulties of conducting a survey as part of a NAIA stem from the limited time allowed by a typical project and the general distrust of surveys by Native Americans. To help resolve the first difficulty, Finsterbusch (1977:291) suggests the use of mini -surveys. In order to increase the reliability of these surveys, categories that are used to form the survey questions should be generated from interviews with key informants from the population to be surveyed. These expert judgements can later be compared with the mini -survey findings (see Stoffle, Jake, Evans and Bunte 1981 for an expanded discussion of this issue). p.25
ETHNOHISTORY
This report presents an ethnohistory of the Southern Paiute people between the Spanish colonial period in the Southwest and particularly between 1776 and 1982. The ethnohistorical chapter continues an historical narrative that identifies major dynamics of cultural and demographic change among Southern Paiutes as pre- sented in the 1982 IPP study (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a, 1982b). It constitutes ethnic history insofar as it focuses upon the Southern Paiute ethnic group. Influenced by earlier scholarly publications dealing with Southern Paiutes, the authors initially anticipated that the ethnohistorical section of the present study would be simply ethnic history. In the course of research, and analysis of first -hand accounts of Southern Paiute individual and groupbehavior at different times, the authors recognized that rather convincing evidence exists that prior to Euroamerican co- lonization in their territory, the Southern Paiute people consti- tuted an organized tribe. The social boundaries of the ethnic unit meaningful to Southern Paiutes were larger than the tribe. Common speech and many identical cultural traits linked all Southern Paiute groups. Intermingled resource exploitation in the key oases was carried on by various Southern Paiute camps. A small cadre of High Chiefs, including one Head Chief at any given moment, influenced all Southern Paiutes and were viewed as quite sacred personages by other Southern Paiutes.
The leadership of the Southern Paiute High Chiefs appears to have been more ritual than political and far more admonitory than authoritarian. Paradoxically, the non -political, sacred nature of Southern Paiute chieftanship made it all the more powerful in ways difficult for Euroamericans to understand. Euroamericans in the United States are accustomed to secular government by au- thorities who tolerate organized religious denominations, and require their members to tolerate one another. Such a form of human relationships was utterly foreign to the thoughts of pre - colonization Southern Paiutes. They perceived their sacred High Chiefs as linking human beings to the supernatural, to the Scrip- tural Beings who created the Earth and the animals and plants and people who inhabited it. They lived in a social order and econo- mic system almost completely within or colored bywhat Euro- americans mentally compartmentalize as "religion."
In tracing the social and conceptual change in Southern Paiute culture that transformed their pre -colonization world into accommodation with Euroamericans in the twentieth century, the 1983 ethnohistorical chapter relies heavily on documented ac- counts. The authors have chosen to rely more on one of the two majormethodological thrusts in ethnohistorical analysis. One method relies on documented, historic eyewitness accounts to re- construct significant events and cultural changes. The other method utilizes knowledge of contemporary ethnic culture in order p. 26 to accurately interpret records made by observers who did not always understand what they saw (Spicer 1980). This latter pro- cedure is employed in the present study. When knowledge of the Southern Paiute versions of the Numic language helps to interpret information recorded at some earlier time, that knowledge ob- tained by interviewing contemporary Southern Paiutes is brought to bear on the analysis. So are oral histories collected in the course of the research conducted in order to prepare this report. Documentary sources of information about changes in Southern Paiute behavior, culture and demographics demonstrated that Southern Paiute society was radically altered during the half century between 1825 and 1875. Those who survived in 1875 had dramatically changed their culture, abandoning traditional funda- mental postulates about the relationships between humanbeings, the environment and the supernatural. Surviving Southern Paiutes necessarily changed drastically in part because they were very few in number compared to tribal strength in 1852. Euroamerican colonization in their territory transmitted numerous lethal con- tagious diseases that caused Southern Paiute numbers to "melt away." However, depopulation did not stop in 1875.
One consequence of depopulation was simply that many spe- cialists and sacred leaders perished before they could pass their abundant and specialized knowledge on to their descendants or other trainees. Thus, an unknown store of detailed Southern Paiute oral scripture, knowledge about animals and plants, horti- cultural techniques, ritual, kinship relationships, etc., was forever lost when the people with this knowledge died. The loss of information that occurred during depopulation was so great that a scholar can, to only a limited extent, depend upon contem- porary Native American statements. For today's oral history can- not accurately portray events, and more especially relationships, in a tribal society that no one has seen functioning for a cen- tury and a half.
The main ethnohistorical methodology employed in the present study, therefore, relies wherever possible on documented eye -wit- ness reports of Southern Paiute behavior. Every analytical ef- fort has been made to take into account the biases inherent in various kinds of observers. Reports have been interpreted in terms of known patterns of behavior of other Native Americans in the Rancherian Culture Area (Dobyns and Euler 1980), without bur- dening this study with comparative discussions. Reports of his- toric Southern Paiute behavior have been interpreted, in addi- tion, in the light of general social science knowledge about the nature of intergroup relations between a dominant and subordinate ethnic group.
The ethnohistorical chapter presents insofar as possible a summaryof historical changes with Southern Paiutes at the core of the analysis. It is not tribal history from a strictly Southern Paiute point of view. It is an analysis of the mind - shattering and frequently, literally lethal, impact of Euro- american colonization on the Southern Paiute, and the demographic and cultural adjustments surviving Southern Paiute people have p. 27 made in order to survive and recently to begin to prosper under Euroamerican domination.
RESEARCH TASKS
PROJECT INITIATION
On December 30, 1982, ACT project managers notified princi- pal investigator Stoffle of the ethnographic studies pertaining to the proposed Utah and Nevada sections of the revised IPP Intermountain -Adelanto Line 1 transmission line right -of -way. The AUFS staff spent 17 days in January completing a budget pro- posal for submittal to ACT. As the AUFS had recently completed ethnographic studies for the original Line 1 right -of -way, the 1983 proposal reflected a continuation of studies conducted during 1981 and 1982.
The authorization to proceed became official in the form of a subconsultant agreement and scope of work dated January 24, 1983. The letter signaling the official project start -up was dated February 1, 1983.
ESTABLISHMENT OF NATIVE AMERICAN COMMUNICATION NETWORK
The first task of the research team was to establish a for- mal communication link with an official representative of every potentially impacted Native American group. This two -way commu- nication link is called the Native American Communication Network (NACN). The NACN was first developed during the ethnographic studies bearing on the issue of potential impacts of coal produc- tion and transportation on Native American resources in the Kai - parowits region of northern Arizona and southern Utah (ERT 1980). The concept was subsequently refined and incorporated into the 1981 -82 IPP project (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a, 1982b). The NACN has proven to be an integral component of Native American Impact Assessment research. The inclusion of Indian people in the NACN during all phases of the research was viewed as especially posi- tive and received noteworthy praise from tribal government re- viewers of the 1982 reports.
Initial phone contact was made in mid -February. That con- tact introduced the project and included a request for the tribal chairmen to appoint an Official Tribal Contact Representative (OTCR) to work with the study team. The tribal chairmen contac- ted were: p. 28
Richard Arnold, Pahrump Paiute Tribe
Travis Benioh, Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah Billy Frye, Las Vegas Paiute Tribe
Dolores Savala, Kaibab Paiute Tribe
Preston Tom, Moapa Paiute Tribe
Formal written notification of the current ethnographic studies was sent to each tribal chairman by ACT on February 3, 1983 (see APPENDIX A). The AUFS sent a follow -up letter to all chairmen on February 7, 1983 (see APPENDIX B).
In order to obtain full Native American participation, re- duce miscommunication, and strengthen the research process, an OTCR from each group was hired for the duration of the project. This representative was selected by the tribal chairman and /or tribal council. Meetings were planned which would involve the principal investigator and each of these project representatives. At these meetings, each OTCR would have the opportunity to learn in detail about the project and to have any questions answered. After returning to the reservation each OTCR was to be the major link in the NACN although other members of the tribe were also included in this network at the request of the tribal chairman or tribal council. It was the responsibility of the OTCR to handle questions as they arose on the reservation, to set up the offi- cial meetings with the tribal chairman and /or tribal council, to arrange for individual interviews with key Indian consultants, and to review and formulate an official comment on the prelimi- nary and final reports.
The NACN established and maintained two -way communication from project inception. As it has in the past, the NACN con- tinued to be a significant mechanism for cooperation, and proved successful in providing potentially impacted groups with the time and necessary information for making an appropriate response to the project and its reports.
LITERATURE SEARCH, ANNOTATION, AND ASSESSMENT
A second task of the research team was to determine the eth- nohistoric sequence both within and near the revised Line 1 right -of -way based on documents. Much of the basic literature regarding the potentially impacted Native American peoples was already available in the research team files. These files exist due to: previous studies dating back to the U.S. Indian Claims Commission cases; to members of the research team having made a long -term professional commitment to the study of these peoples; and to previous research projects in the area. p. 29
Extant research team files did not of course contain all relevant documents relating to the IPP. However, the data base was greatly expanded during the 1981 -82 IPP studies, and these two files provided a first stage of literature review.
The second stage of the literature search involved screening general collections of Native American materials located at the Newberry Library, and personal visits to local city and county libraries at Las Vegas, St. George and Cedar City. Repositories such as the University of Nevada -Las Vegas Special Collections and the Nevada State Historical Society were also visited. These visits yielded numerous additions of original documents. Project research associates (Evans and Jensen) spent one month (Feb. 8- Mar. 8) collecting nineteenth and twentiethcentury newspaper accounts of historic events involving Indian people in the study area and surrounding region. The research staff concluded that ethnohistoric research utilizing newspaper accounts constituted a major source of untapped information in terms of study area microhistory. The in -field data collection amounted to some 700 items totaling 450+ pages of printed material and handwritten transcripts.
A third stage of the literature search was the review and analysis of collected documents in relation to the revised IPP right -of -way by project ethnohistorian Dobyns. Printed material and transcripts of newspaper articles were entered into computer data files in a format that could be easily incorporated into the existing data base files and analyzed.
A common annotation style and composition was agreed upon at the beginning of the project. Throughout this process of searching and annotating relevant literature, an assessment of its quality and potential uses was made by the study team.
IN -FIELD ETHNOGRAPHIC INTERVIEWING
The purpose of the in -field work was to provide Native Americans with special settings in which they could discuss the project and provide various types of feedback. During the de- velopment of the NACN the need for establishing an OTCR to work with the study team was discussed with each tribal chairman. During those phone calls, the tentative project schedule was dis- cussed and a request for one or more on- reservation meetings was made. Previous experience had suggested that it was best to se- parate the tribal chairman /tribal council meeting from the public tribal meeting. Structuring these initial group meetings was the responsibility of the OTCR and the principal investigator. The timing of these meetings, however, was carefully negotiated so that the field work could be completed within the time and finan- cial resources set by the ACT /AUFS contract. After the public tribal meeting(s), individual meetings occurred with 1) Native Americans who have lived in directly affected portions of the p. 30
study area, and 2) Native American religious specialists and /or traditional leaders.
Throughout the field work period, the study team's Native American Research Associate (NARA), Mrs. Lucille Jake, was in attendance at public meetings and at as many of the individual meetings as time and travel distance would allow. Unfortunately, the other NARA, Mr. Dan Bulletts, was unable toaccompany the study team in the field due to hospitalization. He subsequently joined the study team during the April -May ethnobotanical field session. The presence of the NARA permitted conversations to oc- cur in the native language between study team members and the audience. Dr. Pamela Bunte was also asked to serve in the capa- city of translator.
Given that this is a site -specific impact assessment, on- site visits were conducted. The entire route was not traversed by truck or car. Instead, key locales were visited. Each visit included the linguist and /or the NARA, and a person from a Native American group who was recognized as knowledgeable about the area.
Afterdirect interviewing was completed, key issues were formed into an easily read mini -survey (see APPENDIX C). This survey was developed with the assistance of the project's NARA and the OTCRs. The mini -survey concept was first developed by Finsterbusch (1977). Its first known use in an NAIA was by Stoffle and Evans during the Chemehuevi section of the Devers- Palo Verde study (Bean and Vane 1978). It was later refined in the Allen- Warner Valley report to include a scaling ofcultural resources (Stoffle et.al. 1981), and was most recently used during the 1981 -82 IPP studies( Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a, 1982b). The results of this survey appear in Chapter V.
SPRING ETHNOBOTANICAL ON -SITE VISITS
Previous NAIA research conducted by the authors of this re- port documented expressions of concern over the desert flora that make essential contributions to Southern Paiute nutrition, health, and religion. During the Kaiparowits study, on -site visits provided a richness of detail not achieved in previous studies. These visits occurred in the early spring when numerous plants are gathered by Indian people. Because many valuable plantsdo not appear above the surface in winter, their presence in the study area would be difficult to determine without a spring on -site visit. The Kaiparowits experience pointed out a further advantage of having growing plants, Native American plant specialists, linguist, and ethnographer together at one time. Such a combination produced the first combinations of exact loca- tion, specific usage, scientific name, and Indian name ever to appear in a NAIA. The process was greatly facilitated by Dr. Pamela Bunte's modified International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA), p. 31 which she developed specifically for the writing of the Southern Paiute language. The spring ethnobotanical on -site visits included Drs. Bunte and Stoffle, Steven Boyd, the project botanist, the NARA, and one or more plant specialists from potentially impacted Native American groups. The on -site visits occurred in late April and early May.
CHRONOLOGY OF FIELD WORK
FEBRUARY -MARCH FIELD WORK
As was briefly discussed above in the section describing research tasks, project research associates Evans and Jensen con- ducted documents research in February and March. This process continued in tandem with the in -field ethnographic interviewing. They subsequently joined the ethnographic study team in the field to assist with public meetings and interviews.
On February 20 and 21, Stoffle discussed the project with ACT personnel in California. He then traveled to Las Vegas on the evening of February 21 where, the following day, the OTCR orientation /training session was held. That session lasted throughout the day. On February 23, the study team, consisting of Stoffle, Bunte, Evans, Jensen, and Richard Arnold, chairman of the Pahrump Paiute Tribe, spent the day recording notes and pho- tographing key locales along the right -of -way. The next day, Stoffle, Bunte, and Richard Arnold interviewed two Paiute elders while traveling along the proposed route. A public tribal meeting followed that evening at Las Vegas Colony. During that meeting, the revised IPP project was discussed through lectures and the display of raised topographic maps, so that Indian people could more easily identify areas of concern. On February 25, the team worked in the University of Nevada - Las Vegas Special Collections library, searching for and screening ethnohistorical materials. Later that day, they dis- cussed the project with members of the Moapa Paiute Tribe. The team spent Sunday, February 27 recording field notes in Las Vegas. A rainstorm had prevented any outdoor activity.
On the morning of February 28, a public meeting was held at the Moapa Indian Reservation. That afternoon, the study team met with the BLM Arizona Strip District archaeologist in St. George, Utah. From there they traveled to Cedar City where, the next day, Evans and Jensen resumed documents review at the public li- brary. During the afternoon, Stoffle and Bunte were on -site with an elder from the Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah, interviewing him p. 32
with regard to area history and Indian resources of concern. On -site visits /interviews continued the next day, March 2, with the elders from various subgroups of the Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah. The study team then traveled to Shivwits to make plans for a public meeting and interviews there. That evening, the study team presented the project at a public meeting back in Cedar City.
On March 3, interviews were conducted with Shivwits elders. A public tribal meeting followed that night. Interviewing con- tinued the next morning, while Evans and Jensen worked in the library at Cedar City. That afternoon, Stoffle went on -site with three Paiute elders to interview them about areas of concern.
The study team traveled on March 5 to the Kaibab Paiute re- servation and held a public meeting there that day. The following day, they traveled back to Moapa for the public meeting there. In attendance at the meeting was Dr. Edward Weil, ACT's cultural resource project manager. On March 7, an on -site visit and in- terviewwas conducted with an elder from the Moapa Paiute Tribe.
Upon the study team's return from the field, notes and in- terview tapes were transcribed. While in the field, Evans and Jensen mailed printed and taped newspaper items to project head- quarters, so that they could be entered into the computer data files and sent to project ethnohistorian Dobyns for analysis.
APRIL -MAY FIELDWORK
The primarypurpose of the April -May field session was to obtain botanical specimens from specific locations along the pro- posed IPP Line 1 revised right -of -way through a series of on -site visits. The 1983 ethnobotanical field sessions concentrated on the concept of the riverine /spring oasis, and its assortment of cultivated plants, transitional cultivars, and otherwise tended and /or encouraged "wild" plants. The session also concentrated on the movement of Southern Paiute camps, from their riverine /spring oasis settlement base to gathering and storage areas on nearby hills and ridges, which were connected by a network of trails. Because of poor weather conditions during last year's ethno- botany on -site visits, the study team was unable to obtain a full picture of the botanical resources utilized by Southern Paiute people, especially in the state of Utah. Fortunately, the weather held out during the April -May sessions of the 1983 project. Thus, the study team was able to gather a large quantity of accurate information concerning Southern Paiute use of desert plants and their concern for the protection of these sacred resources. p. 33
Collected specimens were identified and analyzed by Steven Boyd, the project botanist, at the University of California - Riverside herbarium. Narratives obtained from Native American plant specialists (NAPS) concerning plant names and uses were then corroborated with the actual physical specimens.
Between April29 and May 7, the study team traveled along the proposed route, stopping at key locales to collect voucher specimens of important plants and elicit information concerning names and traditional uses from the NAPS and other Native American consultants. During each on -site visit, the principal investigator, botanist, linguist, NARA, OTCR and NAPS were present.
The first five days of this period were devoted to on -site visits and interviews along the right -of -way in Nevada. After a rest day on May 4, the study team continued the ethnobotanical on -site visits and interviews along the proposed route inUtah during the next three days. The ethnobotanical field session yieldedmuch new information concerning Native American sacred resources of a botanical nature. Information obtained from the on -site visits was recorded on tape and in photographs. Upon the team's return from the field, thesè data were processed and ana- lyzed by the AUFS staff.
It must be noted here that throughout the duration of the research, communication between Native American groups, AUFS pro- ject staff, and ACT project managers remained open. One innova- tion of the 1983 project was the development of a newsletter as a component of the NACN (see APPENDIX D). The major function of the newsletter was to inform and update Indian people on the pro- gress of the ethnographic studies. The newsletter was sent to 1) all tribal chairpersons, 2) all OTCRs, 3) all Indian people in- terviewed, 4) all research team members, and 5) state -level Indian organizations such as the Inter -tribal Council of Nevada.
The newsletter contained information about project activi- ties that had recently been completed, a detailed calendar of important dates /events, and an outline of areas where, and points in time when, Native American assistance and responses would be most important.
This communication enhanced the planning and conducting of all meetings, on -site visits, and ethnographic interviews, along with other aspects of the field sessions. Open lines of communi- cation allowed the in -field work to be carried out with a minimum of confusion and delay. p. 34
Chapter IV. ETHNOHISTORICAL SUMMARY
Two groups of Native American peoples formerly inhabited the area that the revised Intermountain Power Project Line 1 will traverse. Goshutes were located north of the Sevier river. They interacted with Pahvant Utes along the lower Sevier River inter- tribal boundary (see map). Pahvants grewmaize along major streams, but when Old World horses became available they mounted them more enthusiastically than their northern or southern neigh- bors. The northern section of IPP Line 1 crosses former Goshute and Pahvant Ute territory (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982b). The Pah- vants interacted with Southern Paiutes along Beaver river. The Paiutes occupied a large territory extending from the southern edge of Sevier Lake and Beaver river southwestward to Death Valley and south to the Colorado river (see map). The route of the revised section of Line 1 lies almost totally in Southern Paiute lands, so the present ethnohistorical summary discusses the Southern Paiute people. Southern Paiutes cultivated in riverine oasis fields all the New World domesticated plants that were adjusted to diverse grow- ing conditions in North America. Consequently, they were one of the ethnic groups which formed the Rancherian culture area, not the Great Basin area to which they have frequently been consigned on the erroneous premise that they were not horticulturalists. Rancheria is a Spanish term referring to a settlementpattern. Rancherian peoples lived in fixed settlements and did not random- ly roam. Their settlements consisted of houses scattered some distance from each other. Kin groups frequently moved from one fixed rancheria to another during the seasonal round of activi- ties. Their trips enabled them to exploit a wide range of natu- ral resources, but their major economic activity was irrigated crop production (Spicer 1962:12) and harvesting riverine oasis natural resources. The key oasis resource for all of the Ranch - erian culture area peoples was mesquite tree pod -pith ( Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a:62 -64; Kroeber 1925:737; Spicer 1980:9).
Nuts have been a staple in the diet of several culture areas principally California. There, as A. L. Kroeber (1939:53) states, "Californian subsistence was built up about the acorn." Mesquite trees have a similar significance for the Rancherian culture area. Consuming horticultural products more than wild foods, the Rancherian peoples did not depend on mesquite pod -pith as much as Californian peoples depended on acorn meal. Yet, the mesquite tree was ubiquitous in riverine oases throughout the Sonoran Desert environment where most Rancherian peoples lived. During droughts and following floods that diminished horticultu- ral food production, Rancherian peoples fell back on mesquite pod -pith as their dietary mainstay. Even in ordinary times, Rancherian peoples dissolved pod -pith meal in water to make a p. 35 refreshing and nutritious beverage. Spanish explorers noted Yaquis mashing pods in wooden mortars to make it in 1533 (Garcia I. 1866:304). Mesquite (Prosopis juliflora) trees yield a pod weight equal to that of any domesticated crop grown under irrigation on the same surface area (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a:63). The mesquite tree is, in other words, a very efficient carbohydrate producer. Rancherian peoples valued it highly.
One could justifiably describe Rancherian settlements as having most households scattered through mesquite or cottonwood tree groves. Certainly Uto- Aztecan- speaking groups, of whom the Southern Paiutes are one (Spicer 1962:11) typically located their river valley homes in mesquite or cottonwood tree groves. Lacy mesquite leaves provided welcome shade from the hot desert sun. Dead mesquite branches provided easily gathered firewood that made excellent, long -lasting hardwood coals. Small, limber branches could be cut to make easily shaped but strong frameworks for domed structures. Moreover, mesquite thickets attracted sev- eral bright -plumaged birds which amused people with their melodi- ous songs, and kept down insect pest numbers in the fields.
The Cahitan- speaking peoples on modern Mexico's Gulf of Cal- ifornia coast constituted the southernmost Rancherianpeoples (Spicer 1962:13). Spanish explorers described in 1565 the prin- cipal Yaqui settlement in a typical oasis setting. "The town is situated amid a luxuriant grove a fourth of a league in extent" (Hammond and Rey 1928:257). This Yaquimi Rancheria extended for about one kilometer of oasis tree grove, in other words. In this frost -free portion of the Rancherian culture area, Native Ameri- cans planted fruit tree orchards (Hammond and Rey 1928:180 -181). Growing tropical fruits was impossible at the northern edge of the culture area, but Southern Paiute riverine rancherias simi- larly spread through oasis mesquite groves. Where mesquite trees did not grow naturally, Southern Paiutes carried their seeds and planted them to establish new oasis groves (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a:63).
The Southern Paiute riverine oasis habitat provided a rich fishery, affording people abundant animal protein to balance their diets. Indeed, one upland group exploiting Panguitch Lake appears to have specialized in fishing and exported surplus fish in exchange for other commodities (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a:73- 74; Smith and Steele 1852:1). Again, exploitation of abundant fresh water fish characterized most if not all of the Rancherian peoples (some observed a taboo against consuming fish; -Kroeber 1925:737; Spicer 1980:10; Burrus 1971:393, 398). Spanish explor- ers among the Yaquis in 1533 reported many fish in the river (Garcia I. 1866:304), and in 1565 noted that their river "is large, cool, and contains quantities of good fish" (Hammond and Rey 1928:157 -158). A concentration of natural and cultivated food resources supported dense human oasis habitation. p. 36
We have described pre- conquest Southern Paiute social struc- ture as allowing all groups access to some riverine oasis, irri- gated crop -producing fields. We have stressed that social inter- action during the horticultural summer season welded tribal and divisional unity (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a:49). Yet another cul- tural strategy for exploiting food resources reinforced social unity. That was large -scale communal hunting of the rich, yet diverse, fauna supported by marshes that formerly abounded in Southern Paiute river valleys.
Once again, the 1565 Spanish report of Yaqui behavior fur- nishes a vivid description of the pre- conquest Rancherian culture area pattern. There 2,000 Yaquis formed a human arc a kilometer long on the level shores of a bay. "They surrounded a marsh with much shouting, rejoicing, and nimbleness." It seems obvious that the communal hunters drove game with noise. "Thus in a short time they caught and killed much game, deer, hares, rabbits, and quail of all kinds...This hunt was the most showy and brilliant I ever saw" (Hammond and Rey 1928:259). That was no slight compli- ment from a seasoned Spanish conquistador.
By conducting large -scale, communal hunts, Rancherian peo- ples efficiently managed marsh -sustained upland game. The Spanish soldier reporting the 1565 Yaqui communal marshhunting noted that the hunters captured some living animals rather than killing them. Thus, whatever surplus was captured could be re- leased in the marsh environment for later harvest and reproduc- tion. The list of game taken indicates the very high animal pro- tein productivity of the marshlands.
Deer, the largest desert big game animal, necessarily drank from oasis streams and marsh waters. The cattails, rushes and bushes growing in the marshes offered deer daytime resting places and coverts and so served to concentrate game that otherwise ranged widely over the desert seeking food. Because of their very high reproductive rates, jackrabbits and cottontails living in oasis marshes probably rivaled deer in total meat contribution to the Rancherian diet. Although quail can fly for short dis- tances, they are essentially walkers. Their range away from drinking water is sharply limited, so the Sonoran thorn desert supports few quail. Riverine oases, and especially their marsh- lands, sustained multitudes of these tasty upland game birds. Quail could often elude a single hunter, but fell easy victims to large groups of cooperating hunters.
The nature of upland game resources that flourished in the riverine oases fostered, therefore, cooperative harvesting. Like other Rancherian peoples, Southern Paiutes responded to opportu- nity by organizing communal game drives in the oasis marshes and mesquite thickets. Marshes, like mesquite groves, furnished both staple and emergency foods. Cattails, for example, supplied sea- sonal pollen, and their roots could be dug up and consumed by hungry folk. Marsh plant life was sufficiently diverse to fur- nish some uncultivated food ripening during almost every month of the year. An approximate list of oasis marshland vegetable food p. 37 products .appears in TABLE 1. Specific plants growing in marshes in Southern Paiute riverine oases no doubt varied somewhatwith altitude and intensity of human exploitation. The major staple and emergency food providers were, on the other hand, ubiquitous in lacustrine as well as riverine marshlands. Those vegetable foods as well as migratory wild fowl and fish attracted Southern Paiutes to the shores of Panguitch Lake, Lake Sevier, and smaller lakes. Economic activities and the scale of social cooperation dif- fered between relatively small riverine oasis environment and the larger countryside. Differences generated distinct Native Ameri- can perceptions of the two zones. At the southern end of the Rancherian culture area, Yaqui culture changed rapidly during missionization. Jesuit missionaries worked to create towns in the intensivelycultivated delta oasis fields. Yaqui workers erected churches the missionaries furnished with Christian saints' statues and where they celebrated Roman Catholic sacra- ments. Conversion thus reinforced the distinction that Yaquis already drewbetween the civilized settlements and their "tree world," the uncultivated parts of the oasis and the adjacent thorn desert. Vital mesquite trees grow in the tree world, as do towering cottonwood trees, berry bushes and fruit -bearing giant cacti. The mountains lie in the "tree world" and afford addi- tional game. There dwelt the mythical people and ancestral Yaquis (Spicer 1980:64). Southern Paiutes drew the same distinction between the civi- lized or manageable world and the wilder outer areas. Unlike the Yaquis, who retained much of their riverine oasis, Southern Paiutes lost most of their manageable oasis areas to Mormon set- tlers or miners. Perforce, they had after 1847 to rely more than they did in pre -colonization times upon the wild world's natural resources. Paiute converts to Mormonism who had access to arable land had a dichotomous world view like that of the Yaquis. In the towns, they lived in the Mormon religious world even when dependent on wage labor and welfare rather than farming. They remembered, and revered, however, the wild world outside the set- tlements. Those few Southern Paiutes who retained access to ara- ble lands, such as the Willow Springs, Moccasin and Moapa Valley groups, live largely within the manageable oasis world, yet also exploit and revere the wilder outer world. The economic, social, and sentimental importance of the manageable oasis world lends it a very special importance to Southern Paiutes. That importance is pertinent to the Intermountain Power Project's Line 1 prospec- tive route primarily because it could affect the federally re- served lands Paiutes still govern in the Moapa river valley. The key contributions riverine oases made to Southern Paiute subsistence made certain major streams geographically central to aboriginal life. Southern Paiute concepts reflected that geopo- litical reality quite directly in the native designation of the western subtribe, Paranayi or Pahranagat (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a:12). The term translates into English as "marshyspring people" (Hodge 1910:202) or "people with a foot in the water" IN SOUTHERN PAIUTE COUNTRY FOODTABLE 1: OASIS MARSHLAND VEGETABLE FOOD RESOURCES ENGLISH PAIUTE BOTANICAL SOURCES RootTuber WaterMorning parsnip glory nampip CymopterusIpomoea sp. ManlyBrooksRichInterviews 1954:186 1894:1001977:49 RootletsRoot TuleDeer -ears kwiu JuncusFrasera speciosa BurtonKelly 1934:558 1862:479 BerryRootlets GooseberryCattail tonovi TyphaRibes sp. inerme Broc.r.Burton 1854:21862:479 BerryFerry CurrantSluawIerry u'uppa'up LyciumRibes aureumspp. LairdCorbettBrownInterviews 1854:21976:109 1952:52 Berry Squawberry kwiyavi'isi Rhus trilobata InterviewsPalmer 1958:358 BerryBerry Serviceberry tunqwump AmelanchierMeno0ora InterviewsPalmerInterviews 1928:25 Rhizome:-¡Fruit I?ullrushcacTuna, tus "tule" usivuuits :;cirpusOpuntia sl.>p.spp. 7,,'Triterviews _zviews I'xudate Cane paxamp Phragmites TrainHeizerryePuler 1972:91; et.al. 1945:14Off;1966:112; 1941: 7,rape Grape we'ump Vitus spp. LyleLee116; 1852:3 Interviews1872:89 Greens,Greens seeds 9ueliteIndian saladospinach namvittomar SuaedaStanleya diffusa pinnata InterviewsInterviews Greens,Greens seeds RroomrapeTansymustard akn OrobancheDescurainia sp. KearneyIbid.1942:364; 836;and InterviewsPeeblesTrain Stems WildIndian rhubarb asparagus tu'u Rumex sp. Lairdet.al.Interviews 1976:1091941:108; Pod -pith Mesquite bean kwiyarn'op Prosopis spp.pubescens Interviews Seeds RunchgrassCatclawScrewbean kwakwai AcaciaSporobolus spp. Interviews SeedsSee_Is Sunflower*Blazing star akumpku'u Mentzeliailelianthus FentonInterviews 1870:578 *Also a cultivar. Steward 1938:183 p. 40
(Palmer 1928:11; Kelly 1934:554), and refers specifically to the Pahranagat -Moapa watercourse. Even today, after one hundred and thirty years of environmental deterioration, marshlands and clear -flowing water in the drainage's upper reaches show what a generously watered ribbon -shaped oasis the entire stretch former- ly was. The people who lived figuratively with one foot in this wateronce enjoyed a rich riverine -marsh fishery, productive ir- rigated fields, abundant and varied foods produced by more than two dozen plants (especially the basic carbohydrate supplied by mesquite tree pod -pith and cattail, bullrush and waterparsnip roots) and the fowl and game yielded by cooperatively hunted marshlands. The eastern subtribe may have been designated by a parallel label, Yanawant (Brooks 1950:27).
While living in their oases, Southern Paiutes gazed outward upon impressively high mountains. Composed in a similar desert environment, Christian scripture mentions lifting one's "eyes unto the hills" (Psalms 121). Southern Paiutes also eyed their mountains. Nuvagantu (Charleston Peak) dominated the western landscape. Southern Paiute sacred mythology made it theplace where humanity -- which is to say Southern Paiutes -- originated (Kroeber 1908:240 -242). Thus, Southern Paiute sacred mythology not only supported the ethnic social order but also placed Paiutes in their cosmos (Campbell 1964:520). Their creator as- signed them to a specific terrain including both holy Nuvaqantu and productive riverine oases and all the slopes and plains be- tween them. In a sense difficult for non -Indians to comprehend, Paiutes perceived their entire homeland as sacred rather than secular (Spicer 1957). Their homeland was their tribal Holy Land.
THE COLUMBIAN EXCHANGE
European colonization of the New World began changing Paiute society and culture long before colonial Europeans actuallymet Paiutes. Initial contact between Europeans and coastal Native Americans set in motion a long process called the ColumbianEx- change (Crosby 1972). Colonizers brought to the New World peo- ples Old World domestic plants, animals and human parasites -- causes of disease. Europeans took New World domestic plants to Europe and Africa, but not the few animals domesticated in the New World and only one or two human parasites. The smallpox virus is so infectious, easily transmitted, and lethal that one must assume that the first NewWorld smallpox pandemic decimated Southern Paiutes like other Native Americans. A Negro in the Panfilo de Narvaez expedition transmitted the vi- rus to Nahuatl- speakers between Veracruzand Mexico City in 1520. Colonial documents attest that the virus spread south to central Chile, a distance of well over 4,000 kilometers. Linked to their Hopi, Northeastern Pai, and Mojave neighbors to the south by trade (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a:78; Brooks 1944:80, 1977:60; p. 41
Dobyns 1974:I:71, II:72- 73,147; Baldwin 1950:52 -53; Schroeder 1952:20; Wade and McChesney 1980:57 -66; Euler 1966:71), Southern Paiutes almost certainly contracted smallpox spread along abori- ginal trade routes. The smallpox mortality rate was at least 36 percent and more likely about 50 percent of the population. Such a large loss of human lives must have had asignificant effect on social structure.
We can only speculate what Southern Paiute experience with contagious diseases may have been during the remainder of the sixteenth and the seventeenth century. The Spanish colonial frontier never reached Southern Paiute territory. Consequently, the primary colonial frontier institutions -- Indian mission, mining town, military post and cattle ranch (Dobyns 1980:5 -25) -- never affected Southern Paiutes. Yet, in 1598 Spaniardscolonized the upper Rio Grande valley, establishing a province theycalled New Mexico. Their supply caravans brought some pathogensnorth from central Mexico. Native American traders apparently brought others. To the extent that Southern Paiutes exchanged commodi- ties in Hopi Oraibi, they were exposed to the germs and viruses the Western Pueblo peoples contracted from their Pueblo trading partners, who caught them from either Spaniards or Native Ameri- can merchants. During the eighteenth century, Old World domesticated plants and animals, traded beyond the colonial frontier, affected Southern Paiutes. The latter acquired a domestic cereal that augmented their cultivated food production capacity. Wheat cul- tivation spread through all of the Rancherian peoples practicing canal irrigation. Wheat possessed the great merit of being a winter crop in their environment, whereas maize, beans, squash, amaranths, and chenopods were all summer crops unable towith- stand frost. Potentially, therefore, wheat could double Native American cereal grain production on a given field area. Ranch - erian peoples could irrigate wheat with winter stream flow that previously could not be utilized for crop production. The wheat contribution to Southern Paiute food supplies was limited, how- ever, by their cultivation techniques. Having obtained wheat seed from other Native Americans, Southern Paiutes planted it in hills like maize, beans and squash (Brooks 1977:67). Not having seen Spanish wheatfields, Southern Paiutes did not learn that wheat could be sown broadcast much more densely than NewWorld maize. During the seventeenth century, Southern Athapascan- speaking groups living on the Plains and exchangingdried meats and tanned hides with Pueblo traders for cultivated foods, obsidian, etc., acquired horses. The Apache tribes quickly achieved military superiority over their neighbors, and expanded over thesouthern Plains. Ancestral Navajos acquired sheep as well as horses, and revolutionized their traditional culture. They became pastora- lists, although they continued planting summer crops and raiding colonial settlements and Pueblos like their Apache cousins (Dobyns and Euler 1971). p. 42
Peoples north of the Apaches stole some of their horses, and traders helped to spread the animals northward. In 1670, an epi- demic disease struck the Pueblos and New Mexican Spaniards, and the same disease, or a related one, decimated domesticanimals belonging to Pueblos, Spaniards, and Apaches alike. The Pueblos, who had lost large numbers to epidemic diseases between 1630 and 1640, began to abandon their eastern frontier settlements (Hackett 1937:III:108). Survivors amalgamated in a markedly smaller number of towns. Contagious diseases known to have at- tacked the Pueblo peoples are listed in TABLE 2. Southern Paiutes trading at Hopi Oraibi Pueblo contracted some, and possi- bly all of them.
In 1680, many Pueblos united in a militantmovement that drove the Spaniards south to El Paso on the lower Rio Grande. Navajos aided the Jemez Pueblo rebels. Apaches aided more east- erly Pueblos (Hackett and Shelby 1942). The Spanish collapse and Pueblo turmoil opened plateau territory to Apaches at precisely the time their Plains enemies began acquiring significant numbers of guns from French traders navigating the Mississippi river and its western tributaries (Secoy 1953).
The Comanches were Uto- Aztecan speakers, like Southern Paiutes who once lived northeast of them, but emerged from the years of turmoil as the dominant military power on the southern Plains (Wallace and Hoebel 1952). Eastern Numic- speakers on the plateau acquired horses, if they did not already possess them, and became mounted raiders and traders known as Utes. They formed mounted raiding bands that harrassed the unmounted Southern Paiutes. They seized women and children as concubines and slaves, and exchanged slaves for cultivated foods, manufac- tured goods and horses in New Mexico after the Spanish Recon- quest, completed in 1696 (Bailey 1954). The century from 1720 to 1820 was one of comparative travail for Southern Paiutes.
During that century, a few Spanish explorers and traders entered Southern Paiute territory. They traveled from the Rio Grande valley via the San Juan river and usually returned by that route. One exploring expedition in 1776 traversed Southern Paiute country from Sevier Lake to the Hopi pueblos. Its chroni- cles document that mounted Utes already dominated Southern Paiutes and were expanding westward, seizing Shoshone territory, and southwestward occupying Paiute lands (Bolton 1950). An 1813 expedition observed the slave -horse trade in full swing among Utes immediately north of Pahvant- Southern Paiute territory (Snow 1929:68 -69).
In 1821, an elite group in New Spain declared thatkingdom independent of Spain, which had been wracked by the Napoleanic wars. Leaders of the new nation, Mexico, ended the Spanish trade monopoly, welcoming merchants from many countries. United States citizens began packing goods to Santa Fe to sell to the New Mexi- cans. High profits encouraged merchants to convert the Santa Fe Trail into a wagon road. Some traders became part -time beaver p. 43
TABLE 2. MAJOR PUEBLO EPIDEMIC EPISODES WHICH MAY HAVE SPREAD DISEASE AMONG SOUTHERN PAIUTES VIA TRADERS
DATE DISEASE REFERENCES
1837 Typhoid & Smallpox Bancroft 1889:314
1826 Measles Kessell 1979:378
1816 Smallpox Ibid.
1800 Smallpox Ibid.
1780 Smallpox Ibid.
1759 Smallpox Ibid.; Ewers 1973:108
1748 Smallpox Kessell 1979:378; Hill 1926:6
1738 Smallpox Kessell 1979:378; Alegre 1960:IV:381
1728 Measles Kessell 1979:378; Alegre 1960:IV:335
1704 Smallpox Kessell 1979:378; Browne 1906: 376 -77; Kip 1846:207
1696 Fever; Smallpox Kessell 1979:378; Spicer 1962:34; Espinosa 1942:338; Sheridan & Naylor 1979:46
1670 Pestilence Hackett 1937:III:302; Kellogg 1925:162
1640 Smallpox Kessell 1979:163; Stearn and Stearn 1945:27 -28
1635 Measles Hackett 1937 :III:108; Thwaites 1897:69 -89
1630 Bubonic Plague Vetancurt 1961:276; Hackett 1937: III:108
1592 Measles Hayes 1981:31; Sauer 1935:11
1564 Smallpox Hayes 1981:31; Mendieta 1945:174; Hammond & Rey 1928:89; Dobyns 1983:275ff
1545 Bubonic Plague Hayes 1981:27 -28; Gibson 1964:448 -9
1531 Measles Hayes 1981:29; Gibson 1964:448
1520 Smallpox Dobyns 1981:50 p. 44 trappers and Indian traders, increasing the raiding Ute stock of firearms. Taos and Bent's Fort superceded Abiquiu on the Chama river as trading centers.
Farther north, United States and Canadian traders and trap- pers ranged over much of the Rocky Mountains seeking saleable animal pelts. They utilized the Columbia -Snake river system as a major travel route, as had Native American traders for centuries (Wood 1980:98ff). The U. S. trader /trappers typically traveled up the Missouri river to the mountains along the eastern sector of that aboriginal path of commodity exchange. Euroamerican and Metis trappers rendezvoused annually for several years at loca- tions where the Shoshones had long held trade fairs on the Snake river (Wood 1980:101). Shoshones and Utes participating in those fairs acquired horses, firearms, powder, lead, clothing and other manufactured goods. Ambitious Ute raiders began crossing Southern Paiute territory to steal horses and mules in southern California for sale at the annual rendezvous. They seized Southern Paiute women and children in passage (Bailey 1954).
Mexicoexercised nominal sovereignty over Southern Paiute territory from 1821 until 1848 when it ceded a huge area to the United States by the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. Those were years of increased travail for Southern Paiutes as their eastern and northern neighbors acquired more horses and firearms and gained almost unlimited geographic mobility. During that same period, Euroamericans began crossing Southern Paiute lands.
Jedediah S. Smith led the way early during the Mexican peri- od. With his keen sense of geography, Smith struck south from the Snake river past Great Salt Lake. He passed Sevier Lake, crossed the divide between the Great Basin and the Colorado river watershedvia Mountain Meadows in Southern Paiute territory. He visited Southern Paiutes on the middle Virgin river and followed an intertribal trading path to Mojave valley. Smith then turned west to the Pacific coast. Most of his path would become a major thoroughfare (Brooks 1977:49ff).
Less than a decade after Smith pioneered the Salt Lake -Los Angeles path, merchants from New Mexico opened a regularly trav- eled route between that province and California. In 1829, a trading party ventured west- northwest from northern NewMexico into Utah, following approximately the route traders had used since the mid -eighteenth century. The group veered west instead of making for Great Salt Lake, and picked up Smith's trail at Mountain Meadows. Turning south across Southern Paiute country, it continued southwestward to Los Angeles where they acquired fine Pacific coasthorses and mules cheaply. Those animals broughtmerchants a high profit in New Mexico or in Missouri (Armijo 1954:159 -165). Later English- speakers with a poor knowledge of the region's history called this route the "Old Spanish Trail." Travelers taking this trail began driving Southern Paiutes from their high- ly productive riverine and spring oases. The New Mexicanmer- p. 45
chants were as willing as Ute raiders to capture Southern Paiutes to sell as slaves, thus augmenting their profits. Their large droves of mules and horses depended on surface flowing water when crossing the arid desert, and even the higher country. As a re- sult, the merchants were resource -raiders traveling from oasis to oasis. They cut down mesquite trees for firewood, because the hard wood burned hotly and made fine coals. Thus they began de- pleting Southern Paiute mesquite pod -pith resources.
Horses and mules driven across the thorny desert relished a wide variety of green plants growing in the riverine oases. Drivenby hunger, they gobbled the plants wherever their drovers allowed them to roam. Mules and horses are browsers as well as grazers, as are cattle. That is, they consume leafy shrubs and tree branches within their reach. Passing horse and mule herds affected not only grasses, rushes, cattails and other plants in the marshlands, but also the fruit and berry producing bushes and even trees. Horse and mule hooves are relatively sharp, and cut into the soft alluvial oasis soils. Stirring up gravel and sand at stream fords, they probably started stream channel erosion. Driven to water in herds, or simply traveling in herds, the horses and mules broke down stream banks, fostering erosive chan- nel widening (Dobyns 1981:79ff).
The most immediate impacts of travel along the Old Spanish Trail were Southern Paiute mortality and oasis flight. The in- dustrious but peaceful Paiute horticulturalists could notmili- tarily resist mounted travelers with firearms, many of whom re- garded shooting Native Americans virtually as a sport. Every passing caravan of traders posed a threat to Southern Paiute lives. If the traveling merchants did not shoot Paiutes on sight, they would probably try to enslave them on the eastbound journey. The course of Southern Paiute wisdom was, therefore, to abandon the highly productive riverine oases which the travelers utilized. The loss of the rich food resources of the oases and their marshlands, to the extent that it resulted in Paiute malnu- trition, made the people more vulnerable to the Old World patho- gens transmitted by Hopi traders.
THE EUROAMERICAN- EUROPEAN INVASION
During the United States' war with Mexico, a new kind of Euroamerican entered the Great Basin. Joseph Smith had founded a new religious movement at approximately the same time Mexico a- chieved its independence. Members of his Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints sought for themselves considerable economic and political autonomy. They clashed repeatedly, therefore, with civil authorities and citizens in Ohio, then Missouri and Illinois. In 1847, Brigham Young led a Latter Day Saint wagon train westward to Great Salt Lake. He planned on colonizing nom- inal Mexican territory that lay beyond effective Mexican official control and which was outside of the United States. The decisive p. 46
United States victory over Mexican armies (Nevin 1978) resulted, however, in Mexico's ceding the area the Mormons colonized to the United States the year after Young reached Great Salt Lake.
Other Euroamericans shunned this montane region for many years, allowing Mormons to colonize it with much of the autonomy they wanted. Led by Brigham Young and a council of elders, the Church of Latter Day Saints mobilized material resources on a scale beyond the capability of individual families. Consequent- ly, the Church organized and sustained large -scale immigration of believers to "Zion." Some Mormons migrated to Zion, soon to be- come Utah Territory, from eastern states to escapepersecution and join local Mormon congregations organized as cooperative col- onies. More Mormons migrated to Utah from northwestern Europe, where numerous missionaries very actively and successfully sought converts.
Church of Latter Day Saint doctrine incorporated a signifi- cant economic component and Brigham Young and his fellow leaders pursued a goal of Mormon economic self- sufficiency. Mormon colo- nization fundamentally altered the social and biological environ- ment of those Native Americans whose aboriginal lands they seized. Mormon activities included growing food, producing cot- ton and wool to weave into clothing, mining coal and iron ore and smelting iron to turn into tools and machines. Mormons farmed, which meant that in the semi -arid Great Basin and arid Sonoran Desert they irrigated their crops. Inevitably, Mormon colonists directly competed with Pahvant Utes and Southern Paiutes for their vital riverine oases. Mormons could expand their farming acreage only by colonizing what had been Native American fields, and later by draining the marshlands that yielded Southern Paiutes a rich harvest of waterfowl, fish, upland game birds and animals and plant products. As a Mormon historian wrote long afterwards: "It is not generally understood that the Mormon inva- sion of the Inter -Mountain West in the forties and fifties plowed ruthlessly through and upturned a rather stable and well esta- blished order of primitive government..." (Palmer 1929:35). Mormon values centered so intensively on wheat, wheat bread, and cotton, that Church leaders failed to recognize the economic pro- ductivity and erosion control functions of oases, especially marshes.
GOLD RUSH
Although few non -Mormons wished to settle in the samemon- tane area as the Mormons, many traveled acrossit. The news of an 1848 discovery of placer gold in California streams set off a large -scale seaborne and overland migration. Those traveling over the central route to California affected Mormons and Southern Paiutes quite differently. Having practiced irrigating crops in 1848, pioneer Mormons were ready to grow surpluses dur- p. 47
ing the summer of 1849 and sell fresh vegetables to Forty -Niners. They traded their fresh produce for capital items as well as con- sumer goods they lacked. Mormon colonists near Great Salt Lake and Utah Lake quickly built up their stock of wagons, plows, har- ness livestock, furniture, tools, weapons, clothing, footgear, utensils and countlessadditional items (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982b:102 -103; Arrington 1958:67 -68). While many Forty -Niners and later travelers disapproved of Mormon beliefs, they exchanged commodities with fellow Euroamericans and immigrant Europeans as a matter of course.
Overland travelers did not exchange commodities with Native Americans as a matter of course. They behaved in a very racist manner. They shot game birds and animals on Native American lands, and caught fish from Numic streams as though they posses- sed every right to do so. Some of them shot at the Indians they saw as a matter of course. Goshutes, Pahvants and Southern Paiutes living in 1848 in oases along the wagon road fromSalt Lake City of San Bernardino withdrew in 1849 (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982b:100; Larson 1952:126 -128; Pratt 1954:72 -73). Forty -Niners also transmitted measles and cholera to Mormons and Native Ameri- cans along the wagon road (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982b:101 -102; Anderson 1942:101; Euler 1966:90; S. Young 1954:64; Pratt 1954:71). Southern Paiutes also withdrew from the oases the overland travelers visited to escape their diseases and gunfire.
The Paiute retreat diminished Native American reliance on the oasis areas that Euroamerican travelers usurped. These in- cluded central Cove Creek on the Pahvant- Paiute border, sections of North and South Creek tributaries of Beaver river, lower Paro- wan Creek and the southeastern approaches to Little Salt Lake, lower Coal Creek, lower Antelope Spring, Meadow Valley Creek, the MountainMeadows and the length of Santa Clara Creek to its con- fluence with the Virgin river. It also included the downstream stretchof the Virgin River to the opening between Flat Top Mesa and the river, Las Vegas spring, Cottonwood spring and Mountain Spring oases in the Spring Mountains. Retreating from these oa- sis environmental niches, Southern Paiutes necessarily compensa- ted by using more intensively safer oases. Santa Clara Creek and the middle Virgin river constituted the core irrigated oasis base for the Eastern or Yanawant subtribe. Consequently its with- drawal meant a serious economic dislocation, placing a heavier burden on alternatives such as Pahcoon Spring, northwest up a wash from the lower Santa Clara Creek, Ash Creek and the upper Virgin river system. Watching immigrants crowd through Salt Lake City, members of the LDS Church's First Presidency soon perceived a complex stra- tegic vision. One portion of that vision focused on believers gathering together in Zion as the Book of Mormon mandated. Mormon missionaries began seeking English converts in 1837. By 1846, they had baptized 17,849 English Mormons, and more than 4,700 of them had emigrated to Nauvoo (Arrington and Bitton 1979:129). Consequently, English converts constituted a signifi- cant proportion of the first Mormon migration to what became p. 48
Utah.
As Mormon colonists rapidly built up their stock of capital goods in 1849 by trading with travelers or salvaging what the latter abandoned, Church leaders decided that thedenomination could subsidize additional convert immigration. Capitalgoods acquired from non -Mormon immigrants provided the initial resourc- es for the Perpetual Emigrating Company ratified at an 1849 gene- ral Church conference (Arrington and Bitton 1979:130).
After the first 1849 surge in capitalgoods acquisition, Latter Day Saints successfully financed later European convert immigration with surplus production from fields that they culti- vated in former Native American oases and herds which they grazed on former Indian ranges. Nearly all Mormon contributions to the Perpetual Emigrating Fund were in kind: hay, produce andgrain raised on oasis fields and livestock nurtured on uplands grasses and shrubs (Arrington and Bitton 1979:131). Mormons subsidized convert immigration with immigrants' purchases and production on former Native American oases and range which Latter Day Saints seized with almost no capital expenditure. In the four summers of 1852 -1855, the Perpetual Emigrating Fund assisted approximate- ly 10,000 European immigrants to Zion.
A second focus of the leadership's vision was the geographic expansion of Zion to enable subsidized immigrants to earn a liv- ing and further Mormon economic independence. Mormons could -- and thought they should -- profit not only from sales to immi- grants in the Great Salt Lake and Utah Lake basins, but all along the immigrant road. In 1851, Brigham Young and his associates began channelling Mormon colonization along a planned travel cor- ridor to the Pacific Ocean via southern California. Mormons es- tablished a settlement on Pahvant Chalk Creek and named it Fillmore. They set up a county called Millard, and made Fillmore the territorial capital (Alter 1932:I:131). Both federal and territorial officialsmuch preferred the relatively urban com- forts of Salt Lake City, however, so in 1856 the Mormon territo- rial managers returned the capital there (Alter 1932:I:132).
At the same time, Mormons colonized strategic spots in the northern portion of eastern subtribal Southern Paiute territory. In January, 1851, one company founded Parowan on a creek near Little Salt Lake (Anderson 1942:105), and began irrigated farming that summer. In November, that colony divided to start Cedar City on Coal Creek farther south (Anderson 1942:121). A few fam- ilies advanced even farther to Shirt's Creek to make salt (Smith 1852:2). Mormon diversion of irrigation water imperiledoasis vegetation, fowl, fish and other animals downstream. Consequent- ly, Mormon seizure of prime oasis sections wasdisproportionate to the number of colonists. Southern Paiutes necessarily shifted more fishing, game and fowl hunting, to Sevier Lake, and the Beaver river where the proposed IPP transmission line right -of- way crosses and recrosses its former channel, and Panguitch Lake in the mountains east of the fledgling Mormon Corridor. The na- tives also shifted southward to Ash and Santa Clara Creeks and p. 49 the Virgin river oases. The latter proved to be a short -lived refuge. Mormons inva- ded the Virgin river watershed along Ash Creek the very next year, 1852, establishing Harmony(Corbett 1952:56). That initial Euroamerican colony on upper Ash Creek proved to be biologically important. Burial records from later Mormon settlements make clear that they suffered very high infant mortality fromwater- bornepathogens as long as they drank from their irrigation ditches (Anderson 1942:360n). There can be little doubt, there- fore, that the Mormon colonists on Ash Creek contaminated down- stream waters with pathogens that killed SouthernPaiute infants from 1852 on.
The pioneercolonists had chosen their location badly, so they moved in 1854 to New Harmony. Some residents followed Jacob Hamblin across the mountains to Santa ClaraCreek in December of that year (Corbett 1952:66 -67). Thus, they established another pathogenic contamination source upstream from numerousSouthern Paiute oasis residents.
In 1855, Brigham Young dispatched a company of missionary - prospector- farmers to the Las Vegas oasis, a keywatering stop on the immigrant road. The colonists, firmly instructed by LDS Church authorities to convert the natives, actually enabled the latter to return to an oasis from which travelers'bullets had driven them (Bringhurst 1855:174; Steele 1855:232). By 1854, even Texas cattlemen were traveling along the roaddriving 9,000 longhorns over the "Old Spanish Trail" toCalifornia. A single trail herd contained 1,100 head (Walker 1962:137). Such competi- tors forced peaceful Southern Paiutes awayfrom their oases along the road, especially the limited spring oases,such as Las Vegas.
Seeking a cool summer home for hisfamily and highland pas- ture for his livestock, Jacob Hamblin colonizedPine Valley, the source of Santa Clara Creek, in 1856 (Corbett1952:105). Fric- tion with other Mormons motivated Hamblin to move again toPinto Creek during the same year.
The following year, President Young sent a sizeable colony to found Washington on the Virgin river itself justabove its confluence with Santa Clara Creek. Young's objective was to raise cotton from which Mormons could weavetheir own clothing, but the colonists encountered difficulty growing the crop (Deseret News 20 Oct. 1858:141). Other Mormons in 1857 esta- blished another colony farther north on the wagonroad at Beaver (Deseret News 1 July 1857:133). From 1852 to 1857, in other words, Mormons invaded the core Ash Creek, SantaClara Creek and middle Virgin river oases of the eastern Southern Paiute sub - tribe. They thoroughly disrupted the socialorganization and resource exploitation pattern of these native people. The rapid paceof Mormon colonization of Southern Paiute andPahvant oases during this period is summarized in TABLE 3. p. 50
The movement of thousands of Euroamerican travelers over the Salt Lake City -San Bernardino wagon route and Mormon colonization of Southern Paiute riverine oases brought about rapid, fundamen- tal changes in Southern Paiute life. In earlier times, Native American traders transmitted germs and viruses from Spanish colo- nial and Mexican settlements to Southern Paiutes. The merchants traversing the Old Spanish Trail between 1829 and 1849 may have introduced malariaparasites to Southern Paiute oasis dwellers via innumerable mosquitoes that flourished in the marshlands. If the New Mexican and Euroamerican traders did not carry malaria to the Virgin river drainage, early Mormon colonists did so. This is clear from accounts of malaria debilitating many Mormons at- tempting to grow cotton during the LDS Church's self- sufficiency campaign (Anderson 1942:232; Fleming 1967:159).
Large -scale Euroamerican travel through, and early Mormon colonization in, Southern Paiute country basically changed the diseaseenvironment. Southern Paiutes no longer contracted con- tagious diseases from Native American traders but directly from Euroamerican immigrants. Many Mormon colonists carried pathogens endemic in English and Scandinavian urban slums where the immi- grants had been converted by LDS missionaries. This direct transmission of contagions decimated Southern Paiutes andother Native Americans who frequently interacted with Mormons. Brigham Young was very conscious that the Native Americans with whom he dealt suffered extremely high mortality. In 1853, only six years after the first 1,700 or so Latter Day Saints established Salt Lake City, Young stated that he had seen native bands that could mobilize 150 warriors diminish to only 35 warriors (Deseret News 15 Oct. 1853:1). That was a 76.6 percent loss in only six years. AlthoughYoung may have referred primarily to Ute raiding bands with fluctuating allegiances, he gave these numbers in the con- text of population change. Southern Paiute depopulation in 1847- 1853 may have been less than 76.7 percent, but probably not much.
Then, in 1856 a major epidemic swept away a large portion of the Paiutes. The leader of the Mormon Las Vegas oasismission visited the Pacific Coast to acquire supplies. He returned sick. While still convalescent, he mounted a horse and led a reconnais- sance of the Moapa river valley and the Colorado river's great bend. His party discovered that many Southern Paiutes were seri- ously ill and dying, and that many had already died (Jensen 1926:200 -202). Mortality was so high that Paiutes were unable to dispose of the deceased in their customary funeral rites. They castdead bodies into convenient arroyos and blamed thepesti- lence on their own shamans (Kelly 1939:160). p. 51
Table 3. MORMON COLONIZATION IN PAHVANT AND SOUTHERN PAIUTE OASES 1851 -1857
DAT SETTLEMENT STREAM MAJOR NATURAL RESOURCE
1851 Fillmore Chalk Creek Irrigated fields
1851 Parowan Parowan Creek Irrigated fields Little Salt Lake
1851 Cedar City Coal Creek Iron ore, coal, irrigated fields
1851 Shirt's Fort Shirt's Creek Saline stream /salt
1852 Harmony Ash Creek Irrigated fields
1854 New Harmony Ash Creek Irrigated fields
1854 Santa Clara Santa Clara Creek Irrigated fields, cotton potential
1855 Las Vegas Las Vegas Springs Irrigated fields, traveler commerce, lead ores
1856 Pine Valley Santa Clara Creek Summer pasture, cool homesites
1856 Pinto Pinto Creek Summer pasture, (Paiute Creek) irrigable fields
1857 Washington Virgin river irrigated fields, cotton potential
1857 Beaver Beaver river irrigated fields p. 52
Once transmitted from Euroamericans to Southern Paiutes, pathogens spread throughout the latter population because these people were very mobile. Members of local groups constantly in- teracted with members of other socio- economic units. A Pahvant woman known to the Mormons as "Sister Nancy" died on the desert 15 miles from the Las Vegas oasis, where she had been visiting, during the 1856 epidemic (Jensen 1926:200). The crucial inter - ethnic transmissions occurred frequently because Southern Paiutes adjusted in terms of traditional Rancherian values to Mormon oa- sis colonization.
The Rancherian oasis horticulturalists shared a strong work ethic. During Spanish colonial times, the Yaquis, forexample, became famous as the industrious workers who left their homeland to sail mission supply ships to Lower California, dive forGulf of California pearl oysters, herd cattle on Spanish ranches and dig ore from Spanish mines. They became hewers of wood, haulers of water, and craft specialists of many kinds when urban settle- ment developed (Spicer 1980:30, 120, 126, 154).
Spanish colonial and Anglo- American travelers alike were visibly impressed with the industriousness of the Gila River Pimas (Bolton 1930:IV:50; Emory 1848:83). One of Jedediah S. Smith's first views of Southern Paiutes was that of women energe- tically pounding waterparsnip roots to sun -dry for storage (Brooks 1977:49). Although early Mormon explorers scoffed at the Southern Paiutes for their lack of European types of agricultural implements, they could not help but admire native industry devo- ted to irrigation canal excavation and field preparation (Pratt 1954:354; Rich 1954:186; Lee 1852:3; Deseret News 7 Aug. 1852:1).
As Mormons colonized Southern Paiute oases, theaboriginal Rancherian work ethic fostered close cooperation between the two ethnic groups. So did the LDS Church's mandate that Latter Day Saints convert these "Lamanites" (a "lost" tribe of Israel ac- cording to the Book of Mormon) and Brigham Young's dictum that Mormons feed Native Americans rather than fight them. Recogniz- ing that his co- religionists were trespassing on Native American lands, Young demanded that Latter Day Saints raise sufficient surplus food to provision Native Americans living peacefully around Mormon settlements.
As soon as Mormons colonized Southern Paiute oases natives began working for the intruders. Because Mormons did attempt to establish peaceful relations with Native Americans and even to learn to speak their languages, settlers became an effective buf- fer between anti -Indian immigrant travelers and Southern Paiutes. The latter recognized the new relationship as a form of military alliance, in a manner parallel to the behavior of other Ranch - erianpeoples under similar circumstances. Yaquis, for example, formed Bow Companies to fight beside Spanish colonial troops a- gainst hostile Seris and Apaches (Spicer 1980:49, 129). Gila River Pimas defended the effective frontier of Hispanic influence againstApaches and Yavapais (Ezell 1961:136, 144 -145). During the Mexican period, Pimas took ears of slain enemies to the p. 53 nearestmilitary post, receiving in exchangepowder, lead balls, clothing and food (Ramirez 1837). Inasmuch as Mormon settlers protected Southern Paiutes againstimmigrant attacks, the natives inevitably perceived Latter Day Saints asallies as well as inva- even ders. Mormons provided food and clothing and did not collect enemy ears as proof that SouthernPaiutes had disposed of hostile Native Americans. When Mormons entered Ash Creek valleyin 1852, local Paiutes promptly helped them subjugate fields and even tobuild a fort meant to protect colonists against hostile natives (Smith 1852:2). The same kind of interethniccooperation developed on Santa Clara Creek when Jacob Hamblin ledcolonists there in 1854 (Corbett 1952:66 -67). Whatever their feelings about Mormon set- tlement in their spring oasis, the Las Vegas Southern Paiutes laboredenergetically for the Mormons when the latterfound lead ore outcrops and began mining. The natives climbed steep slopes and carried burdens that fazed the Euroamericans. They seemed content to receive in return meals and cast-off Mormon clothing (Jensen 1926:273). The coincidence in the Mormon andSouthern Paiute work ethic is well illustrated in contemporary accounts. The Southern Paiutes helped the Parowan Mormons harvestwheat, maize, squash, pumpkins, turnips, beets and potatoes in the fallof 1852. One colonist wrote: "I will say this muchconcerning the Indians -- only for their labor, there would have beenhundreds of bushels of produce lost, that could not havebeen saved by the white pop- ulation." Moreover, this Mormon admired Paiuteindustry: "I con- sidermyself a common hand, to work, but I mustgive up to some of the piedes (sic) for quickness" (Adams1852:2). From 100 to 200 SouthernPaiutes camped near Parowan that summer and fall, forming perhaps the very first labor gang.
Southern Paiute social and economic organization changed from the beginning of Euroamericanintrusion into ancestral ter- ritory. Industrious Southern Paiutes turnedimmediately to work- could, ing for Mormon colonists, performingwhatever tasks they initially in exchange for gifts -in -kind, andlater for cash pay- ments.
MOUNTAIN MEADOWS
On July 24, 1857, the Mormonsin Utah Territory observed the tenth anniversary of their initial Salt Lake City settlement. European converts by the thousandscrossed the Atlantic Ocean and to Zion each summer,rapidly increasing the Mormon popu- marched how lation. Southern Paiutes had no way ofknowing at the time representative or unrepresentativeeither migrating travelers or Mormons were of all United Statescitizens. p. 54
Mormons were in fact sectarian refugees from wider United States and European society. Their belief system differed from that of traditional Christians. Several of their behavioral pat- terns had over two decades proven extremely irksome to Christians, generating conflicts and the Latter Day Saint's hegira to Zion. Joseph Smith was a highly charismatic cult pro- phet until his death at the hands of a mob. His successor, Brigham Young, appears to have been less charismatic than Smith and a rather pragmatic thinker. Young frequently inspired de- vout, unquestioning followership among LDS Church members. In 1856, a spiritual ferment spread through the Latter Day Saints in Zion. Church members made public confessions and were rebaptized in the faith during a period of intense emotionalism that greatly reinforced sectarian solidarity (Brooks 1950:7 -8).
In the aftermath of that "reformation," Brigham Young and otherMormon leaders seemingly overestimated Mormon economic and military prowess. They had successfully led the Latter Day Saints to Utah. They did successfully organize a cooperative overland migration that brought an average 4,000 annual rein- forcements into their Zion. They had forged a symbiotic alliance with the Native American inhabitants of the lands they invaded. They did effectively control territorial law enacted byMormons elected to the legislature. They had largely limited the powers of federally appointed territorial officials. Following the 1856 reformation movement, however, Young and other church leaders preached what amounted to revolution or treason (Brooks 1950:14- 15).
Mormon aggressiveness toward territorial officials increased in intensity but backfired in effect. An Indian agent feared assassination and fled to Washington, D. C., where he complained about Mormon behavior. He warned that Mormons planned to employ Native Americans to war on non -Mormon travelers. Latter Day Saints removed federal court records from a judge's chambers, and he also retreated to the national capital city, accusing Mormons of destroying the records. The situation deteriorated suffi- ciently for newly inaugurated President James Buchanan to decide to remove Brigham Young as Utah's territorial governor. By late May, 1857, Buchanan chose to impose federal authority by force (Arrington and Bitton 1979:165). The president ordered a United States army task force organized to march overland and occupy Utah Territory (Brooks 1950:1Off).
When news of Buchanan's decision reached Utah, it generated a siege mentality among Mormons. Young's orders to church mem- bers indicate that he and the other sect leaders planned to re- sist the federal task force. They instructed church members to store the 1857 crop harvest and cease trading with non -Mormons. Eventually, Young recalled the LDS outposts at San Bernardino in Southern California, Carson City in central California, and or- dered burned Forts Supply and Bridger on the wagon road from Council Bluffs, Iowa, to Salt Lake City (Arrington and Bitton 1979:118, 168). Mormon preparations to seek autonomy, perhaps political seccession, necessarily involved Southern Paiutes. p. 55
BrighamYoung recognized that during any Mormon -non -Mormon confrontation, the Latter Day Saints would depend on Native Amer- ican allies. The Mormons could not possibly fight regulararmy troops and Native Americans at the same time. Early in August, 1857, Young wrote to missionary Jacob Hamblin that the Southern Paiutes "must learn that they have either got to help us or the United States will kill us both" (Brooks 1950:27). Later circum- stances militated against a record of that conference surviving. Events made clear that Young communicated to Southern Paiute and Pahvant leaders his view that they must help Mormons fight non - Mormon United States citizens.
The Mormon seige mentality peaked a few days later when ac- tual fighting occurred between Mormons and immigrants comprising the first 1857 wagon train taking the southern road to Califor- nia. The immigrants were apparently combined groups from Arkan- sas and Missouri, including a man who boasted that hispistol had killed Mormon prophet Joseph Smith. Given the recent reformation and Zion's seige state of mind, plus the long- standing Latter Day Saint resentment toward Smith's killers, such boasting was suici- dal (Brooks 1950:30 -31). The immigrants were inconvenienced, at least, because Latter Day Saints followed Young's orders to keep their food and not trade with non -Mormons. Later Mormon oral tradition blamed some of the immigrants for seizing forcefully what Mormon villagers would not sell or barter (Arrington and Bitton 1979:167; Brooks 1950:32 -34). Early in September, the immigrant's wagons rolled into MountainMeadows on the drainage divide between the Great Basin and the Colorado river. The lush 6,000 -foot high grassland tempted the immigrants to encamp and allow their numerous animals to graze before entering the arid desert crossing to thePacific coast. They never started the desert journey. Some 120 adults and teenagers were killed, and about 18 children tooyoung to remember or tell what they witnessed were recovered by the United States Utah Indian Agent two years later (Brooks 1950:127; Forney 1859:73).
The Mountain Meadows Massacre quickly became apsychologi- cally traumatic event for both Mormons and Southern Paiutes. Surviving Mormon records make clear that regional church leaders -- the Parowan bishop, theregional militia commander and several officers -- began trying toshift blame for the massacre to one another immediately afterwards (Brooks 1950:80ff). Mormon re- cords that have not survived attest even-more eloquently. Diary after diary now lacks the page or pages on which events of mid - September, 1857, originally were recorded. They have been torn out and destroyed (Brooks 1950:44) and letters have been "lost," even from Brigham Young's files. The destruction of many primary documents that once recorded the massacre and related events, plus the guiltyevasions of re- sponsibility characterizing most of the Mormon officials living in villages from Parowan southward make an accurate reconstruc- p. 56 tion of the event extremely difficult, if not impossible. Why and how the Mountain Meadows Massacre occurred is lessimportant for present purposes than the fact that it occurred andaffected Southern Paiutes.
One can hypothesize at least two logical coursesof events that produced the massacre. One can infer that countless Latter Day Saints went to great lengths to protect Brigham Young from federal prosecution because he did in fact order the immigrants attacked. That inference implies that the Mountain Meadows Mas- sacre was meant to be a rehearsal for theimpending Utah War be- tween the territorial Mormon militia and United States troops, much as the 1930's war in Spain was a great powerrehearsal for World War II. The outcomes of these two events differed, how- ever. Various European nations tested weapons, communications systems, and command techniques during the SpanishCivil War that they employed later. If the Mountain Meadows battle was a planned test of the Utah militia, it conclusively demonstrated that the Mormons would be no match for regular army units.
One can also infer that the MountainMeadows Massacre was a tragedy that occurred because the Mormon leaders let their rhe- toric run away with events. Perhaps Brigham Young did not order the offensive. Perhaps President George A. Smith did not con- sciously realize how incendiary his separatist preaching to Mormon southern congregations was (Brooks 1950:25 -26)in the wake of the recent reformation and prevalent siege mentality.
In any case, the Mountain Meadows Massacrerudely awakened the church leadership. Young and his colleagues learned that theirmilitiamen were not capable of defeating armed travelers, much less professional soldiers. Surviving accounts do agree that nearly all of the immigrants were actually murdered after surrendering under a truce flag, not killed in battle. John D. Lee talked to immigrant representatives under white truce flags. He persuaded the immigrants to lay down their arms and walk away from their protecting wagons, presumably to Cedar City 35 miles back. Lee and others took the lead with a wagon carryingwounded immigrants. Immigrant women and children followed them. The immigrant menmarched in the rear, each man accompanied by an armed Mormon guard ostensibly protecting him fromhostile Native Americans. At a prearranged signal, each Mormon "guard" with an immigrant man was to shoot him, and "Indians" hidingin the brush were to attack and kill the women and older children. In the event, more than a few militiamen proved unable to kill. They fired into the air or sat down and refused to fire (Brooks 1950:51 -53). Thus, the members of the Mormon territorial militia demonstrated that they could not effectively confrontprofession- al troops. However one interprets the motivations and eventsleading up to the Mountain Meadows Massacre,its immediate effect was fairly clear. Whether Young and the other leaders learned that their planned rehearsal revealed fatal flaws in their military materi- als, or whether they discovered that theirrhetoric had been in- p. 57 cendiary beyond their ken, they decided that the Latter Day Saints could not win the impending Utah War. Young prepared the Mormons to evacuate their northern settlements and torch the houses federal troops might occupy. He also cautioned Mormon raiders not to increase the belligerence of the army task force members, and began seeking to negotiate a peaceful settlement (Arrington and Bitton 1979:168).
The Mountain Meadows Massacre enters significantly into this analysis because it affected Southern Paiutes. These Native A- mericans had not previously attacked an immigrant wagon train, although they had been known to rustle a few head of livestock. Yet, Mormon leaders quickly blamed them for launching the attack on the wagon train encamped in Mountain Meadows in 1857. Mormon statements must be viewed, however, from the perspective of ad- mitted basic Mormon involvement in the massacre. "Scarcely was the massacre over before every man connected with it was ashamed of his part and certain of public condemna- tion," wrote the massa- cre's foremost Mormon historian. "Criminal and innocent alike, each man wanted to save his own life and, if possible, his repu- tation as well" (Brooks 1950:78). All Mormon accounts of the massacre cannot, in other words, be regarded as entirely truth- ful.
Since at least February, 1860, until the present, Southern Paiutes with whom Mormons sought to share the blame for the mas- sacre have (when non -Mormons would listen to them) denied respon- sibility. Even the labor gang more or less dependent on the Santa Clara Creek Mormon settlement in 1860 "stated that the Mormons who killed the emigrants were painted so as to resemble Indians." (Brooks 1950:210). They denied either starting the attack on the immigrants as the Mormons claimed, or even assist- ing in it after being summoned to Mountain Meadows.
Speaking to a federal marshal encamped on Santa Clara Creek with federal troops, one Paiute stated that after the immigrants had been attacked, "a white man came to them and exhibited a let- ter, and stated that it was from Brigham Young, and that it di- rected them to go up and help whip the emigrants." Even though some Paiutes were thus persuaded to go to Mountain Meadows, the 1860 spokesman gave a very good reason why they did not assist the Mormons: "the emigrants had long guns and were good shots, and they were afraid to venture near." A Paiute whom the marshal identified as a chief "stated that a brother of his was killed by a shot from the corral at a distance of two hundred yards, as he was running across the meadow" (Brooks 1950:210).
Implicit in the marshal's account, although never stated explicitly, was the nature of Southern Paiute weaponry in Septem- ber, 1857. They still used bows and arrows. They did not pos- sess firearms that would have allowed them to trade rifle fire with immigrants. Concerned over the safety of their colonies in Southern Paiute riverine oases, Mormons had carefully not traded firearms or munitions to members of the labor gangs that were forming. Indeed, thinking in siege mentality terms, Brigham p. 58
Young had instructed the Mormons at Carson City to purchase all the arms and munitions they could in Californiabefore withdraw- ing toward Salt Lake City (Brooks 1950:17). Even $1,260 worth of powder, lead, and caps added significantly to the Mormon war - chest. It is inconceivable that Mormons preparing to confront federal regular troops provided Native Americans with any of their scant stock of firearms or munitions.
The federal task force commander desired conflict no more than did Young after the Mountain Meadow Massacre. He advanced withgreat deliberation and encamped well east of Salt Lake City for the 1857 -1858 winter season. When he did enter Utah Terri- tory in 1858, he followed the usual army pattern of establishing a militarypost rather than occupying Mormon settlements. The Mormon exodus to the southern settlements lasted but a short time before the exiles returned to their homes and farms.
Federal control over Utah Territory remained less than com- plete (Arrington and Bitton 1979:169), especially in view of a presidential pardon for all territorial residents. In a nation committed to a legal system that rested on the principle that fair trial involves judgment by a jury of one's peers, Mormon separatismwas immeasurably strengthened. When territorial at- torneys empaneled grand juries composed of local voters -- almost invariably Mormons -- the juries indicted few Latter Day Saints. Trial juries typically exonerated those accused of criminal acts by federal prosecutors. In this situation, federal officials who were convinced of Mormon culpability for the MountainMeadow Mas- sacre were unable to apprehend or punish the malefactors(Brooks 1950:119 -120, 127 -131; Arrington and Bitton 1979:170).
MORMON EXPANSION
Once LDS Church leaders accepted federal sovereignty as in- evitable, they turned again to pursuing their economic self -suf- ficiency goal. This meant selling produce to troops stationed at Camp Floyd and continuing to expand Mormon settlement, primarily with European convert -immigrants. The church leadership in 1858 renewed its campaign to become self- sufficient in cotton tex- tiles. The Washington colony alone could not grow enough cotton to sustain a textile mill. The leaders sent 15 young men to es- tablish another farm at the confluence of Santa Clara Creek and the Virgin river (Brooks 1961:209). The United States Post Office Department called its local office Tonaquint (Deseret News 8 Jan. 1861:217) although the colonists referred to it by several uncomplimentary names. Disturbance of valley alluvium led to erosionaldestruction of the fields in January, 1862, when heavy precipitation occurred on the watershed (Brooks 1961:210). Un- derengineered Mormon irrigation works typically started stream channel entrenchment, but environmental deterioration came to Tonaquint faster than to most LDS colonies. p. 59
In 1858, colonists also started farming three miles up Santa Clara Creek from the Virgin river. They called their settlement Toquerville, after the local chief. In other words, they seized the core riverine oasis of the eastern subtribe. Able to plant but eight acres to cotton during their first season (McNight 1858:141), these colonists soon switched to growing sorghum cane from which they made molasses (Bull 1860:13). The latter product became the standard Mormon sweetener until late in the nineteenth century (Arrington and Bitton 1979:123).
Additional Mormons colonized their "Dixie" in 1859. Some established a town called Gunlock on Santa Clara Creek between Santa Clara and the Virgin river (Brooks 1961:201). Others set up Pocketville on the Virgin's North Fork not far above its confluence with East Fork (Brooks 1961:204). Mormon farming so disturbed the microenvironment there that the early 1862 floods eroded away much of Pocketville's farm land so the settlement did not endure (Brooks 1961:210). In 1860, Mormon colonists commenced another cotton -farming village calledGrafton above Virginia City on the Virgin river (Deseret News 23 May 1860:93). Again, Southern Paiutes in the area promptly began "assisting the farmers in their agricultural labors."
In 1861, the Church leaders persuaded many faithful members to move to Dixie. Some 300 families left the northern towns in October and reached the Virgin River in December to found St. George. These colonists uprooted oasis mesquite trees that kept the alluvium from eroding, as well as shading the native Southern Paiutes and providing them with a staple food (Snow 1862:280). When the severe storms of January, 1862, struck the watershed, therefore, floodwaters scoured away a five -mile long canal. As fast as the naive but persistent Mormons excavated newcanals, the flooding river eroded them away (Brooks 1961:109 -110). The colonists perservered despite severe environmental damage.
The LDS Church diversified its economic enterprisesduring this period. Cattle owners left the riverine oases to establish ranching headquarters at spring oases that allowed their livestock to graze widely. In 1863, one stockman left St. George with both sheep and cattle to colonize Pipe Springs (Stoffle and Evans 1976:180; Olsen 1965:13). Other Mormon families went that same year to Moccasin Springs and Short Creek (Olsen 1965:13; Woodbury 1944:166).
In 1864, venturesome Mormons started a Kanab Creek cattle ranch. At that time, Union troops in New Mexico had defeated the Navajos and interned most of them at Fort Sumner on the Pecos river. Some Navajos found refuge near the Colorado river, and in 1865 raided the Kanab and Pipe Springs Mormon ranches (Olsen 1965:13). Faced with this threat, the frontier Mormon colonists overtly treated neighboring Southern Paiutes as military allies. Kanab Creek Mormons shared irrigation water and arable fields with the aboriginal inhabitants of that oasis, who acted as p. 60
TABLE4. MORMON COLONIZATION IN SOUTHERN PAIUTE OASES 1858-1866
DATE SETTLEMENT STREAM OR SPRING MAJOR RESOURCE ABANDONED
1858 Tonaquint Santa Clara Creek irrigable fields 1862
1858 Toquerville Santa Clara Creek irrigable fields
1859 Gunlock Santa Clara Creek irrigable fields
1859 Pocketville Virgin North Fork irrigable fields 1862+
1860 Grafton Virgin river irrigable fields
1861 St. George Virgin river irrigable fields
1863 Pipe Springs Pipe Springs ranch water
1863 Moccasin Moccasin Springs ranch water, irrigation
1863 Short Creek Short Creek irrigable fields
1864 Panguitch Panguitch Creek irrigable fields, 1866 fishery
1864 Kanab Kanab Creek irrigable fields, 1866 range
1864 Callville Colorado river navigable river, fields
1865 St. Thomas Moapa river irrigable fields 1871
1865 St. Joseph Moapa river irrigable fields 1871
1865 Simonsville Moapa river irrigable fields, 1871 water power
1865 Long Valley Virgin East Fork irrigable fields, 1866+ p. 61
sentinels and fought Navajos beside the colonists (.Sto£fle and Evans 1976:182). LDS Church authorities at St. George in May, 1866, ordered Mormon ranches east of Pipe Springs abandoned.
The War of the Rebellion, fought mainly in the eastern Uni- ted States, diverted Union attention from Utah Territory (Arrington and Bitton 1979:170). Brigham Young and the other LDS Church leaders again thought in strategic economic terms. Over- land travel to and from California continued, although Mormons did not reoccupy Las Vegas or San Bernardino. They did explore the possibility of shortening their overland journey to the Paci- fic by establishing a riverport on the lower Colorado river. The Church Presidency assigned Anson Call to establish the port. He reached the river in mid -December, 1864. That he picked a water- melon the day after arriving (Fleming 1967:151 -152) shows that he chose a Paiute garden site for the Mormon port colony. Callville was the first Mormon colony set up in Paranayi territory after the Mormons abandoned their Las Vegas mission in 1857.
Having advanced to the Colorado river, the Mormons began colonizing oases between their existing farming towns and Call - ville. This meant invading the Moapa river valley, southern oa- sis core of Paranayi country. Colonists from northern Mormon towns established St. Thomas in Moapa valley early in 1865 (Fleming 1967:155). Additional colonists traveled south, increasing the St. Thomas population sufficiently for it to divide in June. A group went a dozen miles upstream and founded St. Joseph (Fleming 1967:157). Before 1864 ended, enough Mormons had arrived to establish Simonsville. Within two years, its in- habitants had built a water -powered cotton gin (Fleming 1967:158- 159). While Southern Paiute population continued to decline, the LDS Church sent approximately 3,000 people in about 800 families into its Dixie during the early 1860's (Arrington 1958:217). The Latter Day Saints quickly gained numerical superiority over the diminishing Southern Paiutes within their aboriginal homeland.
The large -scale Mormon migration to riverine and spring oa- ses in the Virgin river drainage and farther south effectively terminated the aboriginal Southern Paiute economy. Mormons seized extensive stretches of the best -quality riverine oases between 1858 and 1866. Only the Kanab ranchers seem to have been willing to share oasis fields and irrigation water with Southern Paiutes, and that only under the duress of Navajo raiding. As Mormon settlements proliferated, more and more Southern Paiutes worked for the colonists in exchange for food and clothing. Not all natives could, however, survive on stingy Mormon payments, so Paiutes reliedheavily on upland natural resources such as big game animals, pinyon nuts, and berries available only at higher mountain elevations. As epidemic diseasemortality disrupted Paiute families, and labor demands at different settlements varied, native groups at the Euroamerican settlements became la- bor gangs with highly mobile membership not based onkinship re- lations. p. 62
MINING FRONTIER
A decade after the 1849 Gold Rush, many miners turned their backs on the Sierra Nevada and prospected the Rocky Mountains for profitable ores. A minor montane mining frontierdynamic was steamboat transportation on the lower Colorado river.
In 1858, Mojaves attacked an immigrant wagon train entering their riverine oasis, inflicted some casualties, and turned that and later groups back to the Rio Grande valley. In response, United States troops advanced from the Pacific coast to confront and defeat the Mojave brave men; war -club wielders could not close for hand -to -hand combat against rifle fire. Steamboat transportation facilitated provisioning Fort Mojave, founded in 1859 to keep the Mojaves pacified and open the governmentwagon road between Albuquerque and San Bernardino.
Also in 1859, miners discovered very rich silver ores and founded Virginia City in western Utah Territory, laying the foun- dation for a separate Nevada Territory. Prospectors promptly found ore on the Colorado river upstream from the Mohave valley in El Dorado Canyon. It yielded a profit when shipped by rela- tively economical steamboat and ocean -going ships to San Francisco smelters. Miners had been at work in El Dorado Canyon for five years when Anson Call found a location for a Mormon riv- erport even farther upstream (Scrugham 1935:I:611). Most mine camps grew up at richer ore deposits than those in El Dorado Canyon because the yields had to be high enough to pay very costly overland freight charges. Union demand for precious metals during the War of the Rebellion sent prices upward which stimulated mining. In 1861, miners opened new workings at one of the lead and mixed metal deposits the Las Vegas Mormon missiona- ries had briefly exploited in 1856. They formed the Potosi mine camp in the arid Sonoran Desert (Orton 1890:42) in Paranayi sub - tribal territory.
In 1863, the year when Congress admitted Nevada to the Union, Southern Paiute mineral pigment quarriers guided Mormon missionaries to a quarry (Paher 1970:291). Miners rushed to the discovery at Pioche in the northern, better -watered portion of Paranayi territory. Pioche became a permanent Euroamerican town in aboriginal Southern Paiute country. The miners who rushed to Pioche and other mining camps created a profitable market for hay and grain, slaughter pigs and poultry, bacon and hams, cheese and butter, and fresh garden produce (Palmer 1958:355). Even Paiutes who followed the miners to Pioche to work in exchange for food and clothing augmented that demand. Responding to opportunity, Mormon farmers colonized Clover valley in order to growproduce nearer to Pioche than their existing settlements. They thus re- duced transportation costs and their own danger from p. 63
TABLE5. MINING COLONIZATION IN SOUTHERNPAIUTE SPRING OASES 1859 -1866
DATE SETTLEMENT WATER SUPPLY MAJOR RESOURCE ABANDONED
1859 El Dorado Canyon Colorado river silver /gold ore
1861 Potosi hauled silver /lead ore 1863
1863 Pioche springs silver ore
1865 Panaca Panaca Spring irrigable fields
1865 Crystal Springs Crystal Springs domestic water
1865 Logan City springs silver ore 1871
1866 Crescent Mill springs millsite
1866 Hiko springs silver ore, mill 1871 p. 64 robbers on the wagon roads. Southern Paiute resistance to this invasion of one of their most productive riverine oases motivated some families to move in 1865 to Meadow Valley. Other Mormons followed in 1866 and 1867, building a defensive structure made of sod cut from a lush meadow a mile south of the main spring. They called it Panaca, thinking that was a Paiute term for silver ore (Scrugham 1935:I:602). This farming settlement became a supply center for southern and central Nevada mine camp residents.
In 1865, a Southern Paiute who knew where toquarry body pigment led a Euroamerican to an ore deposit and generated an 1866 rush and another mine camp called Hiko, a Paiute label for "white man's place" (Paher 1970:301). The lode was very high grade, and Hiko's population grew large enough to make it new Lincoln County's seat in 1867. The lode did not, however, extend very deep into the earth, and Hiko expired in 1871.
Also in 1865, miners colonized Crystal Springs. In 1866, the Nevada state Legislature designated Crystal Springs camp the provisional seat of Lincoln County. Euroamerican residents re- mained too few, however, so the county's officers went to Hiko in 1867.
"An old Indian" in 1865 led prospectors fromAustin in Northern Nevada to a rich silver ore ledge on Mount Irish in northern Paranayi territory. The prospectors filed locations in March and went to Panaca seeking supplies. Hostile Paiutes chased them away when they returned in June to begin mining (Paher 1970:301). The Euroamericans established theirmilitary superiority, however, and several hundred people colonized Logan City. It had a post office by 1867, but the miners had virtually worked out the shallow deposits by 1869 and most abandoned the district (Paher 1970:303). The Crescent Mill two miles west of Logan City operated into the following decade, custom -processing ores extracted by petty entrepreneurs (Wheeler 1872:44). Every mine camp attracted its Southern Paiute, or ethnically mixed Native American labor gang.
THE RAILROAD ERA
During the years when Mormons sought a corridor to the Paci- fic via the lower Colorado river and mines proliferated in Neva- da, construction crews worked on the first transcontinentalrail- road. California's "Big Four" railroad magnates financed con- struction eastward through the mountains. Eastern capitalists financed construction westward across the Plains. Each summer, therefore, Mormon immigrants traveled farther by train andwalked or rode wagons only a steadily decreasing distance from the end - of -track to Salt Lake City. In 1869, the first transcontinental railroad was completed, but it by- passed Salt Lake City. p. 65
Initiating train service across the continent changed funda- mentally the transportation system in the montane area. Mecha- nized rail transport was much more economical than wagon freight- ing. Consequently, the long Church of Latter Day Saints struggle to achieve economic self- sufficiency was irretrievably doomed. High freight costs no longer protected Mormons making molasses or growing cotton or weaving silk, cotton or woolen textiles against price competition from producers outside Zion with much lower costs. Although some Church industrial enterprises lingered into the 1890's, railroad transport defined the northwestern end of the Southwestern diagonal poverty zone that extends from central Utah to central New Mexico (Kneese and Brown 1981:9). Numerous consequent changes inevitably affected Southern Paiutes because they were integrated into the Euroamerican mining and farming sectors by 1869 or shortly thereafter. Comparatively low rail- road freight rates favored development of mines near the tracks. Post -railroad miningprofits lay eventually in iron and copper rather than precious metals. There was, however, a long transi- tion period between the heyday of the silver mines and large - scale development of copper, iron and coal mines. Reduced farm and mine income for Euroamericans inevitably meant reduced income for Southern Paiutes working at farms, ranches and at mine camps.
Members of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints continued immigrating to Utah, pursuing the ingathering dogma. Consequently, sectarian leaders continued to plan newvillages, some within Southern Paiute country. The Mormon population in the Moapa river valley villages expanded sufficiently by 1869 for several families to found another farm town called West Point (Fowler and Fowler 1971:109; Lockwood 1872:65). Mormons aban- doned that valley only two years later.
One major motivation for the Mormon retreat testifies that the northwestern end of the Southwestern poverty diagonal was already firmly established. When the Union Congress made Nevada a state in 1863, the boundary between Nevada and Utah Territory was not surveyed and precisely defined. Moreover, the eastern limit of Nevada was altered in 1866 and 1868. The Mormon Moapa river colonists considered themselves as living in Utah's Virgin River County. Sentiments of religion aside, they had a powerful economic motivation. Virgin River County authorities accepted tax payments in kind. Nevada was, in contrast, basically a mining state completely integrated into the national market. Lincoln County officials demanded that taxes be paid in money but Mormon farmers preferred not to pay out cash.
In 1870, federal surveyors determined that Nevada's 114 de- gree latitude eastern boundary was thirty miles east of the Moapa river Mormon villages. In February 1871, over 600 Mormons aban- doned 150 homes, 500 acres of cleared land and 8,000 bushels of wheat on the stalk and migrated to Utah Territory (Fleming 1967:171). About one -third of that contingent, or 200 indivi- duals, joined some 100 other Mormons in Long Valley. p. 66
TABLE 6. MORMON RAILROAD CORRIDOR COLONIZATION
INITIAL RAILROAD SETTLEMENT RESOURCE DRAINAGE COLONY ARRIVAL NAME
1847 1871 Salt Lake City irrigated Great Salt Lake fields
1871 1871 Sandy granite Cottonwood Creek
1849 1873 Provo fields Utah Lake
1849 1873 American Fork fields Utah Lake
1850 Springville fields Utah Lake
1850 Payson fields Utah Lake
Goshen fields Utah Lake
Eureka Sevier Desert
1879 1879 Lynndyl Sevier river
1913 1879 Delta fields Sevier river
1879 1879 Oasis fields Sevier river
1859 1879 Deseret fields Sevier river
1873 Riverside water Beaver river
1870 1880 Milford water Beaver river
1875 1880 Frisco silver mountains
1869 Minersville lead ore Escalante Desert
1899 Lund freight Escalante Desert
1899 Beryl freight Escalante Desert
1899 Modena freight Escalante Desert
1899 Uvada state line p. 67
They seized 1,300 acres of arable land and extensive grazing areas, evicting the native Southern Paiutes (Stoffle and Evans 1976:183; Arrington 1954:8).
Either some of the Moapa valley Mormon refugees or other members of the LDS Church recolonized Panguitch in 1871 (Chidester 1955:388). Although the native Paiutes did not again resist Mormon intrusion, they did not allow the colonists to fish in Panguitch Lake. They caught and sold fish to the Mormons (Chidester 1955:389), thus developing their own economic niche in the regional economy. Investors and speculators outside Utah Territory profited from railroad operations there. Despite their in -kind contributions to railroad construction, Mormons firmly tied to a farming economy typically remained poor in the railroad era. As Mormon immigration diminished demand for Southern Paiute labor, the Native American inhabitants became the poorest ethnic group in the region.
MINING FRONTIER
Although most of the Sonoran Desert mineral lodes found dur- ing the 1860's were soon exhausted, prospectors discovered more profitable deposits late in that decade and early in the 1870's.
The Clark Mining District straddled the California- Nevada state boundary. In 1871, a five -stamp mill was being built, al- though water was so scarce that the miners employed Southern Paiute women to carry drinking water to their camp. Some Paiute men worked in the mines. The old Potosi workings and nearby deposits were reorganized in the Yellow Pine Mining District. The miners depended on pine trees growing at higher elevations in the Spring Mountains for fuel. In 1869, other miners set up the Timber Mountain District in another portion of the Spring Mountains, exploiting veins of ga- lena mixed with silver sulfide (Wheeler 1872:52 -53). In 1870, prospectors found promising ore on the western slope of the Vegas mountains twelve miles from water. They formed the Southeastern Mining District (Wheeler 1872:45). Although these desert mines exploited Southern Paiute territory, they provided additional employment for Southern Paiutes, including women. They provided another impetus for Paiutes to work in exchange for fresh and processed foods imported from Euroamerican producers elsewhere.
Hardly had the Central Pacific Railroad been completed when Brigham Young and other Mormon leaders embarked on their own railroad construction program. Their first objective was simply to link Salt Lake City with the transcontinental line, an objec- tive reached in 1871 via the Utah Central Railroad. Then they extended the Utah Southern Railroad, incorporated on January 17, p. 68
1871, southward to other Mormon towns and villages. Its initial goal was Sandy, 13 miles south of Salt Lake City because the Church was building the huge Salt Lake City Temple, andgranite blocks were quarried nearby in Cottonwood Canyon. The Sandy spur opened in September, 1871, and significantly facilitated moving the heavy granite building blocks (Arrington 1958:278).
Utah Territory's shortage of investment capital continued, despite many boasts that have been made about theMormon vil- lage's efficiency as a form of cooperative land settlement. Brigham Young successfully motivated Latter Day Saints tograde the roadbed and furnish wooden ties which greatly reduced the cash cost of Mormon railroad construction. By 1872, however, the Church had sold Utah Southern stocks and bonds to the Union Paci- fic line for rails and then rolling stock (Arrington 1958:280). This led to eventual Union Pacific control of the Utah Southern.
Prospectors had by that time made significant ore discove- ries in the Tintic Mountains immediately east of the Mormon wagon transportation corridor. By 1872, two furnaces and several stamping mills were operating at Homansville in East Tintic Min- ing District. Two Tintic Smelting Company furnaces at Diamond City could process 20 tons per day. In the Ohio Mining District near Sevier River, the Chicago Company's mill couldhandle six to eight tons of ore daily (Alter 1932:I:410 -411).
In mid -summer, 1873, Brigham Young exhorted Utah County Mormons to contribute money, ties, and labor to extend the Utah Southern railroad tracks. The railroad reached American Fork that fall (Alter 1932:I:412). The track linked Provo to the in- dustrial world on November 24, 1873.The Union Pacific company then enlarged its construction role, extending the track 27 miles to York in Juab County (Arrington 1958:281). Stage coaches and freight wagons hauled passengers, supplies and smeltedmetals between the Star Mining District in the San Francisco Mountains and York. Because the Beaver river offered the nearest flowof sufficient water for smelting, Milford became a smelter town in 1870. While wagons had to haul ore from the mines toMilford, freight costs then dropped sharply because only refined metal had to be hauled to the railroad. The railroad penetrated the edges of aboriginal Southern Paiute country, but did not yet cross the whole tract.
LABOR GANGS
By 1873, Mormon farmers, Christian miners, and native Southern Paiute laborers were all being rapidlyincorporated into industrial society. Stage and wagon transport enterprises were oriented toward railroads linking components into a national mar- ket. A Congress dominated by Union veterans of the War of the Rebellion in 1872 ended the practice of negotiating treaties with Indianpolities. The federal authorities apparently never nego- p. 69 tiated a treaty with Southern Paiutes to acquire native title to lands or for any other purpose. Various Ute leaders had signed agreements in the preceeding decade, and Congress had set aside a large Uintah Reservation for them. Some Ute leaders liked to brag or claim that they ruled over Southern Paiutes; in fact they did not. Southern Paiutes feared Ute sorcerers far too much to agree to live on the same lands reserved for the Utes (Fowler and Fowler 1971:103). The Office of Indian Affairs agents responsible for Northern Paiutes in Nevada had avoided responsibility for Southern Paiutes. So had agents assigned to the Uintah reservation in northern Utah. Still, in 1873, an agent, G. W. Ingalls, had been appointed to look after the interests of Southern Paiutes. It was a difficult assignment. Moreover, a District of Columbia bureaucrat, John W. Powell, had become interested in Southern Paiutes during his explorations of the Colorado river and Grand Canyon. In 1873, Ingalls and Powell carried out an extensive although incomplete survey of Southern Paiute population. As a scientist caught up in ethnological theories of social evolution, Powell did not recognize the Southern Paiute social structures that he actually encountered. He assumed that he saw surviving, pre- contact tribal bands. In fact, he saw mostly labor gangs oriented toward Euroamerican mining and farming towns. Paiute men whom Powell thought were chiefs were as often as not a combi- nation of labor contractor and cultural broker between ethnic groups.
Social science theory had not been extensively developed in 1873, so Powell can not be criticized for not recognizing that twenty years of working for Euroamericans and a catastrophic pop- ulation collapse had drastically changed Southern Paiute life - ways. Anthropologists did not begin developing the cultural change theories currently employed until after World War I, so Powell simply did not have available the conceptual tools for analyzing what he saw. Thus, his mislabeling is not surprising. What is surprising is that historians and anthropologists have unquestioningly accepted the Powell -Ingalls survey labels at face value long after the formulation of culture change theories which indicate that what Powell and Ingalls saw and reported was a gen- eration removed from pre- contact Southern Paiute conditions.
As already mentioned, the first clearly documented Southern Paiute labor gang went to work at Parowan in the fall of 1852. A parallel situation existed at Harmony on Ash Creek. In December, 1852, "ten men and several Indians are constantly employed build- ing the Fort" (Smith 1852:2). Late in January, 1853, at Elk Horn Springs, a Mormon colonist reported: "I employ severalPiede In- dians to assist in tending the herd and doing chores about the house, which I find as faithful to their trust, as any white man I ever employed." The Mormon contrasted Paiute "honest, faith- ful, and industrious" behavior with Utahs, "who are lazy, inso- lent, and thievish." The letter revealed how Mormons took econo- mic advantage of Southern Paiute honesty and industry: "many of them will do as much work as most any white man in a day, and can p. 70 be hired for their board, and some small present by way of old clothing." On the other hand, this same colonist recognized an additional dimension to intergroup relations: "I always feed them when they call on me" (Johnson 1853).
This socio- economic pattern established at the very begin- ning of Mormon seizure of Southern Paiute riverine oases persis- ted. As Euroamericans invaded oasis fields and appropriated ir- rigation water, displaced Paiutes perforce exchanged labor for food and clothing. Their aboriginal work ethic impelled them to work in exchange for the things they obtained from the intruders. Christianminers who typically lived on mountain slopes seized springs that were much less significant in the overall Southern Paiute economy than arable riverine oases and marshes. Some camps created away from any spring enabled Paiutes to earn cash and commodities as water -suppliers. Mine camps were in a sense a safety valve for Paiutes displaced by Mormons who seized riverine oases.
It was not until 1873 that federal officials attempted even to locate or visit most Southern Paiute local groups. By that time, the vast majority of Southern Paiute individuals lived in labor gangs at Euroamerican settlements, as they had for years. Aminority of Southern Paiutes persisted in trying to survive relying on traditional economic techniques in refuge areas. Fed- eral officials were not conceptually prepared to recognize this social activity.
Army officers who had traveled across a portion of Paiute territory two yearsearlier had clearly recognized the esta- blished symbiotic relationship between ethnic groups. They re- ported Southern Paiutes working for Euroamerican miners, hauling theirdomestic water, for example, and laboring for Mormon farm- ers (Lockwood 1872:75; Lyle 1872:89). When agent Ingalls and Powell sought out Southern Paiutes, the Mormons who had colonized the Moapa river valley had been gone for two years. The pre - exodus distribution of native population in that valley, indica- ted in TABLE 7, is key evidence of how fully developed the symbi- otic relationship between ethnic groups was by 1870. One Paranayi subtribal labor gang lived at the Mormon commu- nity of St. Thomas. It numbered at least 21 men, and Mormons called its contractor "Farmer." A second labor gang living at Simonsville includes at least 13 men, with "Frank" as its con- tractor. A third labor gang containing at least 18 men lived at Junction City at the confluence of the Virgin river with the Co- lorado river. "William" served as its contractor.
A fourth labor gang centered in the upper Moapa river val- ley. With at least 15 men, it had a contractor known to the Mormons as "Rufus." A fifth group of unknown size was represen- ted by "Thomas" and lived near the Narrows (Fleming 1967:60). The distributionof these labor gangs in Moapa river valley at Mormon villages illustrates the close environmental adjustment Southern Paiutes made. p. 71
TABLE 7. SOUTHERN PAIUTE LABOR GANGS AT EUROAMERICAN SETTLEMENTS AND ECONOMIC- RELIGIOUS TRADITIONALISTS ABOUT 1870.
SETTLEMENT GANG SIZE CONTRACTOR SOURCE
Beaver small Fowler and Fowler 1971:98 Kelly 1934:558
Parowan Ibid.; Ibid.
Cedar City Ibid.; Ibid. 553; Palmer 1958:358
Long Valley 125 Fowler and Fowler 1971:98 Kelly 1934:558
Kanab Valley 107 Ibid.; Ibid. 551; Tri- weekly Ely Record 13 Sept. 1872:3
St. George Fowler and Fowler 1971: 103; Adams 1955:397; Lockwood 1872:675
Gunlock Kelly 1934:552
Paria river Fowler and Fowler 1971:98
Potosi Mines, 56 Tokopur Fowler and Fowler 1971: Pahrump Spring Howi'agunt 104; Kelly 1934:559; Lyle 1872:89
Las Vegas, 200 Lockwood 1872:75; Lyle Cottonwood 1872:89; Fowler and Springs Fowler 1971:107; Fenton 1870:578
Kingston Mts. 85 Honu'nawa Fowler and Fowler 1971: Ivanpah Kotsi'an 104; Kelly 1934:559 Providence Mts. Wagu'up p. 72
TABLE 7. Continued
SETTLEMENT GANG SIZE CONTRACTOR SOURCE
Ash Meadows 31 Nua'rung Fowler and Fowler 1971: 104
Pioche biethnic Pioche Daily Record 23 March 1873:3
Bullionville Pioche Daily Record 17 Dec. 1874:3
Panguitch Carter 1955
St. Thomas 21 men Farmer Fleming 1967:60
Simonsville 13 men Frank Ibid.
Junction City 18 men William Ibid.
Upper Moapa 15 men Rufus Ibid.
Moapa narrows 2+ men Thomas Ibid.
Meadow Valley Pioche Daily Record 26 May 1874:3
Pahranagat Ibid. 24 June 1874:3
Amargoza river 68 Niapa'garats Fowler and Fowler 1971: 104
San Juan Ibid. 98
Uinkaret Ibid. Plateau
Shivwits Ibid.; Lyle 1872:88 Plateau
Chemehuevi Fowler and Fowler 1971:107 p. 73
The Southern Paiutes continued their traditional orientation toward, and economic dependence upon, riverine oasis resources. They had, however, shifted from autonomous entrepreneurship to exchanging their labor for food and clothing. Mormons and miners exploited Southern Paiute workers much as plantation managers exploit seasonal laborers throughout the world. They hired Southern Paiutes when convenient at minimal cost, and ineffect required the workers to provide their own housing and subsist themselves when not employed. Southern Paiute distribution re- flected, therefore, Euroamerican settlement patterns for the most part. While Mormon villages flourished, as alongMoapa river valley, Southern Paiutes broke up into labor gangs whose sizes were adjusted to the demand for Native American labor at each place. While Christian mining camps flourished, Southern Paiutes constituted labor gangs similarly adjusted in size to the labor demand of each mine, mill and town. Just as Euroamerican miners shifted from camp to camp as deposits were worked out, so did Southern Paiutes. They went where there were jobs open to Native Americans. They took pride in working hard and learning indus- trial society's specialized crafts.
The individual Southern Paiutes who emerged as cultural brokers -contractors and straw bosses were as a group proudest of mastering skills of the dominant group. Their pride was well exemplified when the owner of Las Vegas fled to Ivanpah with his family after a Native American was killed nearby. Returning with several men, the rancher expected the ranch to be ruined. In- stead, he found Tecopa, the straw boss, "sitting on the top of a pile of grain sacks directing the work on the ranch. The Indians had cared for the stock, milked the cows, and made the butter" (Las Vegas Age 27 Sept. 1919:3). Tecopa clearly welcomed the opportunity to demonstrate to Euroamericans that he and his workers had mastered the skills required to run the entire ranch without a single order from a white man. Indeed, Tecopa demon- strated that the Southern Paiutes had acquired not only the tech- nical but also the managerial skills necessary. What they lacked was capital and equal legal treatment.
That Paiute pride in technical competence already esta- blished by 1870 persisted and persists today. Over the interven- ing years, this has constituted a significant theme running through Southern Paiute relations with Euroamericans. In 1889, Euroamericans called one Pioche Native American "Railroad Jim" because he worked steadily as a brakeman of Bullionville -Pioche ore trains. They regarded him as "a natural mechanic," and he learned other skills such as laying seam iron roofing (Pioche Weekly Record 19 Jan. 1889:3). Elderly Southern Paiutes today take great pride in being or having been competent 'Cat skinners, cowboys, lumber truck drivers, and so on. Consequently, Southern Paiutes considering high voltage transmission line impacts are as interested in the skilled job opportunities line construction and maintenancewill offer them as they are concerned over transmis- sion line impacts on culturally valued areas, shrines, animals, fish and plants. p. 74
FEDERAL RESOURCE RESERVATION
The United States policy of reserving lands for Native Amer- ican populations was not applied to Southern Paiutes until 1873. As preceding paragraphs indicate, Southern Paiutes were by that time effectively integrated into the national economy as laborers living by Euroamerican mine towns or farming villages. Mormon colonists and non -Mormon miners had seized key Southern Paiute natural resources long before federal officials got around to reserving any of the tribe's aboriginal heritage for its surviv- ing members. The federal reservation policy had, moreover, mini- mal immediate impact.
The first lands and associated water rights reserved for Southern Paiutes are, however, significant to this analysisbe- cause the IPP Line 1 right -of -way would cross them. By 1873, the pioneering phase of Mormon land colonization was over. Immigrant converts rode trains to Salt Lake City. Mormons needed less and less Southern Paiute field labor as European convertscontinued entering Utah Territory at an average of 3,000 annually (Rusling 1875:176). Miners and Mormons, and even SouthernPaiutes who acquired firearms from mine camp stores, hunted out big game ani- mals. Euroamerican stream damming to store irrigation water and marsh drainage had diminished the aboriginal fishery, oasis plant food production, and the wildfowl and rabbit stock. Even the industrious Southern Paiutes could no longer survive when not working for Euroamericans by hunting, fishing, or collecting greatly diminished natural resources. "Some food and the greater part of their clothing is obtained by begging" (Fowler and Fowler 1971:108), claimed federal officials who in 1873 surveyed Southern Paiute groups.
Mormons were quite ready to encourage the national govern- ment to assume more of the cost of feeding Southern Paiutes. They favored confining the mobile natives on a reservation as long as the national government did not take Mormon lands to form it.
In 1869, federal lands agent R.N. Fenton (1869:204) recom- mended establishing a Moapa river reservation 25 -35 miles up- stream from St. Thomas. He envisioned reserving up to 700 to 1,000 acres of irrigable land plus stock grazing acreages. In 1873, agent George W. Ingalls and John W. Powell initially a- chieved a much larger reservation.
On March 12, President U.S. Grant signed an executive order withdrawing an area along the eastern boundary of Nevada. The new reservation boundary began at the Colorado river and went north to a point due east of a spot a mile north of Muddy Spring. The northern boundary ran from that point on the state border due west through the spot one mile north of Muddy Spring to the p. 75
115th Meridian. The western boundary was that Meridian to a point due west of the intersection of the Colorado river with the eastern border of Nevada. The southern boundary ran due east from the 115th Meridian to the western bank of the Colorado river and upstream to the border (Kappler 1904:I:866 -67). An estimated 6,000 acres within this reserved area were irrigable. That was 2.6 acres or about one hectare for every Southern Paiute as esti- mated by Ingalls and Powell. They thought in terms of relocating all Southern Paiutes on this reserved area, which meant that the irrigated field resource base would be comparable to that of rural peasants in perenially poverty- stricken underdeveloped na- tions. The headwaters of Moapa river within the reserved area did include "some grass -lands of no greater extant" (Fowler and Fowler 1971:108).
On 12 February 1874, the president issued a newexecutive order redefining Moapa river reservation. This order fixed the eastern boundary at the Colorado river eight miles west of the 114th Meridian and going north to the 37th degree north latitude. The northern boundary was 20 miles between that line and the 115th Meridian. The western boundary was 35 miles of the 115th Meidian. The southern boundary ran due east for 36 miles, turn- ing south to the Colorado river and following mid -channel to the starting point (Kappler 1904:I:867). This was a reservation con- taining approximately 2,000,000 acres (Rambeau and Holmes 1976:95).
Federal bureaucrats turned out to wield less power than lo- cal voters. New farmers had replaced the Mormons who in 1871 abandoned Moapa river valley. One energetic settler's wife went to Washington, lobbying Congressmen to destroy the executive or- der reserve. The staff of the influential Pioche newspaper a- ligned itself with Col. Isaac Jennings (Pioche Daily Record 22 Sept. 1874:2). His wife was the effective lobbyist. Annie R.B. Jennings (1874:2) found Nevada's Senator William M. Stewart a more than willing ally. Stewart opposed reserving lands for Na- tive Americans anywhere in Nevada (Rambeau and Holmes 1976:97).
Senator Stewart persuaded the Congress to override the pre- sidential executive order, adding a rider to an appropriation bill. The fiscal 1876 Indian Office Appropriation Act passed in the spring of 1875 contained one sentence drastically reducing the Moapa river reservation. "That the Pai -Ute reservation in Southeastern Nevada is hereby reduced to one thousand acres to be selected by the Secretary of the Interior in such manner as not to include the claim of any settler or miner" (Kappler 1904:I:157). Only a fraction of the 1,000 acres reserved was irrigable. This reservation became an intermittent federal agen- cy location, and a bedroom community for the Moapa valley labor gangs. Capital for developing its limited natural resources did not become available for nearly a century (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a:134 -37). p. 76
Most of the time, the nearest Indian agent resided at Pyra- mid Lake in northern Nevada (Rambeau and Holmes 1976:98). In the 1880s, a new group of Mormons colonized Moapa river valley (Tramp 1883:3). They allowed or encouraged their livestock to graze on the reserved area, devouring "every green thing in theirway." Euroamericans stole government cattle from the reservation, and murdered one government farmer brave enough to oppose them (Rambeau and Holmes 1976:99). By 1885, 24 Paiutes were reported to be living on Moapa reservation, when 30 lived at Bunkerville, 35 at St. Thomas, 23 at Las Vegas, 20 at Hiko and 25 at Pioche (Rambeau and Holmes 1976:101) in labor gangs. Southern Paiutes had become dependent on wage labor. Lacking capital with which to develop reserved resources, they remained locked inpoverty until twentieth- century governmental policy shifts finally provi- ded development capital. Yet, the reserved Moapa river valley resources assumed increasing psychological importance to those Southern Paiutes using them as time passed and members of the dominant group monopolized more and more land and water.
MOUNTAIN MEADOWS AFTERMATH
By the mid- 1870s, Utah Territory's population had signifi- cantly diversified compared to its virtually all- Mormon composi- tion 15 years earlier. During the War of the Rebellion, Califor- nia Volunteer units replaced regular troops garrisoning military posts in the territory. Many of the volunteers were experienced miners and prospected during their leaves. Some prospectors found profitable ores, especially after the war and completion of the transcontinental railroad in 1869 greatly reduced transporta- tion costs. Virtually none of the miners living in Utah'smine camps during the 1870s were Mormon, so the citizen population included those of other religions and those indifferent to reli- gion as well as Mormons.
Social and legal conditions were propitious for federal au- thorities to reopen an investigation into the 1857 Mountain Mea- dows Massacre. In 1871, Philip Klingonsmith confessed his role in the massacre, and described those of several leading Latter Day Saints. In 1857, Klingonsmith had been bishop of the Latter Day Saint stake at Cedar City, an office he held until July 1859 (Brooks 1950:65). He continued to be a faithful churchmember for another decade. He moved to Nevada about 1870 and abandoned the church. Soon afterward, he made an affidavit describing his version of the massacre in which he did not even mention Native American participation in the massacre. He described a strictly Mormonmilitia operation organized by Lt. Col. Isaac C. Haight, Major John D. Lee, and Captain John M. Higbee under Col. William H. Dame (Brooks 1950:66 -67).
Klingonsmith's affidavit, and non -Mormon citizen agitation moved authorities in Utah Territory to act. Following the rift between Mormon leaders that developed not long after themassa- p. 77 cre, some, including Higbee, Nephi Johnson, and John D. Lee, had gone into hiding. Several of the southern Utah Mormon leaders evidently disliked Lee before the massacre and afterwards they persistently blamed him for it. Finally, federal authorities on 7 November 1874 found Lee visiting his Panguitch family and placed him under arrest (Brooks 1950:140). Lee was imprisoned at the federal military post at Beaver, Utah Territory.
When John D. Lee went on trial, the federal prosecutor set out to make a case against not only Lee, but also his Mormon su- periors, including Brigham Young (Brooks 1950:141). The jury empaneled to decide Lee's guilt or innocence split along straight sectarian lines. All eight Mormon jurors voted not guilty and three non -Mormons and one "Jack" Mormon voted guilty (Brooks 1950:142). The judge dismissed the hung jury and scheduled a second trial. Before it began, the prosecutor evidently reached an agreement with Mormon leaders. If the prosecutor would stop trying to implicate Young and other church leaders, the Latter Day Saints would make Lee a scapegoat.
John D. Lee's second trial went smoothly. The prosecutor presented a case only against Lee, not mentioning persons higher in the Latter Day Saint hierarchy he sought to implicateduring the first trial. Massacre participants who had kept silent for nearly 20 years "came forward to testify" (Brooks 1950:143). An all- Mormon jury brought in a unanimous guilty verdict (Brooks 1950:145). The judge sentenced Lee to death. Troops took Lee to Mountain Meadows where a firing squad executed him (Brooks 1950:151 -153). Mormons and non -Mormons alike then had their scapegoat on whom to blame the Mountain Meadow Massacre. Latter Day Saints could stop talking about the shameful massacre, trying to blot out the event from Mormon history (Brooks 1950:v). Integrated though they were in the national economy by 1875- 1877, Southern Paiutes probably little understood the Euroameri- can scapegoating mechanism. Native American behavior indicates that John D. Lee's execution frightened surviving Southern Paiutes and Pahvants. The federal government showed that it could execute a citizen 20 years after he murdered and Indians were not then citizens who could testify in court on their own behalf. The government demonstrated that it could execute a for- merMormon leader, a once -powerful militia officer and Indian missionary. For Southern Paiutes, therefore, the best course perhaps seemed parallel to that of most Mormons: silence. Con- sequently, in the 1930's an ethnographer collecting information about Southern Paiute territory could not elicit mention of Moun- tain Meadows (Kelly 1934:552). p. 78
EUROAMERICAN ECONOMIC EXPANSION
The Lee trial and execution caught public attention, but demographic and economic forces affected the lives of people throughout aboriginal Southern Paiute country. In 1880, the Union Pacific Railroad, which had gained control of the Utah Southern, extended its tracks to serve the Frisco mines. Tracks were constructed south across Pahvant and northern Southern Paiute country to Milford and the Beaver river before turning west to the mines (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982b:151). Economical rail transportation rates also stimulated ranching and irrigation farming in southcentral Utah. Cattle growers throughout southern and central Utah Territory drove their animals to the Milford shipping pens (Horton 1957:69). Freight wagons also carried car- go to and from the Milford railhead (Horton 1957:62). Near the railroad's Sevier river delta crossing Mormon farm- ers soon initiated large -scale irrigation projects. In 1885, the Deseret Reservoir and Irrigation Company was incorporated, the town being located where the railroad crossed the river. In 1886, the Gunnison Bend Canal Company was incorporated and built a reservoir in the delta to permit more efficient irrigation. Almost simultaneously, the Oasis and Riverside Canal Company was incorporated (Brough 1898:196). In 1888, a small copper smelter began working at Abraham in the delta, but it soon burned (Hansen 1963:266). With a railroad nearby, farmers on smaller streams also for- malized their irrigation arrangements. The Fillmore Irrigation Company incorporated in mid -1886, to manage water. The Cove Creek Irrigation Company was formed early in 1887. Six miles north of Fillmore, the Holden Irrigation and Canal Company incor- porated in mid -1886. Four miles south of Fillmore, the Meadow Irrigation Company, incorporated in 1887, affected water use by Meadow residents. An Oak Creek Irrigation Ditch and Canal Com- pany incorporated in 1887 reflected development of another farm- ing village on yet another small stream in this area (Brough 1898:196).
Mormon irrigation farmers expanded their fields at the ex- pense of riverine oases that Pahvants and Southern Paiutes form- erly exploited. Riverine and non -riverine resources available to the Native Americans diminished as Euroamerican irrigation farm- ing and ranching expanded. During the same decade, many mine camps that had grown up in Nevada when rich lodes were discovered in the 1860's became ghost towns. The mine camp employment that had supported numerous Southern Paiutes decreased during the 1880's because ofmining attrition. p. 79
Native American life continued to be perilous in the camps that survived. In the spring of 1883, for example, an Indian became intoxicated drinking whiskey during a Bullionville horse - racing event. Riding away from the race, he shot a dog. When two young men who thought the dog was theirs rode after him, he shot one in the leg. A dozen spectators mounted horses, pursued the Native American, and riddled him with bullets. The coroner's jury held that he died from gunshots "at the hands of unknown parties" (Pioche Weekly Record 7 April 1883:3). Euroamerican miners who planted gardens competed with Native American ranch - eria residents for water. Intergroup relations became tense enough for armed men to trade rifle fire (Pioche Record 4 Aug. 1883:3). Brawls between Native Americans from different ethnic backgrounds also at times resulted in homicides (Pioche Record 13 Sept. 1883:3).
The Euroamerican system of justice only haltinglyextended to Native Americans, so families carried on blood feuds. In 1887, a man whom Euroamericans called "Buck" knifed to death ano- ther man fighting one of his relatives. Buck then fled. In the summer of 1888, the dead man's brother shot and killed him (Pioche Record 25 Aug. 1888:3). In the spring of 1890, a man stabbed his father -in -law when the latter refused to stop beating his wife (Pioche Record 17 May 1890:3). Late that summer, the same skilled worker became involved in a drunken brawl during a watermelon feast on a Pahranagat Valley farm (Pioche Record 16 Aug. 1890:3). Paiutes were not safe even in Mormon villages. During Panguitch's 1895 Pioneer Day celebration, a transient Texan killed a 21 -year old Native American in a bar (Chidester 1955). Thereafter Southern Paiutes did not return to Panguitch Lake and few ever visited the town.
Contagious diseases continued to spread from the expanding Euroamerican population, constantly reinforced by European migra- tion to the United States. Construction of additional transcon- tinental railroads across the montane West also facilitated di- sease transmission to Southern Paiutes. Early in 1883, for exam- ple, a Native American contracted smallpox on the Santa Fe Rail- road in Arizona Territory, and carried it to Panguitch (Pioche Record 17 Mar. 1883:3). Earlier that year, the Moapa valley population apparently had already experienced a measles epidemic (Pioche Record 10 Feb. 1883:3). Scarlet fever became epidemic among Moapa Valley residents as late as 1928 (Las Vegas Age 17 Feb. 1928:3).
Southern Paiute health varied to some extent with the for- tunes of the mining industry. Ethnic labor gangs prospered when mining employment rose and suffered when it declined. The mon- tane mining economy alternated between booms and busts -- locally as prospectors discovered economic ores and miners exhausted them, and statewide in Nevada as production waxed or waned. Af- ter a general decline during the 1880's, Pahranagat Valley farm- ers in 1890 -1891 found ores that assayed from $75 to $1,000 per ton. Miners rushed to the new Ferguson Mining District from mor- ibund old mine towns such as Pioche. In 1893, John De Lamar p. 80
bought the major producing claims, and the camp took his name. Its importance appears in relative productivity: between 1895 and 1900, Delamar turned out over half of Nevada's mineral output (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a:139). Its mills dry -processed ore, filling the air with silica dust that made Delamar one of the most dangerous Western work places (Paher 1970:298).
Railroad construction across Southern Paiute country also proceeded by fits and starts. Two years after Senator W. A. Clark purchased a Meadow Valley grade in 1900, the tracks were extended fromUvada on the Utah -Nevada state line to Caliente. That remained the terminus until construction resumed in 1904. Salt Lake City -Los Angeles train service finally began in 1905, linking Las Vegas to the national rail network (Scrugham 1935:I:609 -611). Within a year, a prospector discovered yet ano- ther rich ore deposit on the desert not far from the new rail- road. Goldfield sprang up in a few weeks, and boosters claimed it could hold 15,000 inhabitants within two years. Mines em- ployed 3,000 men. The new city functioned as a distribution cen- ter for a mining zone that included a dozen new camps: Manhat- tan, Bullfrog, Rhyolite, Silver Bow, Silverpeak, Goldcenter, Ka- wich, Wonder, Tokop, McGibbon, Tule Canyon and Lida (Emerson 1907:117). Goldfield and the other new mining camps differed from all previous Nevada mining towns in one significant aspect. Many residents arrived via automobile stage or drove their own automobiles, even before railroads built tracks to Goldfield and other camps. Unaccustomed to competition, railroad officials arrogantly located the Goldfield station a mile and a half from camp ( "One of Them" 1907:134), thus encouraging automobile use. So automobiles and steadily improving highways reached southern Nevada simultaneously with the railroad, ushering in the era of individualized mechanical transportation. Eventually, automo- biles made Southern Paiute workers more mobile in their quest for jobs than members of localized labor gangs ever were.
RESERVING TOO LITTLE TOO LATE
Even after Congress created the 1,000 -acre Moapa river Re- servation, Euroamericans often inhibited effective Southern Paiute exploitation. Office of Indian Affairs surveyors in 1875 and General Land Office surveyors in 1881 differed one -half mile on the boundary. In 1902, new federal surveyors confirmed the 1875 survey's accuracy. Speculators had meanwhile purchased the disputed zone from the state, and one refused to leave. The In- dian office accepted the erroneous 1881 survey boundary (Rambeau and Holmes 1976:103). Resident Paiutes went 40 miles to cut ju- niper to build protective fences around their cultivated land but cattle belonging to Euroamerican ranchers still broke through to consume Paiute crops. After 1903, the presence of a resident agent restrained the ranchers somewhat. The Paiutes cultivated about 100 acres, planted to small grains and alfalfa which they cut and dried for sale (Sharp 1905:244). Thus, these Native A- p. 81 mericans struggled to make a living from reserved resources and to develop them, but still profited less than their Euroamerican neighbors from the explosive mine camp markets which began in 1906. Miners driving automobiles needed little alfalfa, but re- lished melons and fresh produce Euroamerican farmers grew.
The Moapa river Paiutes had by the early twentiethcentury acquired some poor quality horses (Sharp 1905:245). The advent of automobiles increased the capital cost of competitive trans- portation, leaving the still- industrious Southern Paiutes mired deeper in poverty relative to Euroamerican farmers and miners in southern Nevada. Yet, the Southern Paiute farmers managed within a few years to plant some of their irrigated fields to vegetables and cantelopes. In 1917, early August thunderstorms flooded the Moapa valley, made vulnerable to erosion when Mormons drained the marshes and excavated poorly engineered irrigation canals. The 1917 flood buried reservation alfalfa fields under silt and ruined "a large portion of the cantelopes and other crops" (Las Vegas Age, 4 Aug. 1917:1).
Small as the irrigable acreage reserved for Southern Paiutes on Moapa river was, it exceeded that later reserved for them elsewhere. In fact, the Moapa river reservation was for 30 years the only one for Southern Paiutes. In 1903 the federal govern- ment purchased Santa Clara valley lands for the Shivwits group (Rambeau and Holmes 1976:114). Twenty years earlier, federal officials allowed a Mormon mayor of St. George to purchase much of their Shivwits Plateau refuge as grazing land. The rancher persuaded the national government to remove the Shivwits from their refuge to Santa Clara Creek valley (Rambeau and Holmes 1976:113), forcing them to seek wage labor in order to survive. The reserved area only included 70 tillable acres for 150 persons (Leupp 1907:127), not enough to allow even subsistence farming. Thus, the rancher augmented the pool of cheap labor Euroamericans in the area could exploit and converted a previously semi- autono- mous band into one more labor gang. In 1916, President Woodrow Wilson enlarged the reserved area by executive order (Rambeau and Holmes 1976:115), but it remained a bedroom community with a fed- erally- financed school.
By 1907, the annual Bureau of Indian Affairs appropriation included funds for Kaibab Paiutes. They numbered about 80 indi- viduals living on a several thousand acre fenced range with 15 acres or less of arable land irrigated with one -third of the Moc- casin Spring flow (Leupp 1907:128). Once served by the railroad, and automobile traffic on high- ways, Las Vegas burgeoned. The wealthy Las Vegas Ranch owner provided Southern Paiutes working there with a miniscule urban land base. In 1911, Mrs. Helen J. Stewart sold the federal gov- ernment ten acres on condition that they be placed in trust for all southern Nevada Indians (Rambeau and Holmes 1976:155). p. 82
The Bureau of Indian Affairs acted in 1912 to enlarge the Moapa river reservation. An October presidential executive order added nearly 90 acres, and a November order increased the addi- tion to 128.7 acres. Those inhabiting the reserved area were, however, so debilitated by tuberculosis that they fully expected to become extinct (Rambeau and Holmes 1976:105).
Members of the Cedar City labor gang ranged westward toward Nevada when unemployed and dependent on natural resources. In 1915, PresidentWoodrow Wilson by executive order set aside an Indian Peak Reservation in that foraging zone (Rambeau and Holmes 1976:116). The following year, the Indian Bureau gave employees of its new Goshute Agency jurisdiction over the Cedar City labor gang. The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints furnished the local labor gang a five and a half acre homesite (Rambeau and Holmes 1976:128 -129).
The federal government reserved bedroom areas for Pahvant labor gangs last of all. In March, 1928, the president signed an executive order creating a miniscule Koosharem Reservation. In February, 1929, he established a Kanosh Reservation (Rambeau and Holmes 1976:116) for a combined Pahvant- Southern Paiute labor gang. A well -worn English phrase very accurately sums up appli- cation of the resource reserving policy to Southern Paiutes. Far too few resources were reserved much too late to benefit signifi- cantly more than a few people.
Agroup's population trend is a good measure of its general well -being. Southern Paiutes continued diminishing in numbers until the 1930's, indicating the long- continued impact of Old World contagious diseases and labor gang poverty which kept peo- ple malnourished and vulnerable to diseases such as tuberculosis. Poor health long hindered Moapa river reservation development. Residents drank from irrigation ditches until sometime after 1918, thus exposing themselves to the water -borne pathogens which decimated St. George's Mormon infants underparallel sanitary conditions. In 1905 -1906, for example, twelve residents died while five were born (Sharp 1907:271), evidence of still rapid depopulation. Construction workers building the Sait Lake City - Los Angeles railroad brought new diseases to the area. Then new colonists brought more pathogens that killed Southern Paiutes (Alley 1977:8). At 88 per 1,000, the Moapa reservationdeath rate was about ten times the national rate during recent decades. As late as 1925, federal employees closed the Moapa day school because of epidemic whooping cough. Students had to travel to Fort Mojave school or Sherman Institute for formal education (Rambeau and Holmes 1976:106). About a decade later, Southern Paiutes finally began bearing more children resulting in slow population growth.
Tardy as the government was in reserving resources for Utah Southern Paiutes, its efforts did not long endure. On September 1, 1954, President Dwight D. Eisenhower signed an act that termi- nated federal trusteeship of the Shivwits, Indian Peak, Koosharem and Kanosh reservations (Rambeau and Holmes 1976:116 -117). A p. 83 powerful Mormon United States senator led this terminationef- fort.
In 1946, however, Congress passed an Indian Claims Commis- sion Act allowing Native Americans to submit claims for previous unfair and unconscionable dealings to a new semi -judicial commis- sion (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a:158). Eventually the Southern Paiutes received a $7,253,165.19 judgment (Rambeau and Holmes 1976:106). The Moapa river people treated their share as a capi- tal infusion. In 1968, the Council refused to renew a Euroameri- can farm land lease, and began farming the acreage to provide year -round employment for Moapa Paiutes. The Council invested $100,000 from the award in machinery. Then it obtained a series of federal grants that financed farm improvements (Ostanik n.d.:5). The Council even purchased an adjacent ranch that in- creased its irrigable area to 725 acres, and boosted the tribal herd from 40 to 250 head of cattle. In 1972, the Moapa Paiutes established a beading and leather craft company to employ women. The next year they moved three surpluswooden barracks from the Nevada Test Site 140 miles to the reservation (Rambeau and Holmes 1976:107). Two of the bar- racks housed a leather shop where 15 workers produced radio cases and business accessories at decade's end (Ostanik n.d.:6). Long forced to labor for others, Southern Paiutes were once again the entrepreneurs they had been under pre- conquest circumstances.
The Moapa reservation council capitalized on the chance to perform under contract services once provided -- or nevereven provided -- by the Bureau of Indian Affairs. Moapa became the first Nevada Native American jurisdiction to carry on asummer educational program. With a HUD grant, the Moapa Paiutes between 1970 and 1972 built 32 cinderblock three -bedroom homes (Rambeau and Holmes 1976:108; Ostanik n.d.:9).
Irrigation water from the Moapa river enables the people living there to achieve significant micro -development. In 1978, the Council obtained a Department of Labor two -yeargrant to train Indian enterprise workers (Ostanik n.d.:13). It took out a bank loan to finance a half -acre greenhouse for pilot tomato and cucumber growing. Marketing success in Phoenix and Las Vegas encouraged expansion. HUD financed a seven -acre greenhouse (Ostanik n.d.:14). When a hail storm destroyed their greenhouse, the Moapa Paiutes rebuilt it.
Demographic and economic achievements encouraged Moapa Paiutes to embark on a political effort. They sought return of part of the 1873 -1874 executive order reserved area. In 1979, Moapa Paiutes asked Congress to restore to them70,000 acres (Ostanik n.d.:4). In 1980, Congress voted to add that area to the Moapa river reservation (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a:160).
That same year, Congress also reversed its termination of Utah Paiutes. It passed the "Paiute Indian Tribal Restoration Act" recognizing federal responsibility for 503 "Paiute" Indians p. 84
(Cardall 1982:1). The new Utah Paiute Indian Tribe unites the Koosharem, Kanosh, Cedar City, Indian Peaks and Shivwits local groups (Associated Press 1982), which survived termination be- cause they had long since worked out an economic adjustment to dominant Euroamerican society. The Act authorized the Utah Paiute Indian Tribe to select 15,000 acres of federally adminis- tered land in Utah for a reconstituted land base. Selection pre- ferences demonstrate a dual ideological orientation. Southern Paiutes picked 430 acres near Fish Lake in a National Forest "re- membered by tribal elders as the site of traditional religious ceremonies." Southern Paiutes continue to be seriously concerned about their cultural heritage and aboriginal Holy Land. Other choices reflect Southern Paiute planning for an improved future economy. They include 9,520 acres in the Manti -La Sal National Forest with coal mining potential, 2,475 acres at the Kanaraville Interstate Highway 15 interchange withcommercial development potential, 560 acres at the Cove Fort interchange on that same highway for similar reasons, 500 acres near Cove Fort, 520 acres near Joseph, and 715 acres near Koosharem Reservoir (Cardall 1982:4). The dualistic frame of reference the Utah Paiute Indian Tribe has shown in these land selections is same as that applied by Southern Paiutes when considering projects such an Intermoun- tain Power Project's Line 1 transmission line.
At the Las Vegas Paiute Indian Colony, the pace of develop- ment is indicated in the fact that local utility companies did not extend electrical and telephone service to the ten -acre re- servation until 1965 (Rambeau and Holmes 1976:126). Encouraged by the claims award, the Las Vegas group formed a constitutional government in 1970 (Rambeau and Holmes 1976:127), but proved un- able to unify so as to obtain housing subsidies.
Two years after achieving signal victories in Congress, Southern Paiutes began seeking recognition that their nationhood survives. The Moapa Band of Paiute Indians of Nevada, the Las Vegas Paiute Tribe of Nevada, the Kaibab Paiute Tribe of Arizona, and the Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah began calling themselves col- lectively the Southern Paiute Nation. Their leaders conceded that geographic distance still constitutes a major problem for Southern Paiutes obtaining federal services provided other Native Americans. So they requested a Bureau of Indian Affairs agency located at either St. George or Cedar City, Utah (Tom, Frye, Tom and Benioh 1982:4). They seek to end being treated as "foster children," and want to preserve their "unique culture andheri- tage as Southern Paiute people" (Tom, Frye, Tom and Benioh 1982:2).
Such is the historical background for Southern Paiute atti- tudes toward Intermountain Power Project transmission line plans. The prospective route crosses more than one riverine oasis pre- sently or historically important to Southern Paiutes (see Chap- ters V. and VI). Water is the most precious single resource in the arid desert, so Moapa reservation residents are unlikely to approve of any construction that might in any manner imperil their irrigation and domestic water supply. Oasis plants that p. 85 formerly nourished Southern Paiutes well are still remembered and still valued, whether growing in Moapa river valley or elsewhere. Historical events have shaped Southern Paiute perceptions of por- tions of their aboriginal territory.
At the same time, Southern Paiutes are intensely concerned over future economic development, and ending their morethan cen- tury -long impoverishment. They seek opportunities to expand Southern Paiute on- reservation employment and entrepreneurship. Energy development and electricity are important ingredients in the contemporary political economic development of Southern Paiutes. Such projects directly impinge on Southern Paiute cul- tural resources. p. 86
CHAPTER V. NATIVE AMERICAN VALUES
KEY RESPONSE FACTORS
Numerous historical and contemporary factors have influenced the Southern Paiute peoples' responses to the IPP Line 1 Propo- sal. The two previous IPP ethnographic reports (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a, 1982b) and the previous chapter in this report do- cument the historic factors that have so greatly influenced the Southern Paiute people. These factors are summarized below. In addition there are a number of contemporary factors which have influenced the Indian responses. When considered together, these two sets of factors are essential for understanding the concerns that were expressed during this study.
HISTORICAL FACTORS
Southern Paiute peoples contacted during the current IPP studies have been interacting with Euroamerican peoples and cul- tures for hundreds of years. The effects of these previous in- teractions are viewed by Southern Paiute people as critical for understanding how they feel about cultural resources nowpoten- tially affected by the IPP proposal. Briefly, the key historical factors previously documented are:
(1) These Southern Paiute people have lived in the region surrounding the IPP right -of -way area for at least 800 years (Euler 1964:379).
(2) During this time, these Paiute people have come to view their traditional lands as a Holy Land (Spicer 1957:213) where their ancestors were created.
(3) During this period of occupancy, these Indian peo- ple adjusted the fauna and flora of the area tomeet numerous human needs. Through this adaptive process these people came to perceive of themselves as being religiously sanctioned as controllers and protectors of the desert and all of its resources.
(4) Because of the above, Southern Paiute people feel that they have an intimate and responsible relationship with all the components of their ethnic Holy Land. So while a specific place, or a plant, or an animal, or a mineral can be pointed out as being sacred, such re- sources primarily also have value as components of the Holy Land itself. p. 87
(5) Selecting out specific plants, animals, artifacts, or places as more sacred than others is a procedure that derives from Euroamerican cultural perceptions which are embodied in the NEPA process. It is not the Paiute Indian way to express greater concern over the death of the common lizard than over the rare desert tortoise. Both deaths are a loss. Southern Paiute people do understand that Euroamerican society will not protect equally all components of the Holy Land, so some people have agreed to rank their traditional re- sources in an effort to protect certain ones. Others have rejected ranking their cultural resources.
(6) Since the early nineteenth century, the Southern Paiute Holy Land has been encroached upon by Euroameri- cans. This encroachment has resulted in:
(a) The death of many Paiute people, and even the extinction of some groups due to Old World diseases and loss of food -producing lands.
(b) The loss of the ability to have tradi- tional Indian life styles.
(c) The loss of political and economic inde- pendence.
(d) Immeasurable mental anguish and psycho- logical stress.
(7) Euroamerican colonization of Southern Paiute Holy Land, coupled with extensive Paiute depopulation also brought about a series of changes in Paiute social structure.
(a) The institution of head chief became extinct, or nearly so by 1875; tribal unity disappeared and the traditional specialized role of runner became meaningless.
(b) After the Southern Paiute Tribe had lost most of its economic resources and experi- enced depopulation, sub -tribal or band chiefs became a special kind of ethnic labor -camp leader. The people formed labor camps satel- lite to Euroamerican mine camps, farm towns and ranches.
(c) Segregated ethnic labor camps persisted near certain long -term sources of wage labor. Consequently, when ethnographic research be- gan in the twentieth century, such post -colo- nization labor camps were assumed to have been aboriginal groupings (Kelly 1934; p. 88
Steward 1938).
(d) After the federal government established some reservations for the Southern Paiutes, a few people moved there. Because of limited resources on these reservations most Southern Paiute people continued to live as occasional wage -labor nomads, often driving hundreds of miles each year in search of employment.
(e) Recent federal development programs, initiatives based on Land Claims awards, and tax free status have improved conditions on many reservations permitting more people to live there.
To summarize, a century and a half of cultural and demogra- phic change, and particularly more than a century's dependence on widely scattered employment, have combined these Southern Paiute people in new ways over and over again. Consequently, most con- temporary individuals have resided in three or more localities, and possess an ethnic identification with their entire Holy Land (cf., Stoffle and Dobyns 1982b:165 -166). Southern Paiute people, therefore, should be consulted regarding proposed developments in their Holy Land no matter where the people currently live or are registered.
CONTEMPORARY FACTORS
These historic factors have combined with contemporary fac- tors causing these Southern Paiute responses to vary in quantity and in quality. Out of hundreds of interviews with individuals and dozens of public meetings, there have been very few inciden- ces of Indian people having no concern for cultural and sacred resources. Failing to respond to a questionnaire survey or in a public meeting does not neccessarily mean that there is nocon- cern for these resources, however. Many Indian people are reluc- tant to discuss the presence of remaining sacred resources. Some feel that sharing this knowledge with outsiders will further en- danger these resources. Ranking cultural resources is not cor- rect to some. Still others may not know about specific resources located in the IPP study area because their grandparents had been removed from the area generations ago. Another factor that has influenced the quality of the Indian responses is previous experience with Native American Impact As- sessment (NAIA) projects. Indian people who have previously par- ticipated in the NAIA process and found the results satisfactory, have expended greater amounts of time on this study. Unfortu- nately, most Southern Paiute people have not had the opportunity to work closely on an NAIA project and distrust or misunderstand the process. Both direct interviews and survey responses docu- p. 89 ment the pervasiveness of this problem. Another factor that has influenced the responses is the size and wealth of the Indian groups being contacted. Some groups have a large administrative staff which has the time, resources, and training to participate in an NAIA. Other groups have fewer administrators, less available resources, and little NAIA experi- ence. This study contained a procedure designed to reduce the affect of the size and wealth factor. We have provided funds so that each tribe can have an Official Tribal Contact Representa- tive (OTCR) on the project. Each of the OTCRs has received pay- ment for his or her time spent on the project, and training to help them understand the IPP proposal and the NEPA process. The success of this procedure is reflected in the improved quality of responses for those Indian groups whose OTCRs worked with the 1982 IPP ethnographic study and now have two years of experience.
INDIAN RESPONSES TO IPP PROPOSAL
GENERAL CONCERNS EXPRESSED
The most general position held by those Southern Paiute peo- ple who expressed concerncs regarding the IPP right -of -way propo- sal is that it crosses the traditional Holy Land and in so doing disturbs the sacred nature of the land, the plants, and the ani- mals. A statement made by Tribal Chairman Benioh in 1979 during the Kaiparowits Coal Production project (ERT 1980) has been uti- lized repeatedly. (Stoffle et. al. 1982; Stoffle and Dobyns 1982b:167) to help convey this Southern Paiute perception:
"I, as like many of the Southern Paiute Indians, oppose any project that will'bring destruction and unequal balance to sacred territorial lands of Native Ameri- cans. God created this earth with all living matter, and he told us to respect all life including the plants, trees, and wildlife. Each animal has a legend behind it, each plant has a spirit within it; we bring upon ourselves injustice if we are not in harmony with respect to each living matter that God has created. . . It is not right, in the Indian's eye, for man to dis- turb that habitat based on Indian belief and religion. There are sacred elements there that have meaning to the Paiute People."
ASouthern Paiute elder has reaffirmed the concern for all of the resources contained within the Holy Land including miner- als, water, and even the soil beneath the surface (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982b: 167). To this last point he noted: p. 90
"Well the white man still owns the surface. I don't know howmuch surface they own, but under that it is all still Indian. As much as down to the middle of the earth. If they are going to dig a post hole over there or maybe a cement foundation for a power line tower, well they're still on Indian ground."
Southern Paiute people recognize that numerous Euroamerican development projects have already disturbed portions of their Holy Land. Roads have been cut, dams hold back rivers, mines have opened the sides of mountains, cattle have grazed out native seed plants, trees have been timbered off for houses which have been built on top of sites of cultural importance to Paiute peo- ple. Many of these activities are perceived as an inevitable result of the White man living among the Indian people. Almost incomprehensible to these Indian people, however, is the White mans' hobby of digging up Indian burials and displaying thebo- dies and grave offerings in museums and even in private homes. The desecration of Paiute lands, plants, animals, and even the remains of the people themselves is everywhere evident. Our in- terviews indicate that the desecration is a cause of great emo- tional stress for many Indian people.
Despite the bitter feelings and sense of loss, a number of Southern Paiute people are willing to work within the system as it is now defined by the National Environmental Policy Act and as recommended by the American Indian Religious Freedom Act to help identify those Indian resources that may be affected by the IPP. Still, the message from these Indian people is to look beyond the list of plants or animals or minerals that may be affected to see the larger units that are created by the interaction of these Indian resources. One such unit, the oasis, has already been discussed in Chapter IV. A related unit, the spring, was dis- cussed in detail in the 1982 IPP reports (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a: 172 -175; 1982b:167 -168). In the following sections a con- cern for another type of culturally important unit, the "gather- ing valley," will be expressed. The message is clear: if White . peoplewill not pay attention to what they do to the Holy Land, then at least be aware of what they are doing or may do to cultu- rally important ecological -social units within the Holy Land. With these considerations in mind, the following is a summa- ry of the Southern Paiute concerns for cultural resources and specific places that are found along the IPP right -of -way between Dead Horse Junction (near Lund) in Utah and Lava Butte in Nevada.
GENERAL CONCERNS FOR CULTURAL ITEMS
The first portion of the survey was concerned with ranking the general types of cultural items that may be affectedwithin the current study area. The following question was used to eli- cit responses in the survey concerning these cultural items. p. 91
"The following Indian Cultural Items were mentioned by Paiute people during the February and March Interviews. Next to the list of items that may be influenced by the power line is a space. Please circle the number that indicates how concerned you are about each item."
Included was a 3 point scale: 1= No concern, 2= some con- cern, 3= much concern. Of the 52 Indian people who returned this survey all answered this question. Table 8 presents the results of the responses ranked by degree of concern.
The first interpretation of Table 8is that all of these cultural items are of concern to Southern Paiutes. A score close to 1.0 would indicate a low level of concern. Given that Southern Paiutes would prefer to protect all of these cultural items it then becomes clear that some items have a higher priori- ty than others. Burial sites, religious areas and springs are of a significantly higher priority than small ground animals, trails /shrines, and birds. The standard deviation scores for these cultural priorities reflect a high degree of agreement a- mong the Paiute people who responded. The closer the standard deviation score is to 0.00 the higher the agreement. This infor- mation only becomes useful when development activitiesnecessi- tate a choice between the protection of one type of cultural item over another. The first choice for Indian people would be to protect both.
GENERAL CONCERN FOR INDIAN PLACES
Cultural resources are usually associated with and often located at certain places. Thus eagles who may range for many miles will usually be concentrated in certain locales. When this occurs they add to the cultural significance of the locale. In addition, a location may have cultural resources directly associ- ated with it, as in the case of a spring or burial area. Final- ly, a physical location may have its own cultural importance. This importance may derive from the place having beenused by religious beings or having been the site of events of great his- torical importance. In some cases, places such as caves, unusual rock formations, or mountain peaks may have their own power that figures significantly in the lives of the Southern Paiute people. In these latter instances the place may or may not have artifacts associated with it. Nonetheless, the place is significant be- cause Southern Paiute people attach meanings to it.
In order to elicit responses regarding the importance or unimportance of places potentially affected by the IPP in the current study area, the following question was asked in the sur- vey: p. 92
TABLE 8: NATIVE AMERICAN CULTURAL ITEMS, RANKED BY INTENSITY OF OVERALL EXPRESSED CONCERN (1983 IPP ETHNOGRAPHIC SURVEY: 52 RESPONSES).
CULTURAL ITEMS AVERAGE DEGREE STANDARD OF CONCERN DEVIATION
Burial Sites 2.91 (.34)
Springs 2.84 (.46)
Religious Areas 2.80 (.44)
Medicine Plants 2.72 (.56)
Food Plants 2.72 (.59)
Rock Carvings /Paintings 2.68 (.54)
Basket Plants 2.65 (.61)
Large Ground Animals 2.61 (.68)
Trails /Shrines 2.59 (.60)
Birds 2.56 (.60)
Small Ground Animals 2.51 (.66) p. 93
"The following is a list of English names for places where Indian people lived. We realize that this list is a long one, but each of the following places will be crossed or be close to the route of the power line. The map which is enclosed is a small one, therefore some of the place names may not appear on the map. Please read a place name and then circle to the right just howconcerned you would be if the power line passed through that place." (See Appendix C for re- mainder of question)
The scale for recording the degree of concern for a place along the right -of -way is similar to that for cultural items. In both cases concerns were expressed on a 3 point scale: 1 = no concern, 2 = some concern, and 3= much concern. Unlike the cul- tural items scale where it was assumed that each of the items would be recognized by Southern Paiute people, it was assumed that some places would not be recognized. The place scale, therefore, had a place to circle when a person did not recognize a place name. This proved to be a valuable addition because a number of the places are known by Indian names or other English names rather than by the English name marked on the USGS maps. The major example of this is Beaver Dam Mountain which is known as West Mountain or West Utah Mountain by most Indian people.
Places formerly occupied and often now utilized by Indian people can be ranked according to the average concerns as ex- pressed by all of the Paiute respondents over the potential af- fects of the current IPP proposal. All places received more than a "some concern" score, i.e. a 2.00. This is in keeping with the common pattern of expressing concern for the entire Holy Land. It should be noted that in the earlier IPP ethnographic studies Paiutes expressed much lower levels of concerns for places that were beyond the recognized boundaries of the Holy Land (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982b:175). Thus, these responses to study area pla- ces reflect traditional value systems.
The average degree of concern for places scores rangedfrom a low of 2.36 to a high of 2.68 (see Table 9). Although the score defines the overall levels of concern among Southern Paiutes for certain places, the highest degrees of concern derive from those Southern Paiute people who currently reside closest to a place near the IPP right -of -way. This is a pattern documented by Stoffle and Evans as early as the Allen- Warner Valley study (Bean and Vane 1979) and confirmed by the Southern Paiute sec- tions of the previous IPP ethnographic studies (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a, 1982b). Simply put, the closer Indian people live to potentially affected places the stronger their concern for those places.
The amount of agreement on a degree of concern score is re- flected in its Standard Deviation (SD). Here we see that places with higher average degrees of concern usually have lower SD scores. This probably reflects a shared understanding among p. 94
TABLE 9: ENGLISH NAMES FOR INDIAN PLACES RANKED BY INTENSITY OF GENERAL CONCERN (1983 IPP ETHNOGRAPHIC SURVEY: 52 RESPONSES).
INDIAN PLACES AVERAGE DEGREE STANDARD OF CONCERN DEVIATION
Hamblin Spring 2.68 ( .57 )
Pinto Creek 2.68 ( .60 )
Jackson Spring 2.68 ( .63)
Hyatt Spring 2.67 ( .61 )
Sand Spring Canyon 2.67 (.61)
Beaver Dam Wash 2.65 ( .65 )
Beaver Dam Mountains 2.64 ( .65 )
Thermo -Hot Springs 2.63 ( .60)
Mountain Meadows 2.62 (.68)
Cottonwood Wash 2.60 ( .60 )
Pahcoon Spring Wash 2.60 ( .64 )
Rock Spring 2.58 (.66)
Davidson Peak 2.56 (.67)
Rods Spring 2.56 (.70)
Manganese Wash 2.55 (.67)
Meadow Valley Wash 2.54 ( .68 )
Rainbow Gardens 2.53 (.66)
Cactus Flat 2.53 ( .67 )
Muddy River 2.52 ( .66 )
Gypsum Cave 2.51 (.69)
Magotsu Creek 2.50 ( .71 )
California Hollow 2.50 ( .72)
Toquop Wash 2.50 (.72) p. 95
Antelope Range 2.49 (.68)
Las Vegas Wash 2.49 (.68)
Tobin Wash 2.49 (.69)
Frenchman Mountain 2.49 (.70)
Sunrise Mountain 2.49 (.71)
Tule Springs Hills 2.49 (.71)
California Wash 2.49 (.71)
Miners Canyon 2.48 (.75)
Halfway Wash 2.48 (.77)
Moody Wash 2.46 (.70)
Newcastle 2.46 (.71)
Tobin Bench 2.46 (.73)
East Mormon Mountains 2.45 (.71)
Dry Lake Mountains 2.42 (.71)
Table Butte 2.41 (.70)
Blue Knoll 2.41 (.71)
Long Ridge 2.41 (.76)
Wiser Wash 2.41 (.78)
Escalante Desert 2.38 (.76)
Lava Butte 2.36 (.78)
*The number of responses for each placevariesbecause"no responses" and "don't knows" have been removed. p. 96
Southern Paiute people that certain places are important. It may also reflecta commonly expressed concern for certain types of places. Note that all the springs received high levels of con- cern.
The remainder of the survey questions focused on what the appropriate procedures for the handling of artifacts, burial sites and plants should be, were these to be affected by the pro- ject. Although these responses could be totaled they are best understood on a group by group basis and are so presented below in this chapter.
GENERAL CONCERNS FOR INDIAN PLANTS
A statement about the general concern for Indian plants pre- sent in the study area can be produced by totaling all of plants of concern mentioned by the Native AmericanPlant Specialists (NAPS) during the on -site visits. Table 10 contains this tabula- tion.
Each of the Indian plants listed in Table 10 was pointed out by a NAPS representing one of the Southern Paiute tribes contac- ted during the current study. Each of the plants was found in the right -of -way. The exact locations are indicated Chapter VI. Wherever appropriate a voucher specimen was collected by the pro- ject botanist, Steven Boyd. Collected specimens were returned to the University of California- Riverside where they are available through the herbarium.
SPECIFIC CONCERNS EXPRESSED BY TRIBE
The following portion of this chapter presents the specific concerns of Southern Paiute Tribes and tribal units regarding the current IPP right -of -way proposal. The following divisions have been selected because they (1) reflect the officially recognized tribal governing units and (2) reflect Indian people's percep- tions of who should be talked with about a portion of the right - of -way proposal. On the one hand, the Pahrump and Las Vegas con- cerns are combined even though the Pahrump have sought separate recognition from the federal government. It is generally agreed that until federal recognition occurs, the Las Vegas tribal gov- ernmentdoes represent the Pahrump Paiutes. On the other hand, the Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah is a recent unit composed of for- merly self -governing Indian groups. The concerns p. 97
TABLE 10: GENERAL CONCERN FOR INDIAN PLANTS FOUND IN THE IPP RIGHT -OF -WAY BETWEEN DEAD HORSE JUNCTION IN UTAH AND LAVA BUTTE IN NEVADA.
BOTANICAL NAME COMMON NAME PAIUTE NAME
1. Allium sp. wild onion kwichasi
2. Ambrosia dumosa burrobush ktttsiav
3. Amelanchier sp. serviceberry trangwttmp utahensis tttvwamptt kwiyar
4. Artemesia tridentata sagebrush sangwavi canescens
5. Atriplex spp. saltbush oari
6. Berberis sp., oregon grape tonip
7. Calochortus flexuosus sego lily sixo'o viridis
8. Chorizanthe spinosa kamttnuru rigida sandy
9. Chrysothamnus sp. rabbitbrush sikump nauseosus
10. Coleogyne ramosissima NR*
11. Cowania mexicana cliffrose ttnaptt buckbrush
12. Dalea sp. indigobush kaatamonup
13. Datura meteloides jimsonweed momompu
14. Descurainia pinnata tansymustard aku
15. Dichelostemma sp. NR*
16. Echinocactus sp. barrel cactus pavio
17. Echinocereus sp. hedge hog usivwuits tule cactus
18. Encelia spp. brittlebush NR* p.98
19.Ephedra nevadensis Mormon tea tutuupi torreyana jointfir viridis
20.Eriogonum inflatum desert trumpet papakurdm bladdersteam Indian pipeweed
21.Euphorbia spurge tuvipukaxi albomarginata
22.Fraxinus anomala singleleaf ash tdav
23.Juniperus osteosperma juniper /cedar wa'apu berries wa'apumpi
24.Larrea tridentata creosote bush yatnmpi greasewood
25.Lycium andersonii squawberry u'up torreyii pa'up
26.Mentzelia sp. blazing star ku'u
27.Mirabalis sp. four -o'clock NR*
28.Nicotiana tobacco koapi trigonophylla nangwdkoap
29.Opuntia spp. prickly pear n avdmp basillaris grizzly -bear manavimpi cholla yuavimpd yuavi
30.Oryzopsis hymenoides Indian rice grass wa'ai
31.Penstemon sp. beard tongue toxoawatsip
32.Phragmites communis rush paxamp australis honey dew
33.Pinus monophylla pinon pine tova
34.Pluchea sericea arrow weed NR*
35.Prosopis glandulosa mesquite 'op; 'opimpu pubescens screwbean kwiyara
36.Prunus fasciculata choke cherry tonopi andersonii
37.Pscrothamnus fremontii kaatamondp
38.Rhus trilobata squawberry sittvimpu i'isi p. 99
39. Rumex hymenosepalus dock NR* wild rhubarb
40. Salazaria mexicana bladder sage NR*
41. Salvia columbariae chia sage sangwav
42. Sphaeralcea sp. desert mallow kupinav
43. Selinocarpus diffusus NR*
44. Stanleya pinnata desert plume namvit Indian spinach tumar
45. Suaeda sp. seepweed NR*
46. Thamnosa montana turpentine broom NR*
47. Yucca brevifolia joshua tree baccata yucca tachumpi; uusi
48. (unidentified) moss; lichen NR*
Sources: 1983 IPP Field Notes Boyd, Stoffle, Bunte; Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a, 1982b; Kearney and Peebles 1942.
*NR = Paiute name not remembered by NAPS or other Indian consultants p. 100 of the whole tribe will be officially represented by the chairman and council. Specific concerns for portions of the study area, however, are divided according to the former self -governing bands.
The following concerns are based on (1) comments at public meetings, (2) direct interviews with key persons, (3) responses to the questionnaire survey, and (4) the ethnobotany on -site vi- sit. The assumptions, methodologies, and schedule of these data gathering activities are discussed in Chapter III and need not be repeated here. Each of the following tribal concerns sections, however, contains an additional discussion of methodology. The brief historical background discussions are designed toorient the reader. For a fuller understanding of Southern Paiute histo- ry, the 1982 ethnographic reports and Chapter IV of this report should be reviewed.
THE PAIUTE INDIAN TRIBE OF UTAH
BACKGROUND
The Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah was created by a 1980 Act of Congress, which accorded re- recognition to diverse small enclaves whose trust relationship with the federal government had been terminated in 1954. The 1980 Act defines five local groups as constituting the Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah: (1) Koosharem, (2) Kanosh, (3) Indian Peaks, (4) Cedar City, and (5) Shivwits.
The five local components of the Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah electdelegates to a council, and a chairman. These representa- tives speak for the entire group, and have been consulted in car- rying out the study reported here.
Although each of the five constituent enclaves has had its own distinct microhistory since colonization began, general pro- cesses of economic and cultural change have buffeted them all in similar ways. All were terminated in 1954 and re- recognized in 1980; all depend economically on wage labor in widely distributed places and have for many years. Earlier, each group constituted an example of a segregated Native American communitydependent on a specific Euroamerican colony in its aboriginal homeland. The distinctive microhistories are summarized briefly.
Koosharem. Euroamerican large -scale irrigation projects carried out by corporations composed of colonist shareholders reshaped the landscape of the middle Sevier River late in the nineteenth century. The southern band of the Pahvant Utes had by then long depended economically on wage labor, having lost their own irrigated land to Euroamericans. The Koosharem group appears p. 101 to have originated as a labor gang attracted to the expanding irrigated area by employment opportunites. A late (1929) reser- vation of land provided a federal trust bedroom community land base rather than natural resources that the people could exploit to make a living comparable to that of Euroamerican colonists.
Kanosh. Large -scale Euroamerican irrigationdevelopment altered the natural landscape along Corn Creek at about the same time as along the Sevier River. A federal farm for the Pahvants, led by Chief Kanosh, was established on Corn Creek in the 1850s, but by the 1920s it had disappeared. The Pahvants who survived in this area worked to subsist, and their late (1928) reservation also was little more than a bedroom community for people working for Euroamerican farmers.
Indian Peaks. Euroamerican colonization of Southern Paiute territory began late in 1850, and as it expanded, some members of the Eastern Division of the Southern Paiute Tribe sought and found a temporary refuge. They continued to utilize aboriginal technologies to exploit relatively rich natural resources in the southern Needles Mountains and nearby uplands. They became known as the Indian Peaks Band. They managed to stay in their refuge area for the most part until 1889 when extension of the Utah Southern Railroad from Milford to Uvada violated it. Even before that, however, members of the Indian Peaks group would on occa- sion move to Cedar City to work for cash. Their personal rela- tionships with the Cedar City Indian people were close. In post - railroad times, cultural changes and rising expectations impelled more and more Indian Peaks people to move to Cedar City. After termination in 1954, the remaining 28 people living at Indian Peaks lost all access to their refuge area which was turned into a State Fish and Game Park. The people moved to Cedar City and became difficult to distinguish from that group.
Cedar City. The Mormon drive toward industrial self -suf- ficiency led to early colonization at Cedar City. The Mormons sought in 1851 to start up iron mines, coal mines, an iron smel- ter, and casting and manufacturing plants. They did not succeed notably, but they did colonize Southern Paiute country, and imme- diately began to employ Native American workers. Despite high mortality within the Cedar City Indian community, Southern Paiutes continued to seek and find employment there. Mormons eventually provideda small tract of land on which Indian wage laborers could reside once they had been completely dispossessed of their aboriginal lands. Cedar City generatedperhaps the first Southern Paiute community whose members were totally depen- dent on wage labor. The population of the Cedar City Indian com- munity fluctuated through time, but in the twentieth century ten- ded to stabilize. People began to speak of a Cedar City Band. Yet, members of that enclave intermarried at a high rate with other Southern Paiute groups. By this time, none of the Numic- speaking groups was large enough to be endogamous, i.e. marry only with other members of the group. As a consequence, all five of the groups re- recognized in 1980 as the Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah are interrelated. p. 102
Shivwits. One group of Eastern Division Southern Paiutes known as Shivwits rebelled early on against Mormon domination. This group took refuge south of the Colorado River among the Northeastern Pai. About two dozen of these Shivwits warriors fought beside the Pai in the Walapai War of 1866 -1869. Later, the Shivwits returned to the north side of the Colorado River, but they remained culturally conservative. They managed to make a poor living in the uplands until a Mormon cattleman living in St. George purchased their homeland, known as the Shivwits Pla- teau. The Mormon cattleman had enough political power to obtain federal appropriations to purchase land on Santa Clara River on which to relocate the refugee Shivwits. There, their children had to attend English language school, and they were exposed to numerous Euroamerican influences, including lethal germs. Close to St. George, the Shivwits reservation became yet anotherwage workers's bedroom community, although it did have some agricultu- ral lands, and hunting and gathering areas. As such, it attrac- ted many Paiute people and was the home of some of the more fa- mous Paiute leaders such as Uncle Sam (pronounced Sham) after whom the reservation is nicknamed, and Tony Tillohash.
METHODOLOGY
Guidance for the conduct of the current research among the Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah was sought from Chairman Travis Benioh. He suggested that the Shivwits Band be given their own OTCR and NAPS and that the remaining members of the Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah be represented by another OTCR and NAPS. This de- cision was reached because the right -of -way passes immediately to the north of the Shivwits reservation. Ferman Greyman and Clifford Jake were appointed as the two OTCRs.
Two public meetings were held for the Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah. The first occurred on March 2, 1983 at the tribal office in Cedar City. The second was held in the community building on the Shivwits Reservation on March 3, 1983. A half day meeting with the elders at Shivwits also occurred on March 3. Direct interviews occurred at Shivwits, Cedar City, Kanosh and Kooshar- em. On -site visits were made with the two OTCRs, 2 people from Shivwits, 2 people from Cedar, and one person from Kanosh. A month later three more days were devoted to the ethnobotanyon- site visit. On May 5 and 6, 1983 Ferman Grayman and two elders visited the proposed right -of -way. On May 7, Clifford Jake and a NAPS visited the right -of -way.
In addition to these direct contacts, the questionnaire sur- vey was sent to 275 adult members of the Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah: 112 to the Shivwits Band, 17 to the Indian Peak Band, 66 to the Cedar City Band, 36 to the Kanosh Band, and 44 to theKoo- sharem Band. Sixteen surveys were returned unopened because of incorrect address. A total of 35 surveys were returned for a re- p. 103 sponse rate of 13.5 %.
The average age of the people who responded was 40 years. They had lived in the -area for an average of 32 years. Just over half (53 percent) of the respondents were female.
EXPRESSED CONCERNS FOR CULTURAL ITEMS
The expressed concerns by the Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah for general types of cultural items is displayed inTable 11. The Kanosh and Koosharem concerns are in the first column, the second contains those of the Indian Peaks and Cedar City people, while the third column contains Shivwits responses.
Table 11 reflects a consensus of opinion that all of these types of cultural items are of concern to the members of the Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah, no items received less than a 2.00 or "some concern" response. On the other hand, a number of dif- ferences in the ranking of these cultural items is apparent. For the Kanosh and Koosharem people, burials, religious areas, and rock carvings /paintings all received the highest concern score (2.56) and these were followed by trails and springs (2.33). In contrast, the Shivwits people ranked burials highest (2.94) fol- lowed by food plants (2.88), springs (2.81), religious areas (2.69), and large ground animals (2.63). The Indian Peaks and Cedar City people responded most strongly to religious areas and burial sites (3.00) followed by large ground animals and food plants (2.90) and then by small ground animals (2.80). What interpretations can be made regarding these differences in average degree of concern scores? It may be the case that the Kanosh and Koosharempeople have much less concern for food plants which received a 2.11 score than do the Shivwits people who gave food plants a 2.88 score. On the other hand, the diffe- rences in average degree of concern may reflect thatthere are fewer food plants in the Kanosh /Koosharem segment of the study area than in the Shivwits' portion. In either case, the diffe- rences in degree of concern for various cultural items confirm the wisdom of having separated the various bands' concerns in- stead of combining them.
EXPRESSED CONCERNS FOR PLACES
Members of the Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah expressed a num- ber of concerns for places crossed by, orimmediately next to, the proposed IPP right -of -way. These places will be discussed in a north to south sequence. Like the previous discussion the pla- ces of concern will be dividedinto three p. 104
TABLE 11: GENERAL CULTURAL ITEMS CONCERNS FOR PAIUTE INDIAN TRIBE OF UTAH (1983 IPP ETHNOGRAPHIC SURVEY).
CULTURAL ITEMS AVERAGE DEGREE OF CONCERN
KANOSH INDIAN PEAKS SHIVWITS KOOSHAREM CEDAR CITY
(N =9) (N =10) (N =16)
Burial Sites 2.56 3.00 2.94
Religious Areas 2.56 3.00 2.69
Springs 2.33 3.00 2.81
Medicine Plants 2.22 3.00 2.56
Food Plants 2.11 2.90 2.88
Rock Carvings /Paintings 2.56 2.60 2.56
Basket Plants 2.11 2.70 2.50
Large Ground Animals 2.00 2.90 2.63
Birds 2.11 2.80 2.43
Trails /Shrines 2.33 2.70 2.38
Small Ground Animals 2.00 2.80 2.38 p. 105 sections; one for Kanosh and Koosharem, a second for Indian Peaks and Cedar City, and a third for Shivwits.
Table 12 indicates that on the average these Indian people hold some concern for all places mentioned in thequestionnaire survey. Beyond that, however, there is considerable difference regarding the degree of concern for individual places. As a pat- tern, places to the south across the Utah -Nevada state line are of less concern than those closer to contemporary reservations. Within the Utah section of the line, the Kanosh /Koosharem con- cerns decrease when places more to the south are considered. The reverse pattern generally holds for the Shivwits concerns which decrease as places more to the north are considered. The Indian Peaks /Cedar City concerns fall somewhere in between as might be expected.
Different groups varied greatly in the averagedegree of concern they expressed regarding individual places. The Shivwits respondents, for example, hold strong concerns for Thermo -Hot Springs (2.57) but only some concern for Blue Knoll which occurs just a few miles to the southwest. Pinto Creek further to the south received Kanosh /Koosharem's lowest score (2.00), but re- ceived Indian Peaks /Cedar City's highest score (3.00), and one of Shivwits' higher scores (2.79). These patterns of expressed con- cern indicate a thoughtfulness in responding to the survey.
The public meetings, interviews, and on -site ethnobotany visits revealed a quality of concern that could not be expressed in a survey. The major Indian zones of high concern will be dis- cussed here. Some of the smaller areas will be discussed in the final mitigation chapter.
(1) The Escalante Desert. The central importance of the Escalante Desert to southwestern Utah becomes obvious when a to- pographic map is consulted. Bounding the 5,000 feet high Escalante Desert on the east is the front range of theWasatch Mountains with peaks from 10,000 to 12,000 feet high. Snow and rain fall in great quantities creating the only river in the Escalante Desert, the Beaver River. This river in turn flows north until it meets the Sevier River where they both turn south to flow into Lake Sevier, the major lake of the region. The two rivers and Lake Sevier constitute an extended oasis whose impor- tance to the eastern division of the Southern Paiute Tribe as has been discussed (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982b:77 -78, 80, 158).
Isolated mountain ranges combine to form the northern, wes- tern, and southern boundaries of the Escalante Desert. Lower in elevation (with peaks from 6,000 to 7,000 feet) than the Wasatch Mountains, these ranges produce small streams that flow short distances into the Desert. The only other sources of water are artesian springs that occur at the edge of the desert where faults formed when the mountains were pushed upward creating the basin. p. 106
TABLE 12: INDIAN PLACES IN NORTH -SOUTH SEQUENCE AND PAIUTE INDIAN TRIBE OF UTAH DEGREE OF CONCERN (1983 IPP ETHNOGRAPHIC SURVEY).
INDIAN PLACES AVERAGE DEGREE OF CONCERN
KANOSH INDIAN PEAKS SHIVWITS KOOSHAREM CEDAR CITY
(N =9) (N =10) (N =16)
Thermo -Hot Springs 2.29 2.88 2.57
Blue Knoll 2.29 2.63 2.00
Escalante Desert 2.00 2.67 2.25
Table Butte 2.00 3.00 2.14
Rock Spring 2.14 3.00 2.67
Sand Spring Canyon 2.17 3.00 2.80
Antelope Range 2.00 2.70 2.44
Pinto Creek 2.00 3.00 2.79
Newcastle 2.00 2.90 2.47
Hamblin Spring 2.14 2.89 2.85
Hyatt Spring 2.17 3.00 2.60 Mountain Meadows 2.14 2.78 2.93
California Hollow 2.00 2.83 2.50
Magotsu Creek 2.00 3.00 2.50
Moody Wash 2.00 3.00 2.30
Long Ridge 2.00 3.00 2.43
Cottonwood Wash 2.17 3.00 2.50
Tobin Bench 2.00 2.86 2.56
Cactus Flat 2.17 3.00 2.44
Tobin Wash 2.00 2.86 2.56
Miners Canyon 2.00 2.67 2.60 p.107
Rods Spring 2.29 2.67 2.33
Manganese Wash 2.00 3.00 2.60
Pahcoon Spring Wash 2.29 2.67 2.60
Jackson Spring 2.29 2.71 2.73
Beaver Dam Mountains 2.00 2.75 2.69
Beaver Dam Wash 2.14 2.75 2.82
Tule Springs Hills 2.00 2.67 2.60
Toquop Wash 2.00 2.67 2.50
East Mormon Mountains 2.00 2.56 2.50
Davidson Peak 2.17 2.71 2.50
Halfway Wash 2.00 2.67 2.67
Wiser Wash 2.14 2.67 2.40
Meadow Valley Wash 2.29 2.63 2.44
Muddy River 2.42 2.63 2.42
California Wash 2.00 2.71 2.50
Dry Lake Range 2.00 2.63 2.33
Sunrise Mountains 2.00 2.71 2.33
Gypsum Cave 2.14 2.67 2.25
Lava Butte 2.00 2.67 2.43
Rainbow Garden 2.17 2.71 2.43
Frenchmen Mountains 2.00 2.71 2.43
Las Vegas Wash 2.14 2.67 2.44 p. 108
The mountains with their narrow valleys, springs on the flanks of the mountains, and the Beaver River -Sevier Lakeoasis were where the Southern Paiutes farmed, hunted, and gathered plants. By moving between ecological zones Paiutes took advan- tage of different seasons and plant communities. This process, termed elsewhere the transhumant adaptive strategy (Stoffle and Evans 1976:174 -178), caused Paiutes to move frequently in regular patterns. The Escalante Desert was a major obstacle to this flow of people between ecological zones. It was in the local terms, "someplace to reckon with." Travel across the Desert occurred on a network of well deve- loped and often crisscrossing trails. These led to and from spe- cial places, jumping off points uniquely suited to send and re- ceive the Paiute traveler. Usually such points had (a) a relia- ble source of water, (b) natural shelter from a canyon on the flank of the mountain, (c) access along developed trails to re- sources in the mountains, and (d) food sources to feed tired travelers and in later times their horses. The IPP fieldnotes over the past two years repeatedly record stories about the Escalante Desert. These primarily came from Paiute elders. Their stories often focused on the hardships of crossing the Desert. One woman recounted how she made the cross- ing in a wagon but the road was so rough, she fearedher baby would be born in the Desert. She decided to walk much of the way instead. She had the baby at the camping site just when the de- sert crossing was over. Another person discussed how he felt when he arrived at a camping place after crossing the Desert. "It would make us very happy to arrive finding water, food, shel- ter, and other Paiutes in the camp" he said. Some of his fondest childhood memories are associated with successfully crossing the Desert.
The Escalante Desert has a special place in theaesthetics of Southern Paiutes. The explanation for why the Escalante De- sert has this place, seems to lie in what it isn't rather than what it is. It isn't high or rugged, therefore, it provides a vista. It lacks permanent water, thus it provides a contrast with the wet valleys at the edge of the mountains. It doesn't provide shelter from wind and storms in contrast with themoun- tain canyons. It is almost devoid of food plants and animals in contrast with the lush mountains and oasis to the north. The temperature is either extremely hot or cold in the Desertin con- trast with the more moderate climate of the mountains and val- leys. Why is the Escalante Desert important? Perhaps because by its being it gives a heightened contrast to places around it. It is the stark center of the region. It makes othersplaces seem more pleasant for human occupation.
(2) Mouth of Pinto Creek Canyon. At the mouth of Pinto Creek Canyon immediately to the southeast of Newcastleis a shel- tered valley that was one of the special camping places for Paiutes traveling across the Escalante Desert. Here all the ba- sic elements existed: shelter from winds, water, food plants, p. 109 access to the agricultural fields near the headwaters of Pinto Creek, and excellent hunting. In addition, the place is adjacent to the major east -west trail linking Paiute communities who lived along the southern Wasatch Mountains with those residing to the west, as far as Eagle Valley and Indian Peaks.
The centrality of this valley caused it to be one of the premier places of its type. As such it was used for major cere- monies involving members of the Southern Paiute Tribe and neigh- boring tribes. During a visit to the place two Paiute elders, Clifford Jake and Norbert Zuniga, recalled the ceremonial impor- tance of this location.
(CJ) Now they call it pow -wow. They do it in the whiteman way nowaday. That was a real pow -wow Indian used to do that...That was open, out in open air, that day years ago --you know... I think it was '22 or some- thing. I don't 'member what time of year at New - castle...They would maybe last a week or so. All de- pended how the chief set it up.
(NZ) They play hand games, they dance and horse races, like that. That was a group of Indians from different sections having a marriage going on or something --you know.
(CJ) The younger guys go out with the different na- tionality- -you know. Yeah, different tribe, he might a got a Goshute girl, go catch 'um.
(NZ) But that years I'm talkin' about. That was way back. That was a real pow -wow...gathering, Indians gathering different sections, tribes. That was a great thing in that day.
During this discussion, the elders were asked about their feelings for this place and for Indian places in general, some of which we had visited the day before. These comments are relevant to this and to other similar sites in the area. The following are some of Clifford Jake's comments.
(CJ) I went to that place over here yesterday...that felt real good --you know. I felt that was something real great. Come to these places over here too I can see for myself that (ah) how the Indian used to feel when they come to the place. It was nothing there but they had really nice feelings about it --you know. Real happy feeling about it. I was that way yesterday --you know...But - -you know --I can understand the older peo- ples feelings that --you know --they have at the Indian ruins and all of those --you know. I know that --you know --that it's not to be (pause) its not a place to play with --you know --not to bother with. That place right there and (ah) when we came to that monument over there...had them corn grinders on there --you know. I p. 110
kinda didn't feel right about it. I kinda look what the White man did. They makin' real fool out of that. Over something that in early days that some family used that for their grinding their food. Seems like to me that --you know -- they're just put there for a, just for...not for pleasure but it kinda made a fool out of it. That's what I felt yesterday.
The final comment refers to the Jefferson Hunt Monument which commemorates Euroamerican travelers on the Old Spanish Trail. The Monument is placed south of Newcastle just as the Trail enters the Dixie National Forest. The monument had four large Indian metates and a number of Indian hand grinderstones cemented on its four sides. Clifford saw this action as a viola- tion of Indian culture.
Other comments from Dan Bulletts and Lucille Jake reaffirm the cultural significance of the site to Southern Paiutes. In addition, a_Paiute family lived within a few hundred yards of the site until the last couple of years.
(3) Uvwitu or Holt Canyon Area. The IPP right -of -way leaves the Escalante Desert due east of Enterprise. As the right -of -way comes closer to the foot of the mountains it builds increasing concern among Southern Paiutes because various hunting and gath- ering points exist along the foot of the mountains south of New- castle to the mouth of Uvwitu, also known by the English name Holt Canyon.
Uvwitu is the Indian name for Holt Canyon and Uvwitutsing was the name of the Paiute people who lived here traditionally according to Clifford Jake.
(CJ) They would have been living here all year round in this valley. Look at this valley. This was the home- stead of the Indians long early days before the White men came over here. They probably had a pow -wow around here too in the early days.
Through the center of Uvwitu runs a small stream thatpro- vided irrigation water for traditional Paiute farms. The flat outwash plains on either side of the stream were sites of housing and ceremonial gatherings. A number of spots on the east bank of the stream were visited and at each point extensive lithic mate- rials were found by the elders. The outwash plain at the mouth of the small side canyon that leads east to Yellow Spring was an area of intense utilization.
The valley bottoms and lower flanks of themountain were used as plant collecting areas. Yetta Jake remembered seeing Paiute women collecting plants in the area. Dan Bulletts and his family lived for two decades just a few miles away from the site in Enterprise. For many years he regularly utilized the area to provide meat for his family. p. 111
Uvwitukaivats is a site within the Uvwitu area that deserves special mention. It is located on the mountain side at the nor- thern -most end of the canyon. The proposed right -of -way crosses through the middle of this site. The major characteristic of the Uvwitukaivats is the natural outcropping of red jasper. Ac- cording to Clifford Jake and Dan Bulletts, the site was used to prepare stores of tools, which could be traded to other groups or stored elsewhere until needed. The site is covered with core tools and flakes. One prepared "blank tool" of the type men- tioned by Clifford and Dan was found. Yetta Jake noted that the site would also have been used for processing pine nuts and grass seeds which are available in the immediate area, especially in the valley below. Uvwitukaivats would have been selected because it has a good view of the Escalante Desert and a steady wind. The wind would keep people comfortable and be necessary for win- nowing the grains. The view would be pleasant and provide early visual contact with travelers approaching the Uvwitu.
(4) Mountain Meadows. Mountain Meadows is the English name for a three mile wide by four mile long, high mountainmeadow. Tall mountains risemore than a thousand feet above the Meadow forming a basin that drains both into the Escalante Desert to the north and into the Santa Clara River to the south. Mountain Mea- dows is a watershed. Traditionally it was a joint -use area and territorial boundarybetween the Paiute peoples who primarily lived in the region bordering the Escalante Desert and the Paiute peoples who lived to the south along the Santa Clara River. El- ders from a number of Paiute bands independently supported this information on the Meadows.
Mountain Meadows was an area that provided ideal living con- ditions for Paiutes. It contained two permanent streams and there are numerous springs at the base of the mountains. Tradi- tionally, the Meadows were full of managed Indian plants and pro- bably horticulture was conducted there. A plentiful supply of large game was available. Basic tool materials were available in the nearby Uvwitukaivats. The Meadows was a key location for serving Indian travelers moving in a north -south direction be- tween the Escalante Desert and the warmer regions of the Santa Clara and Virgin Rivers. The area was probably occupied year round until Euroamericans recognized the unique special features of the Meadows and placed the Old Spanish Trail through the val- ley.
The Old Spanish Trail was opened for regular Euroamerican travel by 1826 (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a: 93 -97, 112 -117). All along its route it followed traditional Indian trails and utilized Indian oases. From that time, Euroamerican and Paiutes were in direct competition for the resources of Mountain Meadows. That competition continues with the current IPP proposal to fur- ther alter the place.
When a party of emigrants stopped along the way to Califor- nia to rest their stock and themselves at Mountain Meadows they set forces into motion that were to make this Indian oasis one of p. 112
e;
4°,41
a.
4 , - - -V .
'414 . Alt;
Plate 3. Mouth of Holt Canyon (Uvwit-14), Looking Over the Escalante Desert.
Plate 4. (from left) Clifford Jake, Yetta Jake, Pam Bunte, and Glenn Rogers On-Site at Uvwitukaivats Lithic Site. p.113 the most famous in the West. The time was the fall of 1857 and the event that occurred shocked the country and the world. What actually happened will never be known to everyone's satisfaction. The details of the debate over what happened to this emigrant party have been discussed earlier in this report (see Chapter IV). The simple fact is that all but a few of the youngest chil- dren in the emmigrant wagon trail were killed and then buried in a mass grave in the Meadows. A small monument now marks the lo- cation of the mass grave. Paiutes have expressed two types of concerns about the Moun- tain Meadows massacre; (1) that it be noted in the report that Paiutes believe that no Paiute people were actually engaged in the killing of these emigrants and (2) that the IPP not disturb the spirits of these dead White people.
Regarding the first of these points the interviews produced a number of extensive discussions of the massacre. Five Paiute elders were taken to the spot for their comments. The comments below were told to Richard Stoffle by Dan Bulletts who, as a young boy, ran cattle for a rancher in the Meadows just a few miles from the site of the mass burial.
(DB) I didn't even know it when I was working at this ranch up here. Later on one of them Lydle boys said to go down there early in the morning...You can kill deer down there. I came down and killed one right over there. And then he told me, "There's a cement box down there where all of them people are buried."
That's where they buried them all together in one spot. If Indians had done that they never would have bothered them. They would'n have taken' nothin'.
Yep, they had people layin' killed all the way from that draw down there up to here. How could they getaway with them people over there on that side shooting up to here, with people over here on this side and with people right down there in that trap. Didn't even let any of them go. I think they only let one little girl go.
On that book --you know --that Kaibab Book (see Stoffle and Evans 1978: cover and inside front cover). See that picture where my dad is, the second to the last one by that teepee. Tunanita'a, John Seamon's father, that's him that saw all of this. He stood on the big ridge to the southeast of the monument. Yep, he was there. They told him not to peek out. And when they gathered these people--you know --they told 'em not to bother with anything that's in their pockets...all that gold they had. There was people took a lot of gold from those guys' pockets. And throwed them all in there. It's sounds bad when you say Indians done it -- you know -- 'cause there is only one thatsbeen there. p. 114
(RS) Why did they want an Indian to be there?
(DB) They want to blame it on the Indians, that's why. They wanted him (Tunanita'a) to be there. They want people to see him there. Those White people of St. George.
(RS) Why did the Mormons kill these people?
(DB) Well I don't know. I couldn't very well figure that out. What they did was while they was comin' down this country they poisoned all the water...the waterin' holes up this way. And killed a lot of them Indians up this way between here and Kanosh. There was poison in the water and that message came all the way down here. Like them Dutchmen did, they poisoned that water from below Santa Clara. On the other side of the Santa Clara River. Well them Indians are drinkin' itdown there just below the Moore building. They had big gar- dens right down through there. Lot of them Indians- - you know. They lived right there. Then they poisoned themall and pret'near killed most of them. A Mormon that was from there --you know --he said himself that they poisoned that water and killed all them Indians. Regarding the effect of the Mountain Meadow massacre on this location, the following comments by Clifford Jake summarize the feelings of a number of people interviewed.
(CJ) Like Indian feelings right now...that's the sad- dest place down here- -you know --the saddest. The peo- ple got killed with no reason at all. Where right now the Mormons, they're proud of it. They put a monument there where it shouldn't be --you know. It should be according to the people went through here...the Catho- lics. There was supposed to be the sacred place for those people there what got killed down here. Right now, that feelings are still there. The feelings that, ah- -you know -- Indian knows it too. Them Indians knows it supposed to be that way. Indian knows when we sees it, we can feel it. It's a lot of sacred places like that --you know. That's not something there to be runned over --you know. That's really sacred, where they got killed. It was apparent from the comments of these twoPaiute elders and from others who commented on the Mountain Meadows massacre that the sacredness of the place included the current mass grave as well as the places where individualemigrants were killed. The latter defines much of the southernportion of the Meadows as sacred. In addition, the entire Mountain Meadowsis perceived as a sacred area because of the numerousIndian burials that were placed in the surrounding hill sides over the many centuriesof Paiute occupation. P 115
(5) Manganese Wash Area. The mountains to the west of the Santa Clara River are drained by a series of large washes. These washes enter the Santa Clara River at right angles. Given the ruggedness of the mountains, Indian travel usually occurred along bottoms of the deep washes or within the Santa Clara River val- ley. With few exceptions the contemporary road system continues to follow these routes of least resistance in the topography of the land.
In contrast, is the linear and direct alignment of the IPP right -of -way. Although it travels in certain areas along the abandoned telephone line the IPP proposal opens four wheel access to a number of areas between just west of Central, Utah and Bea- ver Dam Wash on the Nevada -Utah state line, that had limited or no directaccess previously. Because of access difficulty the ethnographic on -site visits were focused on places of both higher concern and easier access. Some areas of expressed concern could not be directly observed due to access difficulties. The terri- tory from south of Mountain Meadows until the Beaver Dam Wash, however, was utilized by Southern Paiutes and most sections con- tinue to be utilized today.
Manganese Wash contains two well known springs, Manganese Spring and Rods Spring. Although both springs have been altered to provide drinking stations for cattle, Rods Spring contains an assortment of Native American plants which the project ethnobota- nist described as one of the most undisturbed we had seen along the IPP right -of -way in Utah.
To the west of where the IPP right -of -way crosses Manganese Wash is a sandy bench which is about 150 feet above the bottom of the wash. At this point, the right -of -way crosses apine nut harvesting camp. The campsite is covered with a dense concentra- tion of lithic materials. Remains of two Paiute houses were i- dentified by the Shivwits OTCR and NAPS. At least two other pos- sible house sites were identified. The area is a traditional pine nut harvesting camp that is utilized by Shivwits people to- day. The IPP right -of -way follows the abandoned telephone line route through the center of the site and then westward and upward for another 200 feet to the rim of Manganese Wash. (6) Sacred Cave. During the ethnobotany visit, study team members were taken by the Shivwits OTCR to a cave that has spe- cial religious importance. The location of this cave has been withheld from this report in order to provide maximum protection for the site. Unfortunately, the site has recently been dis- covered by someone, as evidenced by recent distrubances. Whoever was at the cave just before the arrival of the IPP ethnobotany team left beer cans, attempted to dig for artifacts and sift the sandy soil, and entered the sacred cave breaking off a corner of the petroglyph rock located in the cave. This vandalization of the sacred Paiute cave had occurred recently as evidenced by tracks and to the fact that no such damage was present when the Shivwits OTCR had recently visited the cave. p. 116
Plate 5. View of Manganese Wash Area from Sandy Bench.
Plate 6. Mary Snow and Ferman Grayman Observing Remains of Paiute House Poles at Sandy Bench. p.11/
Plate 7. Ferman Grayman and Dan Bulletts Discussing Traditional Use of Indian Plant Speciman at Rods Spring Site.
Plate 8. Mary Snow and Ferman Grayman Examining Paiute Metates at Jackson Spring Site, at Edge of Road to Motoqua. p. 118
While the cave and its contents will not bediscussed in detail in this report at the request of Ferman Grayman, the cave does contain a sacred petroglyph and it is a place of great reli- gious power.
Currently, access to the cave is limited by the extremely poor 4 -wheel drive dirt roads in the area. If the IPP proposal is approved for this area it will involve upgrading the local roads. The Shivwits people and others like Clifford Jake who know about the site fear that any improvement in the roads will in- crease the vandalization of the site. At the present time the cave site is just a few miles north of the Shivwits Indian Reser- vation. The site's only protection is the poor access to the area.
(7) Jackson Spring Area. This area extends from Cole Spring near the head of Jackson Wash .to Jackson Spring and the cattle watering station it now feeds to the west of Motoqua road. On -site visits through this area indicated numerous archaeologi- cal locations. The Cole Springs valley has been badly overgrazed according to our botanist and no Indian plants remain there. There is a fine stand of pine nut treea on the north side of the major ridge just south of Cole Springs. This stand of trees is currently used and should not be disrupted by access roaddeve- lopment. The IPP right -of -way, however, is proposed for the top of the ridge which seems to be without plants or places of con- cern.
The area around Jackson Reservoir is a former camping area of concern. A similar area is located at the edge of the road to Motoqua near the cattle watering station from Jackson Spring. There, a series of mano and metates were pointed out by the OTCR and NAPS from Shivwits. This site, as well as many of the others in this area, is currently being utilized by the Shivwits people and is of high concern.
(8) Beaver Dam Slope. This area is located on the outwash fans on the west side of Beaver Dam Mountains (known locally as West Utah Mountain). The area is known for the desert tortoise. This animal is important to all Southern Paiutes and is currently on the endangered list (Johnson 1983; Niddlebrook n.d.; Fish and Wild Life Service 1980; Bureau of Land Management 1975; Patterson 1982). Paiutes expressed concern that the tortoises not be harmed by the IPP.
(9) Beaver Dam Wash. This area was visited by the Shivwits OTCR and NAPS. They pointed out the remains of hunting camps all along the rim of Beaver Dam Wash in the IPP right -of -way. In addition a number of Indian food plants were discovered on this rim.
The eastern flank of the Beaver Dam Wash where the right -of- way is proposed was surveyed on foot by the ethnobotany crew. In addition to rattlesnakes, the first bench up from the bottom of the wash contains a great variety of Indian plants including In- p. 119
Plate 9. Overview of Beaver Dam Slope and Beaver Dam Wash Areas.
?late 10. Ferman Grayman and Warren Bushhead On -Site at Beaver Dam Slope Area. Note Burned Are a on West Utah Mountain. P. 120 dian rice grass (wa'ai or Oryzopsis hymenoides). The bench also contained lithic materials. The bottom of the wash contain other food plants like mesquite ('opimpu or Prosopis glandulosa).
EXPRESSED CONCERNS FOR PLANTS
Three days of on -site ethnobotany were devoted to the con- cerns of the Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah. In addition some plant concerns were expressed during the February and March on -site visits. In combination these concerns are presented in Table 13.
The concern that Southern Paiute people have for their tra- ditional plants deserves special emphasis. Such concerns have been expressed in previous reports (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a, 1982b) and probably derive from plant husbandry being a major adaptive strategy during the precontact period. The following quote from a Paiute elder is in reaction to the IPP right -of -way which crosses one of the valleys. Yeah, seems like it (the valley) got more life in it or something there that makes the Indian...makes me feel kinda right about it --you know. Its some food over there too and some kinds of medical herbs and stuff like that over there yet. You know --what the Indian used to use before the White man came over here --you know --they still there. That one, that one I had a feeling for --you know. The people that provided medi- cine for the sick ones (ah) still there. Its more...its gota lot of more powerful medicine than (ah) anything --you know. The way the Indian feels about it in the early days --you know. He didn't go over there and just pick it up --you know. You had to talk and tell 'em that I come for ya' for some purposes and stuff like that for serious things --you know. It's still there --you know --that feelings that the Indian got --you know.
MITIGATION RECOMMENDATIONS
The following responses were derived from direct interviews and responses to the IPP questionnaire survey, questionsnumber 3 through number 7.
Indian Tools /Housing. Table 14 contains the responses of the Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah people to the survey question, "If Indian tools or living sites are uncovered by powerline con- struction what do you feel should be done with them ?" p121
TABLE 13: PLANTS OF CONCERN TO MEMBERS OF THE PAIUTE INDIAN TRIBE OF UTAH FROM.THE IPP RIGHT -OF -WAY.
BOTANICAL COMMON PAIUTE USES NAME NAME NAME
1. Allium sp. wild onion kwichasi food
2. Amelanchier sp. serviceberry kwiyav food terngwump manufac- ture
3. Ambrosia dumosa burrobush ktrtsiav NR*
4. Artemesia tridentatasagebrush sangwavi food canescens kuchumaav medicine
5. Berberis sp. barberry tonip food
6. Calochortus sego lily sixo'o food flexuosus
7. Chorizanthe kamanurtt food for spinosa; rigida sanity sacred. animals
8. Chrysothamnus sp. rabbit brush sktcmp food
9. Coleogyne blackbrush NR* food ramosissima
10. Cowania mexicana cliffrose dnapd food buckbrush medicine
11. Datura meteloides jimsonweed momompd ritual medicine
12. Descurainia tansymustard akd food pinnata
13. Dichelostemma NR* food
14. Ephedra Mormon tea tutuupi drink nevadensis; viridis medicine
15. Eriogonum inflatumdesert trumpet papakurdm food
16. Euphorbia spurge tuvipukaxi medicine albomarginata
17. Fraxinus anomala singleleaf ash tdav food p 122
18. Juniperus juniper /cedar wa'apu food osteosperma berries
19. Larrea tridentata creosote yatump food greasewood medicine
20. Lycium andersonii squawberry u'up food
21. Opuntia spp. prickly pear navttmp food basillaris grizzly bear manavimpi food cholla cactus yuavimpu food
22. Oryzopsis Indian ricegrass wa'ai food hymenoides
23. Penstemon sp. beard tongue toxoawatsip medicine
24. Pinus monophylla pinon pine tava food
25. Prosopis mesquite 'op food glandulosa 'opimpu
26. Prunus fasciculatachokecherry tonapi food andersonii desert almond
27. Quercus sp. oak tomump i food acorn
28. Rhus trilobata squawbush str'dvimpa food squawberry I'isi fiber
29. Rumex wild rhubarb NR* food hymenosepalus
30. Salix sp. willow kanavi medicine fiber
31. Salvia chia sage sangwav food columbariae patsits 32. Thamnosma montana turpentine broom NR* medicine
33. Yucca brevifolia joshua tree tachttmpi food baccata spp. Spanish bayonet uusi food shampoo fiber 34. Stanleya pinnata desert plume namvit food Indian spinach namb i tu food taurar food p. 123
35. (unidentified) moss, lichen NR* medicine poultice
Sources: IPP 1983 ethnographic field notes; Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a, 1982b; Kearney and Peebles 1942.
*NR = Paiute name and /or use not remembered by NAPS or other Indian consultants. p 124
TABLE 14: MITIGATION OF INDIAN TOOLS /HOUSING RECOMMENDED BY PAIUTE INDIAN TRIBE OF UTAH (IPP ETHNOGRAPHIC SURVEY 1983).
MITIGATION PAIUTE INDIAN TRIBE OF UTAH BANDS RECOMMENDATIONS KANOSH INDIAN PEAKS SHIVWITS KOOSHAREM CEDAR CITY
N = 9 N = 9 N = 14
Leave Tools Alone 33.3% 55.5% 64.2% Rebury In Place
Rebury Tools Nearby 22.2% 0.0% 14.2%
Give Tools To College 11.1% 11.1% 14.2% for Study and put in Museum for Protection
Give Tools To Tribe 33.3% 22.2% 7.1% For Study /Reburial
Contact Tribe 0.0% 11.1% 0.0% p 125
While the categories in Table 14 are accurate summaries of the types of responses in the survey the following are some of the more detailed statements that were associated with each of the categories.
They should leave it where it is and not bother it. For where everything is at, it has a purpose. Learn about the people and you'll learn about the importance of that site. Remove them and put in a museum or something.
Take it and give it back to the tribal leaders, they'll know what to do with them. Give to the Paiute Tribe for study and museum.
Contact on -site observer.
Clearly, the responses to the questionnaire surveysempha- size leaving them where they are buried. The next most accepta- ble alternative is for the tools to be reburied nearby. These two mitigation recommendations reflect a Paiute belief that everything is in its place for a special reason. Thus the remo- val of a tool from the ground is a violation of why that tool is in that spot. Of course some tools have been and will be removed by Paiute people but the special reason why the tool is being removed must be discussed with it so that no harm comes to the person who removes the tool. Similar beliefs govern the removal of natural stones, plants, and even water from a stream.
Indian Burials. Table 15 contains the responses ofPaiute Indian Tribe of Utah people to the survey question, "If the buri- al sites of Indian people are uncovered by power line construc- tion what should be done with them ?" The categories in Table 15 generally reflect the specific statements that were written on the survey. The following are more detailed statements conveying the feelings of specific peo- ple.
You should leave the site alone and move yourpower line. Its easier to move it then to get in trouble with the Indian people.
Nothing, because that is where they were buried. wouldn'tgo around digging your ancestors. Would you do that?
Just bury and leave alone in Indian way. They would not bother you, but not in White man way.
Try to move them 20 or 30 feet from original spot and erect a fence to protect them. P 126
TABLE 15: MITIGATION OF INDIAN BURIALS RECOMMENDED BY PAIUTE INDIAN TRIBE OF UTAH (IPP ETHNOGRAPHIC SURVEY 1983).
MITIGATION PAIUTE INDIAN TRIBE OF UTAHBANDS RECOMMENDATIONS KANOSH INDIAN PEAKS SHIVWITS KOOSHAREM CEDAR CITY
N = 9 N = 9 N = 13
Leave Alone /Rebury 44.4% 77.8% 66.6% In Same Place /No Markings On Grave
Rebury Nearby/ 22.2% 11.1% 26.7% No Markings On Grave
Create Cement Box 0.0% 0.0% 6.7%
Put In A Museum 11.1% 0.0% 0.0%
Put Burial On Reservation 11.1% 0.0% 0.0%
Give Burial To Indians To Do Something With 0.0% 11.1% 0.0% P 127
Move to different site with a sign saying its Indian grave not to be disturbed.
Move them to a museum
Give them to the Indians. They will do something about it.
The previous comments suggest that there are high rates of agreement regarding the general preference for avoidance of Paiute burials if they are uncovered during IPP construction. The best second step is to rebury the body near its original place. One person suggested that the old people should be rebu- ried in the old Indian way.
Indian Plants. Table 16 summarizes the mitigation recom- mendations of Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah people regarding the disposition of Indian plants. The responses were to the survey question, "If important plants are in danger of being disturbed what should be done with them ?"
The general pattern of mitigation recommendation is for the Indian plants to be replanted near where they were disrupted by the power line construction. Only one person wanted to have the plants moved to the reservation. This probably reflects the wis- dom of not moving plants out of the special ecological zones where they grow. Transplanting desert plants isdifficult as most Southern Paiutes know. Avoidance of plant communities is the second most recommended mitigation procedure.
Hiring Native American Observers During IPP Construction. The 1982 IPP ethnographic report recommended the hiring of Native AmericanObservers during ground breaking activities where un- known Paiute resources may be disturbed. The 1983 survey con- tained a question that would permit the people toevaluate this mitigation recommendation. "Do you feel that on -site observers from each tribe should be hired during construction, or would you prefer that something different be done to protect cul- turally important items?Table 17 contains a summary of the re- sponses to this question.
The general acceptance of having Native American Observers (NAOs) on -site during construction is apparent from the survey responses in Table 17. A number of people wanted to make sure that NAOs were hired from each tribe because each tribe has dif- ferent feelings. Other persons noted that the NAO should be an elder from the tribe. One person suggested that "both tribal members and professionals that specialize in these areas should look over the site."
Will Indian Opinions Be Heard? A question that had been asked in Native American Impact Assessments since the Devers -Palo Verde project (Bean and Vane 1978) is, "Do you believe that In- dian peoples' opinions recorded in this study will be heard and listened to by the utility companies ?" Since those early P 128
TABLE 16: MITIGATION OF INDIAN PLANTS RECOMMENDED BY PAIUTE INDIAN TRIBE OF UTAH (IPP ETHNOGRAHIC SURVEY 1983).
MITIGATION PAIUTE INDIAN TRIBE OF UTAH BANDS RECOMMENDATIONS KANOSH INDIAN PEAKS SHIVWITS KOOSHAREM CEDAR CITY
N = 5 N = 9 N = 15
Replant To Safe Place 60.0% 66.6 60 .0%
Leave Them Alone/ 0.0% 22.2% 33.3% Move Power Line
Contact Tribal 40.0% 0.0% 0.0% Elders /Leaders
Don't Know 0.0% 11.1% 6.7%
TABLE 17: USE OF NATIVE AMERICAN OBSERVER DURING CONSTRUCTION AS RECOMMENDED BY PAIUTE INDIAN TRIBE OF UTAH (IPP ETHNOGRAPHIC SURVEY 1983).
MITIGATION PAIUTE INDIAN TRIBE OF UTAH BANDS RECOMMENDATIONS KANOSH INDIAN PEAKS SHIVWITS KOOSHAREM CEDAR CITY
N = 5 N = 9 N = 15
Yes, Have A NAO 100% 88.9% 86.7%
No, Don't Have NAO 0.0% 11.1% 13.3% p 129 studies, the overwhelming response has been that Indian people have little hope of being heard regarding their cultural resour- ces. The responses to this question are presented in Table 18.
The responses in this table suggest that there is generally a stronger confidence that the utility companies will listen to Indian opinion than has been evident in previous studies. Actu- ally, of the 33 people who answered this question 36.4% (N = 12) do not believe their concerns will be listened to versus 12.1% (N = 4) who feel their opinions will be heard. The movement, then, is toward Indian people becoming hopeful that their opinions will be listened to.
KAIBAB PAIUTE TRIBE OF ARIZONA
BACKGROUND
The Kaibab Paiute Tribe of northern Arizona is one of the federally recognized Native American enclaves descended from the aboriginal inhabitants of the study area. The reserved lands of this enclave are located in northern Arizona just south of the Utah border, in the Arizona Strip. The reserved area constitutes but a small fraction of aboriginal Kaibab Paiute territory. The ancestors of the contemporary population exploited both the study area and adjacent lands in the past.
The reserved area is too small to support the entire Kaibab population. It allows a few families to graze some cattle, o- thers to work in tribal administration, still others to work on the new commercial farm, but most of the Kaibab adults depend economically on off -reservation wage labor. Most adults enrolled at this jurisdiction have ranged widely through California, Neva- da, Utah, and Arizona to find employment. Nevertheless, the Kaibab group has developed a relatively experienced cadre of re- servation resource managers who have worked closely with several social scientists and government officials during the past two decades.
METHODOLOGY
The chairperson of the Kaibab Paiute Tribe, Dolores Savala, was contacted regarding the location of the study area. She ap- pointed Ralph Castro as the Official Tribal Contact Representa- tive. She, in consultation with the tribal council, also gave permission for on- reservation interviewing, mailing of the survey to adult members of the tribe, and holding of a public meeting on p 130
TABLE 18: WILL INDIAN OPINIONBE HEARD ACCORDING TO PAIUTE INDIAN TRIBE OF UTAH (IPPETHNOGRAPHIC SURVEY 1983).
MITIGATION PAIUTE INDIAN TRIBE OF UTAHBANDS RECOMMENDATIONS KANOSH INDIAN PEAKS SHIVWITS KOOSHAREM CEDAR CITY
N = 9 N = 9 N = 15
Yes 11.1% 11.1% 13.3%
Hopefully 22.2% 55.6% 13.3%
Doubt It 11.1% 0.0% 6.7%
No 33.3% 22.2% 40.0%
They Should 11.1% 11.1% 20.0%
Don't Know 11.1% 0.0% 6.7% A 131 the reservation. It was understood that Dan Bulletts would serve a dual role on the project as ResearchAssociate and as ethnobo- tanical specialist representing the KaibabPaiute tribe. Another tribal member, Lucille Jake, served on the project team as aRe- searchAssociateprimarily assisting Dr. Pamela Bunte with the in -depth interviews at Kanosh and Koosharem. A public meeting was held in the KaibabPaiute tribal office building on Saturday March 5, 1983. The meeting was well atten- ded and a number of concerns were expressed atthat time. People of Kaibab made it clear that they had lived invarious portions of the study area and would like to expresstheir feelings about cultural resources there.
On March 6 and 7, Dr. Bunte and Lucille Jakereturned from interviews in Kanosh and Koosharem to conductin -depth interviews at Kaibab. A total of eight Kaibab Paiute elders contributed their ideas regarding the project. Additional comments came from Dan Bulletts, Lucille Jake, and Ralph Castro.
The ethnobotanical on -site visit occurred in territoriesof primary concern to the Kaibab Paiutesfrom May 5 through May 7, 1983. During this time Dan Bulletts represented the Kaibab Paiute position for these areas. Other insights were provided by Yetta Jake on May 7. In addition, Chairperson Savala participa- ted in the ethnobotanical on -site visit in the Las Vegas area on April 30, 1983. In addition to these direct contacts,the questionnaire sur- vey was sent to 48 adult members ofthe Kaibab Paiute tribe. Of these surveys 29% (14) of the surveys werereturned and form the basis of the survey analysis that follows.
The people who responded to the survey had the following characteristics. Their average age was 45 years old. They had lived in the area for an average of 42 years. Most of the re- spondents were female (64.3 %).
EXPRESSED CONCERNS FOR CULTURAL ITEMS
The expressed concerns for general types ofcultural items is presented in Table 19. In this table the concerns are listed from the highest to the lowest concern. No concerns less than a 2.29 were expressed. Burial sites (3.00), springs (3.00), basket plants (2.93), medicine plants(2.86), and religious areas (2.86) received the strongest degrees of concern. The movement of bas- ket and medicine plants into the upperlevels of concerns proba- bly reflect two characteristics ofthe Kaibab survey respondents. First, most of them are women and Paiute womentend to express stronger concerns for medicineplants than Paiute men. Second, a number of the Kaibab women maintain basketweaving activities. The other concerns for burials, religious areas,springs, and P 132
TABLE 19: GENERAL CULTURAL ITEMS CONCERNS FOR KAIBAB PAIUTE TRIBE (1983 IPP ETHNOGRAPHIC SURVEY).
CULTURAL ITEM AVERAGE DEGREE OF CONCERN
N=14
Burial Sites 3.00
Springs 3.00
Basket Plants 2.93
Medicine Plants 2.86
Religious Areas 2.86
Rock Carvings /Paintings 2.86
Trails /Shrines 2.85
Large Ground Animals 2.71
Food Plants 2.71
Birds 2.64
Small Ground Animals 2.57
Clay or Rock Mines 2.29 p 133 medicine plants are well in line with generalSouthern Paiute concerns.
EXPRESSED CONCERNS FOR PLACES
Table 20 contains the average degree of concern for specific places for the 14 people who responded to the survey question. The places are listed as they occur in a north to south sequence along the right -of -way, rather than by degree of concern.
For the Kaibab all areas received more than "some degree of concern." The highest concerns, as represented by these survey responses, are Davidson Peak (2.78), Gypsum Cave (2.78), Blue Knoll (2.75), California Hollow (2.75), Cottonwood Wash (2.75), Rods Spring (2.75), Jackson Spring (2.75), Beaver DamWash (2.75), and Halfway Wash (2.75). Interestingly, these places appear evenly all along the IPP right -of -way from the extreme north at Blue Knoll to the furthest south at Gypsum Cave. Moun- tains receive scores as high as springs which is also somewhat unusual, inasmuch as springs tend to receive higher scores.
Generally, the Kaibab survey respondents agreed with those from the Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah. Places of special emphasis discussed for one seem to apply for the other. The Escalante De- sert, for example, received a slightly higher score from Kaibab respondents (2.67). The degree of concern for Pinto Creek was lower than, but very close to, the scores given to that area by the Indian Peaks /Cedar City and Shivwits groups (2.70), and much higher than the 2.00 score for Kanosh /Koosharem groups (2.70). Again, this pattern exists for the Holt Canyon area (Uvwitu), including Hamblin and Hyatt springs (2.67). Interestingly, the scores for Mountain Meadows reflect a much lower degree of con- cern among Kaibab respondents (2.39) than that expressed by In- dian Peaks /Cedar City and Shivwits people (2.78 and 2.93, respec- tively), but is only a slightly higher score when compared to that of Kanosh /Koosharem respondents (2.14). In the Kaibab in- stance also, a quality of concern that could not be expressed in the survey was elicited during public meetings, interviews, and on -site visits with respect to Mountain Meadows.
The pattern of Kaibab concerns being much higher than Ka- nosh /Koosharemand close to Indian Peaks /Cedar City and Shivwits groups hold for Manganese Wash, Jackson Spring, Beaver Dam Moun- tains, Beaver Dam Wash, and so on along the right -of -way. p 134
TABLE 20: INDIAN PLACES IN NORTH -SOUTH SEQUENCE AND KAIBAB PAIUTE INDIAN TRIBE DEGREE OF CONCERN (1983 IPP ETHNOGRAPHIC SURVEY).
INDIAN PLACES AVERAGE DEGREE OF CONCERN
N = 14
Thermo -Hot Spring 2.63
Blue Knoll 2.75
Escalante Desert 2.67
Table Butte 2.67
Rock Spring 2.44
Sand Spring Canyon 2.63
Antelope Range 2.60
Pinto Creek 2.70
Newcastle 2.46
Hamblin Spring 2.67
Hyatt Spring 2.67
Mountain Meadow 2.39
California Hollow 2.75
Magotsu Creek 2.67
Moody Wash 2.71
Long Ridge 2.63
Cottonwood Wash 2.75
Tobin Bench 2.67
Cactus Flat 2.71
Tobin Wash 2.63
Miners Canyon 2.63
Rods Spring 2.75 P 133
Manganese Wash 2.71
Pahcoon Spring Wash 2.67
Jackson Spring 2.75
Beaver Dam Mountains 2.73
Beaver Dam Wash 2.75
Tule Springs Hills 2.56
Toquop Wash 2.75
East Mormon Mountains 2.46
Davidson Peak 2.78
Halfway Wash 2.75
Wiser Wash 2.71
Meadow Valley Wash 2.67
Muddy River 2.58
California Wash 2.67
Dry Lake Range 2.60
Sunrise Mountains 2.55
Gypsum Cave 2.78
Lava Butte 2.44
Frenchmen Mountains 2.67
Las Vegas Wash 2.50 p 136
MITIGATION RECOMMENDATIONS
The following responses were' derived from direct interviews and responses to the questionnaire survey.
Indian Tools /Housing. Table 21 contains the responses of the Kaibab Paiute survey respondents to the question, "If Indian tools or living sites are uncovered by power line construction what do you feel should be done with them ?"
While the categories of expressed concern presented in Table 21 clearly present the desire to have Indian tools found during construction reburied where they were left by the Old People, the following statements provide additional insights into these con- cerns.
Leave everything alone and go around it.
Reburied or moved to area which would be close to the site, still this makes it possible for people, employ- ees of IPP or provides the opportunity for anyone to come back to the area in the future to remove contents of a grave for personal satisfaction.
Indian Burials. Table 22 contains the responses of Kaibab Paiute people to the survey question, "If the burial sites of Indian people are uncovered by power line construction what should be done with them ?" The following are some of these written comments pertaining to burials.
Leave them at the place -- burial site. Because some of the bones won't all be found. Put them deeperunder ground.
Some Indian groups may want to have the remains moved to Tribal cemetery this should be decided by the people living near or resource people.
Indian Plants. Table 23 summarizes the mitigation recom- mendations of the Kaibab Paiute respondents to the survey ques- tion, "If important plants are in danger of being disturbed what should be done with them ?"
The Kaibab Paiute respondents clearly wish the plants to be left alone by moving the power line. The second most acceptable alternative is to move the plants to a safe place. There was little guidance as to where such a place might be. The following comments provide more detail on the issue. P 137
TABLE 21: MITIGATION OF INDIAN TOOLS /HOUSING RECOMMENDED BY KAIBAB PAIUTE INDIAN TRIBE (IPP ETHNOGRAPHIC SURVEY 1983).
MITIGATION RECOMMENDATIONS KAIBAB PAIUTE TRIBE N = 14
Leave Tools Alone/ 35.7% Rebury in Place
Rebury Tools Nearby
Give Tools To College For Study and Put In Museum For Protection
Give Tools To Tribe 28.6% For Study /Reburial
Don't Know 7.1%
TABLE 22: MITIGATION OF INDIAN BURIALS RECOMMENDED BY KAIBAB PAIUTE INDIAN TRIBE (IPP ETHNOGRAPHIC SURVEY 1983)
MITIGATION RECOMMENDATIONS KAIBAB PAIUTE TRIBE
N = 14
Leave Alone /Rebury In 50.0% Same Place /No Markings On Grave
Rebury Nearby/ 35.7% No Markings On Grave
Give Burial To Indians 14.3% To Do Something With p. 138
Just leave them where they are at. Because if moved, they probably won't grow again.
Left if possible. If not, transplanted in a botanical garden.
HiringNative American Observers During IPP Construction. Table 24 summarizes the responses of the Kaibab people to the question, "Do you feel that on -site observers foreach tribe should be hired during construction, or would youprefer that something different be done to protect culturally important i- tems?
The use of Native American Observers during ground breaking activity is acceptable to the Kaibab Paiutes who responded to this question. About one third of the respondents, however, do not know about this recommendation. It seems from these respon- ses that the issue should be discussed further by members of the Kaibab Tribe. Again, the positive responses emphasized that each Paiute tribe should have their own NAO.
Will Indian Opinion Be Heard? The attitudes of the Kaibab respondents to the survey question "Do you believe that Indian peoples' opinions recorded in this study will be heard and lis- tened to by the utility companies ?" are contained in Table 25.
The Kaibab Paiutes are very positive relative to other Southern Paiutes regarding the potential impact of their ex- pressed concerns on IPP policy decisions. Almost half of the Kaibab respondents (42.9 %) feel that their opinions will be lis- tened to by IPP. Another 21.4% are hopeful that theiropinions will be heard. Only a small percent feel that their responses will have no impacts. This strong positive attitude among the Kaibab Paiutes probably reflects (1) their previous positive ex- periences working on Native American Impact Assessments and (2) the current positive attitude towards Indian inputs in land ma- nagement policies of the new Arizona Strip BLM District director. Whatever the source of this positive attitude towards their abi- lity to make a difference in public policy decisions, it is di- rectly related to the Kaibab Paiutes having the highest survey response rate among all the Southern Paiutes. Why send the sur- veys back if you don't believe they will make adifference? p. 139
TABLE 23: MITIGATION OF INDIAN PLANTS RECOMMENDED BY KAIBAB PAIUTE INDIAN TRIBE (IPP ETHNOGRAPHIC SURVEY 1983).
MITIGATION RECOMMENDATIONS KAIBAB PAIUTE TRIBE
N = 13
Replant To Safe Place 28.6%
Leave Them Alone/ 64.3% Move Power Line
Don't Know 7.1%
TABLE 24: USE OF NATIVE AMERICAN OBSERVER DURING CONSTRUCTION OF IPP AS RECOMMENDED BY KAIBAB PAIUTE INDIAN TRIBE (IPP ETHNOGRAPHIC SURVEY 1983).
MITIGATION RECOMMENDATION KAIBAB PAIUTE TRIBE
N = 14
Yes, Have A NAO 71.4%
No, Don't Have A NAO 00.0%
Don't Know 29.6% p. 140
TABLE 25: WILL INDIAN OPINION BE HEARD ACCORDING TO KAIBAB PAIUTE INDIAN TRIBE (IPP ETHNOGRAPHIC SURVEY 1983).
MITIGATION RECOMMENDATIONS KAIBAB PAIUTE TRIBE N = 14
Yes 42.9%
Hopefully 21.4%
No 14.3%
They Should Listen 21.4% P 141
MOAPA PAIUTE INDIAN TRIBE OF NEVADA
BACKGROUND
Contemporary Southern Paiutes typically employ the term Moapits to designate those members of the ethnic group who live much of the time on the Moapa River Reservation, were born there, or use it as a residential base. Like other Southern Paiute en- claves, the Moapits have had a fairly fluid membership. Many federal bureaucratic pressures foster increasing stability of enclavemembership, but Southern Paiutes continue to take a very pragmatic approach to life and avoid defining membership in any economic unit too narrow for survival. The Moapits may be consi- dered, therefore, a functional post -colonization local group or band.
Kelly (1934:554 -555) places the southern boundary of the post -colonization Moapa group as extending from the Colorado ri- ver at Callville in a northwesterly direction past the north side of Sunrise Mountain, then along the southern tip of the Las Vegas Range and the Sheep Range. The northern boundary, suggested by Kelly, passed in a straight line due east from near the current Maynard Lake to the Beaver Dam Wash. The eastern boundary fol- lows Beaver Dam Wash to the south, crosses the Virgin Mountains and proceeds along their eastern flank until reaching the Colora- do river.
While the placement and meaning of these post -colonization boundaries is open to debate, it is clear that a major portion of the IPP right -of -way falls well within the post -colonization "territory" of the Moapits. More specifically, oral history and documents suggest that the Moapits have continuously utilized the area surrounding that portion of the right -of -way beginning near the Utah -Nevada state line in the north, extending southwestward through their current reservation, and ending near the Dry Lake Range in the south.
METHODOLOGY
The study team discussed the current study with members of the Moapa Paiute Tribe on February 25, 1983. At that time, a publicmeeting was scheduled. The meeting took place on March 5th, following field sessions with the Las Vegas Paiute Indian Tribe of Nevada, and Kaibab groups. The meeting was attended by p 142 the tribal chairman, Preston Tom, and three other tribal members. One of these, Herbert Meyers was appointed as the Official Tribal Contact Representative. On March 7, the study team went on -site and interviewed Herbert Meyers who was to eventually to serve as the NAPS as well.
On April 30, 1983 and May 1 and 2, 1983 the spring ethnobo- tany fieldwork was conducted with Herbert Meyers present. During these one day field sessions discussions with Mr. Meyers focused on the riverine /spring oasis plant communities, the seasonal a- vailability of these plants, their Indian names and traditional uses, and the general role of the oasis in Southern Paiute cultu- ral history. The Moapa ethnobotanical on -site visits elicited perhaps the most detailed information regarding oases and their plants. Several voucher specimens were collected where appropri- ate.
For some unknown reason, none of the 89 questionnaire sur- veys sent to all adult members of the Moapa Paiute Tribe were returned for analysis. This lack of response prevents a full presentation of their concerns for cultural items, places, and theirmitigation recommendations for Indian tools, burials, and plants; also, their attitudes toward potential IPP policy deci- sions regarding Indian input.
EXPRESSED CONCERNS FOR PLACES
Two locations along the right -of -way were singled out for special concern and eventually on -site visits.
Cave Hill Valley. This site is bounded in the west by Da- vidson Peak and the Eastern Mormon Mountains. To the north it is bounded by the steep ridge that passes to the east from the radio tówer. To the south the site is bounded by the intersection of T. 12 S., R. 68 E. and T. 12 S., R. 69 E. Halfway Wash drains the valley to the southeast. The archaeological complexity of this valley was documented in the Navajo -McCullougharchaeology survey (Brooks et al. 1975). A number of rock shelter sites were excavated during the mitigation field procedures for that power transmission line.
A total of three on -site visits were made to this valley. Most of the rock shelters were entered by Herbert Meyers and mem- bers of the study team. During the ethnobotanical survey, a great variety of plants were found at this site. This occurred just before the annual sheep grazing of the area began so that the ethnobotany of the location was well recorded.
Despite the sheep grazing, and the previous archaeological excavations and surface collecting that has occurred at the site, it still contains a number of cultural features of impor- tance to the Moapa people. One of these is the desert tortoise p. 143
Plate 11. The Cave Hill Valley Area, with Joshua Trees in Fore- ground, and the Navajo- McCullough Line and Sheep Truck in the Background.
P1 -ate 12. Barrel Cactus (Echinocactus sp., pavio) and Agave (Agave sp., yant) at Cave Hill Site. P144 which is found especially in this valley. The second is a series of. additional rock shelters which have not been excavated or pot - hunted. A third feature for which concern is expressed is the remaining Indian plants in the area. The latter of these is de- tailed in the mitigation section of this report.
Moapa River Valley. The second location of expressed con- cern is the Moapa River Valley. This areacontains numerous camping sites from the hundreds of years that Paiute people lived in the valley. These sites are concentrated on the ridge formed by the downcutting of the river. There are two major edges that bound the valley to the north and south. Within the valley are other high elevation areas that also served as camping locations. In the valley were agricultural fields and numerous Native Ameri- can plants. Out of a total food supply foremost of these is mes- quite (Prosopis glandulosa or 'opimpu). Stands of mesquite and a few other Indian plants still occur in the right -of -way.
The condition of the cultural materials in and near the right -of -way has been severely reduced due to the Moapa power plant, the Navajo- McCullough power line, the dairy farm in Hidden Valley and roads. The presence of the cultural materials is well recognizedboth in the Navajo -McCullough study (Brooks et. al. 1975) and in the IPP archaeology report for the study area (Tucker 1983:87 -88).
EXPRESSED CONCERNS FOR PLANTS
The Indian people at the Moapa Indian Reservation have a long record of expressing concerns for their traditional plants. Such concerns were expressed in detail for the MX Environmental Studies of a few years ago. Extensive concerns were expressed for the plants in the Arrow Canyon Valley where the original IPP Line 1 proposal was studied. Again this year there is extensive con- cern for plants.
Two concentrations of plant communities are of primary ex- pressed concern. These are chosen, according to Herbert Meyers, not because they are more important that other plants in Moapa traditional territory but because he felt the Moapa people would have the best luck protecting unusual concentrations- of plants. Table 26 presents a list of Indian plants that are located at either the Cave Hill or the Moapa River site. Other sites along the right -of -way contain plants that are found elsewhere and are difficult to protect. p. 145
date 13. Overview of Moapa River Valley Area.
Plate 14. Herbert Meyers, Steve Boyd, and Pam Bunte Examining Indian Plant in Moapa River Valley Area. Navajo -McCullough Line Can Be Seen in Background. P 146
TABLE 26: PLANTS OF CONCERN TO MOAPA PAIUTES COLLECTED AND /OR OBSERVED IN IPP RIGHT -OF -WAY
Botanical Name Common Name Paiute Name
1. Acacia greggii catclaw NR*
2. Agave spp. agave, mescal yant
3. Allium sp. wild onion kwichasi
4. Ambrosia dumosa burrobush kdtsiav
5. Atriple spp. saltbush oavi
6. Calochortus Flexuosus sego lily sixo'o
7. Chorizanthe spinosa kamanurd rigida sandy
8. Coleogyne ramosissima blackbrush NR*
9. Dalea sp. indigobush kaatamonap
10. Descurainia pinnate tansymustard akd
11. Dichelostemma sp. NR*
12. Echinocactus sp. barrel cactus tomar
13. Echinocereus sp. hedgehog, usirwuits tule cactus
14. Ephedra nevadensis mormon tea tutuupi torreyana jointfir
15. Eriogonum inflatum desert trumpet papakurtcm
16. Euphorbia albomarginata spurge tuvipukaxi
17. Larrea tridentata creosote yattsmp
18. Lycium andersonii squawberry u'up
19. Mentzelia spp. blazing star ku'u
20. Mirabalis sp. four -o'clock NR*
21. Nicotiana trigonophylla tobacco koapi
22. Opuntia spp. prickly pear navdmp basillaris grizzly bear manavimpi cholla cactus yuavimpe p. 147
23. Oryzopsis hymenoides Indian ricegrass wa'ai 24. Phragmites communis common reed cane paxamp
25. Pluchea sericea arrowweed NR*
26. Prosopis glandulosa mesquite 'op pubescens spp. screwbean 'opimpd
27. Prunus fasciculata chokecherry tonapi
28. Psorothamnus fremontii indigobush kaa tamonttp
29. Rumex hymenosepalus wild rhubarb NR*
30. Salazaria mexicana bladder sage NR*
31. Salvia columbariae chia sage sangwav
32. Sphaeralcea sp. desert mallow ku'pinav
33. Suaeda sp. seepweed NR*
34. Thamnosma montana turpentine broom NR*
35. Yucca spp. yucca tachdmpi brevifolia joshua tree baccata Spanish bayonet uusi
Sources: 1983 ethnographic study field notes; Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a,ó; Kearney and Peebles 1942.
*NR = Paiute name and /or use not remembered by NAPs or other Indian consultants. p. 148
LAS VEGAS AND PAHRUMP TRIBAL RESPONSES
BACKGROUND
A Southern Paiute people who were self -named Turunungwu or "desert /far away people" (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a:165), tradi- tionally occupied much of the southwestern Nevada portions of the study area. During the historic period many of these Turunungwu continued to reside in portions of the IPP study area being em- ployed as miners, ranchhands, and occasionally as private farm- ers. There are members of Pahrump and Las Vegas families today who lived in or near the right -of -way throughout much of the twentieth century. While the last families probably ceased full - time residence in the area by the 1950's, many Indian people con- tinued to utilize places and resources from these traditional lands.
Today, decendants of the Turunungwu reside primarily at two locations; the Las Vegas Indian Colony and Pahrump Valley. More than a hundred people live at the Colony within the city of Las Vegas. It is the only officially recognized tribal unit repre- senting the Turunungwu. Some fifty additional Paiutes reside in Pahrump Valley. Although the Las Vegas and Pahrump people are closely related, time and distance have served to separate them as sociopolitical entities. Pahrump Valley Paiutes now desire a separate tribal designation and administration. In 1978, they requested permission to organize as a tribal unit from the Bureau of Indian Affairs. They have elected a chairman, a council, and administrative officers.
METHODOLOGY
At the beginning of the current research chairmen of both communities were contacted. Chairman Billy Frye was contacted for the Las Vegas Paiutes and Chairman Richard Arnold was contac- ted for the Pahrump Paiutes. The project Official Tribal Contact Representatives training /orientation occurred in the Las Vegas Tribal Office Building on February 22, 1983. The OTCR for Las Vegas was Gloria Yazzie and for Pahrump was Richard Arnold. On- site visits were conducted for these groups on February 23, 24 and 26. A public meeting was held in the evening at Las Vegas on February 24. Ethnobotanical on -site visits occurred for these two groups on April 30 and May 1. Persons taken into the field p.149 included Mary and Harry Sackett, Cynthia Lynch, Ilee Castillo as well as the OTCRs.
Surveys were mailed to 37 persons in the Las Vegas and Pah- rump groups. Of these 8 were returned for a response rate of 21 percent. Respondents' average age was 55 years old. They had lived in the area for an average of 44 years. Most of the re- spondents (75 %) were female.
EXPRESSED CONCERNS FOR CULTURAL ITEMS
The expressed concerns for general types of cultural-items is summarized in Table 27. These responses reflect a consensus of opinion that all cul- tural resources are of high importance, i.e. greater than 2.63. Again, like the Kaibab Paiute responses, basket plants appear in the top ranked cultural items. Basket plants (3.00), medicine plants (3.00), religious areas (3.00), burial sites (3.00), and springs (3.00) all received the strongest possible ratings.
EXPRESSED CONCERNS FOR PLACES
Members of the two groups expressed a number of concerns for places crossed by, or immediately next to, the right -of -way. Direct interviews and survey responses help us understand what these concerns are. The survey responses are presented in Table 28. It can be seen that the Las Vegas and PahrumpPaiute respondents hold at least "some concern" (2.00) for all but one of the places along the right -of -way. The excep- tion was Long Ridge in Utah (1.75). Listed from north to south, areas of highest concern include: Hyatt Spring in the Holt Can- yon Area (3.00), Miners Canyon and Rods Spring (3.00) near the Manganese Wash area, Jackson Spring (3.00) andnearby Pahcoon Spring Wash (2.80), Beaver Dam Mountains (3.00), probably a re- sponse to the desert tortoise on the slope area, and Sunrise Mountain (2.86) with the associated Gypsum Cave (2.71).
The survey responses reflect both thoughtfulness in the ex- pression of concerns and a familiarity with the survey instrument as a means of collecting such data. With regards to the first point, differentiationwas made between one larger place, like East Mormon Mountains which received a strong concern score of 2.71 and a place within that place, Davidson Peak, which received a more moderate score of 2.50. Similar fine distinctions are present throughout including that between the "some concern" (2.00) expressed for Wiser Wash versus the strong concern ex- pressed for Meadow Valley Wash (2.67). The Las Vegas and Pahrump P 150
TABLE 27: GENERAL CULTURAL ITEMS CONCERNS FOR LAS VEGAS AND PAHRUMP PAIUTES (1983 IPP ETHNOGRAPHIC SURVEY).
CULTURAL ITEMS AVERAGE DEGREE OF CONCERN LAS VEGAS AND PAHRUMP
N = 8
Basket Plants 3.00
Medicine Plants 3.00
Religious Areas 3.00
Burial Sites 3.00
Springs 3.00
Birds 2.88
Food Plants 2.88
Rock Carvings /Paintings 2.88
Small Ground Animals 2.88
Trails /Shrines 2.75
Large Ground Animals 2.75
Clay or Rock Mines 2.63 P 151
TABLE 28: INDIAN PLACES IN NORTH -SOUTH SEQUENCE AND LAS VEGAS AND PAHRUMP PAIUTE TRIBES DEGREE OF CONCERN (1983 IPP ETHNOGRAPHIC SURVEY).
INDIAN PLACES AVERAGE DEGREE OF CONCERN LAS VEGAS AND PAHRUMP
N = 8
Thermo -Hot Springs 2.80
Blue Knoll 2.00
Escalante Desert 2.00
Table Butte 2.00
Rock Spring 2.80
Sand Spring Canyon 2.80
Antelope Range 2.67
Pinto Creek 2.75
Newcastle 2.00
Hamblin Spring 2.67
Hyatt Spring 3.00
Mountain Meadow 2.75
California Hollow 2.40
Magotsu Creek 2.25
Moody Wash 2.40
Long Ridge 1.75
Cottonwood Wash 2.57
Tobin Bench 2.00
Cactus Flat 2.25
Tobin Wash 2.33
Miners Canyon 3.00
Rods Spring 3.00 P 152
Manganese Wash 2.50
Pacoon Spring Wash 2.50
Jackson Spring 3.00
Beaver Dam Mountains 3.00
Beaver Dam Wash 2.60
Tule Springs Hills 2.67
Toquop Wash 2.60
East Mormon Mountains 2.71
Davidson Peak 2.50
Halfway Wash 2.25
Wiser Wash 2.00
Meadow Valley Wash 2.67
Muddy River 2.57
California Wash 2.50
Dry Lake Range 2.43
Sunrise Mountains 2.86
Gypsum Cave 2.71
Lava Butte 2.25
Rainbow Gardens 2.60
Frenchmen Mountains 2.60
Las Vegas Wash 2.71 p 153
people who responded to this survey were very aware of the areas they were talking about and made fine distinctions based on this knowledge. The second point reflects the experience of these two Paiute groups with Native American Impact Assessments. They have participated in every study conducted by members of this research team since 1977. Their understanding of the process reflects this experience.
There are two areas which were singled out for special ex- pressed concern and selected for on -site visits. These are Gyp- sum Cave on the eastern flank of Sunrise Mountain and a small valley on the eastern side of Dry Lake Range which is called "Rock Shelter Valley." These deserve special mention in this section as well as special consideration in the formulating of mitigation recommendations.
Gypsum Cave. This is the best documented sacred cave or religious site of any type in all of Southern Paiute territory. The IPP right -of -way is located within a few hundred yards of the mouth of the cave.
During the 1982 IPP ethnographic study (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a:46 -47) a summary of the scientific desecration (even though it was excavated within the existing archaeological milieu) of this sacred site in the 1930's by Harrington was discussed. Since that time the cave has been marked by the Bureau of Land Management as a significant historic site but damage to the site continues. The extensiveness of the damage in recent years pro- bably involved the use of explosives, because Paiute elders who returned to the cave after many years of absence barely recog- nized the place. Rock Shelter Valley. Earlier in this chapter, it was noted that often Paiute cultural resources had to be considered accord- ing to the larger physical units that give them meaning within the Southern Paiute cultural frame. One such cultural unit is the "gathering valley." Other units already discussed in previ- ous IPP reports are the isolated and riverine oases (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a, 1982b).
The IPP right -of -way follows the Navajo -McCulloughpower line right -of -way across a Las Vegas Paiute "gathering valley." It is located near the northern end of the Dry Lake Range and is cut by the existing power line along its western edge. It has been given the name "Rock Shelter Valley" because of the numerous deep rock shelters that line the rim of the bowl- shaped valley. The rock shelters were recorded during the Navajo- McCullough en-
. vironmental studies and some were excavated by the University of Nevada -Las Vegas (Brooks et.al. 1975).
The site was visited by Las Vegas and Moapa elders on two occasions during the current studies. Plants were collected at variouspoints in the valley during the second visit by Steven Boyd under the direction of Ilee Castillo and Herbert Meyers. From the on -site visits with these elders, it is clear that the site was a premier collecting /dry land plant husbandry site for p. 154
Plate 15. View to the East from Gypsum Cave.
Plate 16. Ilee Castillo and Richard Stoffle at Gypsum Cave. p. 155
Plate 17. Overview of Rock Shelter Valley Area.
Plate 18. Ilee Castillo at Rock Shelter Site. P 156 the Las Vegas people. In the flat portion of the valley are large stands of tonap'i or Prunus fasciculata (choke cherries is the common name). On the ridges are kwichasi or Allium sp. (wild onions) and other food plants. The area would have been able to support a fairly large group of Paiutes for a considerablepor- tion of the season while various food plants were harvested. The processed foods would have either been stored for later in the season in the rock shelters around the rim of the valley or taken back to the riverine oases to supplement the horticultural domes- ticates produced there. Perhaps the major point is that places like the gathering valleys were important links in the transhu- mantadaptive strategies of Southern Paiutes. As such, a full understanding of how it was in the old days that every generation hopes to provide for the next requires that some of these gather- ing valleys remain as close as possible to the traditional condi- tion. With such cultural resources available Paiute grandmothers like Ilee Castillo can take their grandchildren out of the cur- rent oasis -based reservation in North Las Vegas and physically demonstrate what it was like in the old days. Such experiences are steadily being reduced as gathering places are permanently altered by developments. Table 29 is the list of plants for which concern was expressed by the Las Vegas and Pahrump peoples.
MITIGATION RECOMMENDATIONS
The following responses were derived from direct interviews and responses to the questionnaire survey, questions number three through number 7.
Indian Tools /Housing. Table 30 contains the responses of the Las Vegas and Pahrump survey respondents to the question, "If Indian tools or living sites are uncovered by power line con- struction what do you feel should be done with them ?"
As with the other Southern Paiute groups, the Las Vegas and Pahrump people wanted the tools left alone or reburied (62.5 %). Some of the respondents felt that the tools should be given to the original owners or the nearest Paiute tribe (25.0 %).
Indian Burials. Table 31 presents the responses of Las Vegas and Pahrump Paiute people to the question, "If theburial sites of Indian people are uncovered by power lineconstruction what should be done with them ?"
Unlike the other Southern Paiute groups, some of the Las Vegas and Pahrump respondents felt that burials should be marked so that they could be protected. The type of marker to be used was not specified. p. 157
Plate 19. Cynthia Lynch and Richard Arnold of the Pahrump Paiute Tribe On -Site at Las Vegas Wash. p158
TABLE 29: PLANTS OF CONCERN TO LAS VEGAS AND PAHRUMP PAIUTES COLLECTED AND /OR OBSERVED IN IPP RIGHT -OF -WAY
Botanical Name Common Name Paiute Name
1. Acacia greggii catclaw NR*
2. Agave spp. agave, mescal yant
3. Allium sp. wild onion kwichasi
4. Ambrosia dumosa burrobush katsiav
5. Atriple spp. saltbush oavi
6. Calochortus Flexuosus sego lily sixo'o
7. Chorizanthe spinosa kamttnurt:t rigida sandy
8. Coleogyne ramosissima blackbrush NR*
9. Dalea sp. indigobush kaatamonttp
10. Descurainia pinnate tansymustard akrr
11. Dichelostemma sp. NR*
12. Echinocactus sp. barrel cactus tamar
13. Echinocereus sp. hedgehog, usirwuits tule cactus
14. Ephedra nevadensis mormon tea tu tuup i torreyana jointfir
15. Eriogonum inflatum desert trumpet papakurt3m
16. Euphorbia albomarginata spurge tuvipukaxi
17. Larrea tridentata creosote yatttmp
18. Lycium andersonii squawberry u'up
19. Mentzelia spp. blazing star ku'u
20. Mirabalis sp. four -o'clock NR*
21. Nicotiana trigonophylla tobacco koapi
22. Opuntia spp. prickly pear navttmp basillaris grizzly bear manavimpi yuavimpt3 p 159
23.Oryzopsis hymenoides Indian ricegrass wa'ai
24.Phragmites communis common reed; cane paxamp
25.Pluchea sericea arrowweed NR*
26.Prosopis glandulosa mesquite 'op pubescens spp. screwbean 'opimpd
27.Prunus fasciculata chokecherry tonapi
28.Psorothamnus fremontii indigobush Kaatamontrp
29.Rumex hymenosepalus wild rhubarb NR*
30.Salzaria mexicana bladder sage NR*
31.Salvia columbariae chia sage sangwav
32.Sphaeralcea sp. desert mallow ku'pinav
33.Suaeda sp. seepweed NR*
34.Thamnosma montana turpentine broom NR*
35.Yucca spp. yucca tachttmpi brevifolia joshua tree baccata Spanish bayonet uusi
Sources: 1983 ethnograhic field notes; Stoffle and Dobyns1982a, 1982b; Kearney and Peebles 1942.
*NR = Paiute name and /or use not remembered by NAPs or otherIndian consultants. p 160
TABLE 30: MITIGATION OF INDIAN TOOLS /HOUSING RECOMMENDED BY LAS VEGAS AND PAHRUMP TRIBES (IPP ETHNOGRAPHIC SURVEY 1983).
MITIGATION RECOMMENDATIONS LAS VEGAS AND PAHRUMP
N = 8
Leave Tools Alone/ 50.0% Rebury in Place
Rebury Tools Nearby 12.5% Give Tools To Tribe/ 25.0% Origianl Tribe
Contact Tribal Representative 12.5%
TABLE 31: MITIGATION OF INDIAN BURIALS RECOMMENDED BY LAS VEGAS AND PAHRUMP TRIBES (IPP ETHNOGRAPHIC SURVEY 1983)
MITIGATION RECOMMENDATIONS LAS VEGAS AND PAHRUMP N = 8
Leave Alone /Rebury In 50.0% Same Place /No Markings On Grave
Move and Place Marker to Protect Them 25.0%
Tribal Member Should be There 12.5% Mark As A Historical Site And Leave Alone 12.5% p. 161
Indian Plants. Table 32 presents the mitigation recommen- dations for the Las Vegas and Pahrump respondents to the survey question, "If important plants are in danger of being disturbed what should be done with them ?"
There were only two ways of dealing with Indian plants ex- pressed by these respondents. Either the plants are left alone by moving the line, or the plants are to be transplanted to a safe place outside of the right -of -way.
Hiring Native American Observers During IPPConstruction. Table 33 presents the responses by the Las Vegas and Pahrump peo- ple to the question, "Do you feel that on -site observers for each tribe should be hired during construction, or would youprefer that something different be done to protect culturally important items ?"
The majority of respondents felt that there should be a Na- tive American observer hired during the construction period. Like the other Southern Paiute groups, thepositive responses indicated that each Paiute group should have their own NAO who was knowledgeable about their particular cultural resour- ces which may be potentially affected by the IPP.
Will Indian Opinion Be Heard? The responses of the Las Vegas and Pahrump people to the survey question "Do you believe that Indian peoples' opinions recorded in this study will be heard and listened to by the utility companies ?" are presented in Table 34.
Only 25% of the survey respondents felt that their opinions would be heard concerning the IPP. Half of the respondents (50.0 %) felt that their opinions would not be heard ordoubted that they would be. p 162
TABLE 32: MITIGATION OF INDIAN PLANTS RECOMMENDED BY LAS VEGAS AND PAHRUMP TRIBES (IPP ETHNOGRAPHIC SURVEY 1983).
MITIGATION RECOMMENDATIONS LAS VEGAS AND PAHRUMP N = 8
Replant To Safe Place 50.0%
Leave Them Alone/ 50.0% Move Power Line
TABLE 33: USE OF NATIVE AMERICAN OBSERVER DURING CONSTRUCTION OF IPP AS RECOMMENDED BY LAS VEGAS AND PAHRUMP TRIBES (IPP ETHNOGRAPHIC SURVEY 1983).
MITIGATION RECOMMENDATION LAS VEGAS AND PAHRUMP N = 8
Yes, Have A NAO 75.0%
No, Don't Have A NAO 12.5%
Don't Know 12.5%
TABLE 34: WILL INDIAN OPINION BE HEARD ACCORDING TO LAS VEGAS AND PAHRUMP TRIBES (IPP ETHNOGRAPHIC SURVEY 1983).
MITIGATION RECOMMENDATIONS LAS VEGAS AND PAHRUMP N = 8
Yes 25.0%
Hopefully 12.5%
No 37.5%
They Should Listen 12.5%
Doubt It 12.5% p. 163
CHAPTER VI. MITIGATION RECOMMENDATIONS
This chapter contains a synthesis of documented and expres- sed Native American concerns with impact mitigation recommenda- tions developed by the study team. Here the term "impact mitiga- tion" is being used, following Leistritz and Murdock (1981:17), to mean efforts to minimize those impacts on pre-construction conditions and resources which are viewed as undesirable and to enhance those which are considered to be beneficial. This chapter also discusses Native American concerns accord- ing to general geographic location and by specific sites. At each location, there is a discussion of site specificmitigation recommendations as described by the various tribal councils, tribal members and the study team. The chapter does not contain a discussion of the non -site specificmitigation recommendations which have been communicated by Indian peoples to the study team. These recommendations involve decisions that are not related to the protection of specific cultural resources. They are listed in Chapter V by tribe.
GENERAL MITIGATION RECOMMENDATIONS
Some recommendations regarding the disposition and protec- tion of Native American cultural resources are so consistent from tribe to tribe that they canbe discussed for the entire right - of -way. These recommendations have to do with (1) the presence of a Native American Observer during certain groundbreakingacti- vity; (2) the disposition of burials and artifact assemblages found during construction or archaeological excavation ofsites, and (3) the disposition of plants of special value toNative Americans.
NATIVE AMERICAN OBSERVER The tribes have expressed the concern that they have a representative present during certain groundbreaking activities at areas considered sensitive and located within theright -of- way. This representative is calledhere a Native American Obser- ver or NAO. These activities may include tower pad construction, grading the right -of -way access road, and archaeological excava- tion of Indian habitation -burial sites. The concerns are limited to traditional tribal areas.Because no tribe has argued for a traditional boundary that is different than thosecontained in this report, these boundaries will be used to demonstratethe limits of a particular tribe's NAO recommendedinvolvement. It is recommended that there be a preconstructionmeeting held with NAOs present before groundbreakingactivities occur within sensitive areas. This meeting minimally should involve p. 164
(1) an official representative of the Pahrump,Las Vegas, Moapa, Kaibab, and Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah communities, (2) a BLM representative, and (3) ACT personnel, probably an archaeologist and an ethnographer. Depending on the meeting's agenda, a repre- sentative of the IPP and candidates for the NAO positions may be included at this time. The meeting's agenda should minimally include: (1) the selection of NAOS; (2) training of NAOS; (3) NAOS' financial reimbursement; (4)a discussion of the NAOS' rights and responsibilities; and (5) when and where the NAOs should be on the site of groundbreaking activities. In addition, the disposition of artifacts -burials found during groundbreaking activities may be discussed at this time. This meeting will serve to clarify the tribes' expecta- tion(s) of the NAOs and provide an opportunity to communicate the financial and legal constraints the BLM and IPP have regarding the transmission line and the lands on which it may be built. Negotiated points should be agreed to in writing. NAO training- orientation should occur once general guide- lines have been defined. The NAOs should be (1) made aware of the various agreements made during the preconstruction meeting, (2) given an understanding of the groundbreaking activities they are expected to observe; and (3) given a preliminary coordination plan and a preliminary schedule of the times and extent to which their services will be needed.
MITIGATION OF FORMERLY UNKNOWN CULTURAL RESOURCES It is understood that no set of archaeological and ethnogra- phic studies can reveal the existence and location of every Native American sacred resource located in the right -of -way, although this is the goal of these studies. When a Native Ameri- can sacred resource, such as a burial orextensive artifact assemblage, is found during additional surveying, groundbreaking, or construction, there should be an agreed uponprocedure for notifying potentially concerned Native American groups and re- sponse time within which the Native American groupsshould re- spond with mitigation recommendations. The previous NAO discus- sions and training should greatly facilitate the speed and accep- tability by which these formerly unknown cultural resources can be mitigated.
MITIGATION OF NATIVE AMERICAN PLANTS Throughout this report the great importance of plants to Southern Paiute people has been expressed. Unfortunately, plants are among the most difficult resources tobe successfully miti- gated. Some plants may actually be encouraged by groundbreaking activity. Others could be destroyed by construction. Federal legal protection of plants is limited to those defined as "rare" or "endangered." Indian concerns recorded in this report pertain to the plants themselves and the modifications thatwill occur in p. 165
the overall ecology of the Holy Land as the plants are removed. In this case the federal law almost always provides too little protection for too few species of plants. During construction of the transmission line, adverse im- pacts to plants should be minimized. Those plants specifically mentioned by Indian people during this ethnographic study are discussed below in the site -specific sections. In addition,IPP or BLM personnel should discuss, with the appropriate tribal officials,the physical possibility and economic feasibility of transplanting a portion of certain plant species which will be destroyed to tribally controlled lands where the tribe can over- see their protection and use. Finally, if the plants that are to be destroyed have commercial value, as has been suggested by a number of tribal elders, then IPP and /or the BLM should discuss with the appropriate tribe regarding the harvesting or commercial sale rights.
SITE -SPECIFIC MITIGATION The following portion of this chapter discusses site- speci- fic mitigation. Here, actual locations along the revised portion of the IPP right -of -way are discussed. The locations are refer- enced according to USGS Topographic Quadrangles. Each tribal chairman has received a set of IPP project maps based on such quads. These USGS quads are generally available to the public in libraries and through state and federal government offices, such as the Bureau of Land Management. The portion of the right -of -way under study in this report is divided for the purpose of making specific mitigation recom- mendations into "sections" and section protions called "areas." This format was used in the two previous IPP ethnographic studies (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a,ó). These are described in terms of (1) the expressed concerns of Native American peoples, (2) the archaeological record as established by the IPP archaeologists, (3) historic records, and (4) the extent to which the area and its cultural resources have already been disrupted. Based on these criteria, a level of "cultural significance" or "sensiti- vity" is assigned to each area. Four broad categories of signi- ficance and sensitivity are used: low, moderate, high, and very high. A few areas are judged to fall somewhere between two or three of these categories. The level of cultural significance and sensitivity is combined with a consideration of the types of cultural resources found in an area in order to determine mitiga- tion recommendations. p. 166
SITE -SPECIFIC MITIGATION: UTAH
ESCALANTE DESERT SECTION The Escalante Desert Section begins where theright -of -way diverges from the original proposed route (Lund 4NW, UT., 7.5', T.30S., R.12W., section 11) and extends to where theright -of -way approaches the foothills of the Antelope Range(Antelope Peak, UT., 7.5', T.35S.,R.14W., section 6). This section includes portions of the right -of -way where it crosses thefollowing USGS Utah Quads: Lund 4 NW, Lund 4 SW, Latimer, Avon, Avon SE, and Antelope Peak. Thermal Hot Springs Area. This area begins at Dead Horse Junction, the point at which the original and revisedportions of the right -of -way combine (Lund 4 NW, UT.,7.5', T.30S., R.12W., section 11). Mitigation recommendations were made for this area during the 1982 IPP Utah study (Stoffle and Dobyns1982b:221- 222). Suffice it to say that the area is one ofhigh signifi- cance to the Southern Paiutepeople as represented by the Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah and the Kaibab Paiute Tribe(see TABLES 12 and 20 for degree of concern scores).
Blue Knoll Area. This area begins where the IPP :R right -of- way heads due south aftercrossing the Beaver -Iron county line (Lund 4 SW, UT., 7.5', T.31S., R.12W., section7). The area is flanked to the east by the Black Mountains andtheir numerous canyons. Blue Knoll itself received relatively high scoresfrom Indian Peaks /Cedar City (2.63) and Kaibab Paiutes(2.75). The area is one of moderate tohigh significance to members of the Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah and the Kaibab PaiuteTribe.
Desert Flats Area. This area begins where the IPP:R right - of -way turns southwestward south of BlueKnoll (Lund 4 SW, UT., 7.5', T.31S., R.12W., section 30). The area consists of a large expanse of the Escalante Desertmarked on the following USGS Utah Quads: Lund 4 SW, Latimer, Avon, Avon SE, andAntelope Peak. In this area, the right -of -way crosses Mud SpringWash, Iron Springs Creek, and Dick Palmer Wash before the areaends north of the Antelope Range (Antelope Peak, UT., 7.5', T.34S.,R.14W., section 33). Flanking the area to the northwest of the right-of -way at this point is Table Butte, which received a3.00 concern score from Indian Peaks /Cedar City Paiutes,and a fairly high score (2.67) from Kaibab people. Given that Southern Paiute people (1)traveled over the Escalante Desert at various points toother ecological zones along a well developed trail network;(2) stopped at points well - suited for rest, water and food, asdiscussed in Chapter V.; and (3) the contemporary aestheticsignificance of the Desert to Southern Paiute people, the area isconsidered to be of high significance to Paiute people of the PaiuteIndian Tribe of Utah and the Kaibab Paiute Tribe. p. 167
Escalante Desert Section Mitigation. All three areas in this section are considered to be of high significance. It is recom- mended that an NAO from the Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah,the Kaibab Paiute Tribe, or both, be present duringgroundbreaking activities in the Thermal Hot Springs Area. Other mitigation recommendations for this area have already been presented (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982b:222), and those recommendations hold for the portion of the right -of -way under study here. Prior to groundbreaking activities occur in the Blue Knoll Area, the tribal chairmen of both the Paiute IndianTribe of Utah and the Kaibab Paiute Tribe should be contactedregarding the presence of a NAO. A NAO from one or both tribes should be on- site to best determine the disposition if cultural resources are encountered during construction. If groundbreaking activities reveal cultural resourcesin the Desert Flats Area, chairmen from both tribes shouldbe noti- fied, and the possibility of on -site visits to such areas by NAOs discussed.
ANTELOPE RANGE SECTION The Antelope Range Section begins as the right -of -way ap- proaches the western slopes of the Antelope Range (AntelopePeak, UT., 7.5', T.34S., R.14W., section 32) and extends to apoint due east of Newcastle (Newcastle, UT., 7.5', T.36S.,R.15W., section 15). This section includes the portion of the right -of -way which crosses the following USGS UtahQuads: Antelope Peak, Silver Peak, and Newcastle.
Slope Springs Area. This area begins where the IPP:R right - of -way approaches the western slopes of theAntelope Range (Ante- lope Peak, UT., 7.5', T.35S., R.14W.,section 5). The area contains several springs on these slopes, north andwest of Antelope Peak. These springs probably provided Southern Paiute travelers crossing the Escalante Desert with waterand resting spots. Rock Spring and Sand Spring, with its associated canyon, received high scores from Indian Peaks /Cedar City(both 3.00), Shivwits (2.67 and 2.80, respectively), Kaibab(2.44 and 2.63), and Las Vegas /Pahrump (both 2.80) groups. The latter's scores probably reflect a concern for Southern Paiutesensitive loca- tions in general, regardless of location. All other places along the revised portion of the right -of -wayin Utah received scores approaching "much concern" from the Las Vegas /Pahrumptribes. Unimproved roads currently provide access to allsprings in this area. The right -of -way is located within the flat desert area at the base of theAntelope Range.The area is considered to be of moderate culturalsignificance in the flat areas, but of high sensitivity where springs are present. The right -of -way south of Sand Springs Canyon is considered tobe moderate in significance, where the Slope Springs Area ends eastof Newcastle (Newcastle, UT., 7.5', T.36S., R.15W., section15). p. 168
Antelope Range Section Mitigation. Care should be taken not to increase access to the Slope Springs Area. If existing roads are improved or new roads aregraded in the area, Kaibab and Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah representatives should be contacted to discuss the possibility of NAO on-site visits in the event that cultural resources are encountered. The general recommenda- tion is that monitoring and consultation occur ifcultural re- sources are encountered.
DIXIE NATIONAL FOREST SECTION The Dixie National Forest Section begins due east ofNew- castle (Newcastle UT., 7.5', T.36S., R.15W., section 16) and extends in a south -southwestward direction to where theright -of- way crosses Long Ridge on thesouthwest (Veyo, UT., 7.5', T.39S., R.17W., section 34). This section includes the portion of the right -of -way which crosses the following USGS UtahQuads: New- castle, Pinto, Central East, Central West, and Veyo. Pinto Creek Canyon Area. This area begins immediately southeast of Newcastle at the mouth of Pinto Creek Canyon(New- castle, UT., 7.5'. T.36S., R.15W.,section 22). Again,high scores from Indian Peaks /Cedar Cityand Kaibab survey respondents were given for Pinto Creek (3.00, 2.79,and 2.70, respectively). The area was a central habitation, gardening/collecting, social and religious gathering location intensivelyutilized by Paiute peoples (Chapter V:111 -112). The 2.75 degree of concern score given the area by Las Vegas /Pahrump Paiutes probablyreflects the ceremonial and social gathering aspects of the area. Therefore, the Pinto Creek Canyon Area is considered to beof very high cultural sensitivity to Southern Paiute people.
Holt Canyon (Uvwitu) Area. This area begins just north of Holt Canyon, south of the Iron -Washington countyline (Pinto, UT., 7.5', T.37S., R.16W., section 11). The area was at one time a year -round gardening -hunting-collecting location, as well as an area of habitation andceremonial gatherings much like the Pinto Creek Canyon Area. The northern portion ofthe area, Uvwitukaivats, also served as a lithic procurement andprocessing station (see Chapter V :112 -113). The area around Yellow Spring was also intensively utilized. Hamblin and Hyatt Springs, at the southern end of the area, received high scores(2.60 -3.00) from Paiute survey respondents. The ethnographic study team discovered a fairlyhigh density of archaeological sites with possible subsurfacefeatures in the Holt Canyon Area. The ethnobotanical visit on May 7 recorded several food and medicinal Indian plants in the area. These are listed in TABLE 35, along with their locationwithin the right - of -way. The area is thus considered to be very highin signifi- cance and sensitivity. p. 169
TABLE 35. INDIAN PLANTS IN HOLT CANYON AREA OF IPPRIGHT -OF -WAY
BOTANICAL NAME COMMON NAME PAIUTE NAME USGS MAP LOCATION
Pinto, UT.,T.37S. 1. Amelanchier utahensis serviceberry kwiyav tungwump R.16W., section 11
2. Artemesia Tridentata sagebrush sangwavi
3. Calochartus sp. sego lily sixo'o
4. Cymopterus sp. water parsnip nampip
5. Ephedra viridis mormon tea tu tuup i
6. Eriogonum inflatum desert trumpet papakurum
7. Juniperus occidentalis juniper wa'apu cedar berry
8. Pensteman sp.* beard tongue toxoawatsip
9. Pinus monophylla pinon pine tuya
10. Prunus andersonii* choke cherry tonapi desert almond
11. Quereus sp. oak tomumpi
* = Voucher specimen collected. p. 170
Mountain Meadows Area. This area begins immediately north of where the right -of -way crosses Spring Creek (Pinto,UT., 7.5', T.37S., R.16W., section 25). It extends to where the proposed route lies west of Central, Utah, just east of Red Butte (Central West, UT., 7.5', T.39S., R.16W., section 4, SE 1/4). The tradi- tional, cultural and historic importance of this area has been previously documented here (Chapter IV:55 -60; 78 -80; Chapter V:113 -116) and elsewhere. The Mountain Meadows area provided ideal living, gardening /collecting, and hunting conditions. Mountain Meadows received high degree of concern scores from Indian Peaks /Cedar City (2.78), Shivwits (2.93), and Las Vegas - Pahrump Paiutes (2.75). Kaibab respondents gave it a somewhat more moderate score (2.39). On -site visits and interviews, how- ever, revealed a higher level of concern in terms of the sacred- ness of the area. The ethnobotany visits by the study team elicited much information concerning names and traditional uses of Indian plants, many of which are still common in stands along the slopes bordering the Mountain Meadow itself. Serviceberry, wild onion, and sego lily were especially abundant. The plants are listed in TABLES 36 and 37, with their IPP locations within the right -of -way. For information regarding uses, the reader is referred to TABLE 13 (Chapter V:119 -120). The Mountain Meadows area is considered to be of very high sensitivity to Southern Paiute people.
Transitional Area. For lack of a better term, this area has been designated the "Transitional Area." It begins as the right - of -way turns southwestward out of the Dixie National Forest, southeast of Red Butte and southwest of Central (Central West. UT., 7.5', T.39S., R.16W., section 9).The proposed right -of -way crosses Magotsu Creek, which received high concern scores (2.50- 3.00) from Kaibab and Utah Paiute people,in this area. Further southwest, it crosses Moody Wash and Long Ridge, which also received relatively high scores. Magotsu Creek may have been important to Paiute gardeners. No on -site visits were made, although Magotsu Creek was circled by the principal investigator on the USGS map as an important area. The area is considered to be of moderate to high significance. Dixie National Forest Section Mitigation. Three of the four areas described for this section are considered to be of very high sensitivity. These assessments have been made as a result of on -site visits, ethnographic interviews, survey responses, and historic documentation. The Pinto Creek Canyon, Holt Canyon and Mountain Meadows Areas were all religious ceremonial gathering places, in addition to being year -round habitation and gardening spots. These areas were intensively utilized by SouthernPaiute people in pre - colonization times. Some areas have been used up until as re- cently as two years ago. The areas also provided shelter, rest, water and food for Paiute travelers from other areas. The his- toric significance of Mountain Meadows and the Old Spanish Trail in Euroamerican history has been well documented. The fond memories and sentiments expressed by Paiute respondents in inter- p. 171
TABLE 36. INDIAN PLANTS IN MOUNTAIN MEADOWS AREA OF IPPRIGHT -OF -WAY
BOTANICAL NAME COMMON NAME PAIUTE NAME USGS MAP LOCATION
1. Allium sp.* wild onion kwichasi Central West. UT., 7.5', T.39S., R.16W., section 4, SW and SE
2. Amelanchier so. serviceberry kwiyav
1 3. Artemesia tridentata sagebrush sangwavi
4. Calochortus sp.* sego lily sixo'o
5. Dichelostemma sp.* NR
6. Juniperus osteosperma juniper wa'apu cedar berry
7. Pinus monophylla pinon pine tuya
8. (unidentified) moss NR
*=Voucher specimen collected. p. 172
MEADOWS AREA OF TABLE 37. INDIAN PLANTS IN RED BUTTEPORTION OF MOUNTAIN IPP RIGHT -OF -WAY
USGS MAP LOCATION BOTANICAL NAME COMMON NAME PAIUTE NAME
Central West, UT., 1. Amelanchier utahensis* serviceberry kwiyav tungwump 7.5', T.39S., R.16W., section 9, SE 1/4
2. Artemesia tridentata sagebrush sangwavi
3. Ephedra viridis mormon tea tutuupi
4. Juniperus osteosperma juniper wa'apu cedar berry yuavimpu 5. Opuntia sp. prickly pear
6. Pinus monophylla pinon pine tuya
7. Quercus sp. oak tomumpi
8. Yucca baccata Spanish bayonet tachumpi
*=Voucher specimen collected. p. 173 views for these places attest to their sacredness and importance. Additionally, numerous unrecorded Paiute burials exist in these areas. Indian metates were used in the construction of the Jeffer- son Hunt Monument in the Pinto Creek Canyon Area. The right -of- way crosses directly over Uvwitukaivats in theHolt Canyon Area. Pinon -juniper woodlands have been recently burned off or cut, as noted by the project botanist, in the southern portion of the Mountain Meadows Area. Stands of Indian plants have diminished, except on the surrounding slopes. In other words, these areas have already been severely disturbed. It is recommended that extreme care and caution be taken not to increase disturbance of, and access to, the above mentioned sensitive locations. Every effort should be made to insure the protection of these locations. A NAO from the Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah and the Kaibab Paiute Tribe should be on -site during all IPP groundbreaking activities. NAOs or other tribal representatives should be involved in the planning stages of this process when right -of -way construction begins to approach these areas. BLM archaeologists should be contacted regarding the disposition of unrecorded archaeological sites, an assessment of their significance made, and National Register of Historic Places (NRHP) eligibility determined. A NAO should be in attendance during all of these proceedings. Disposition of stands of Indian plants should also be discussed with the NAO on -site. Once again, the present right -of -way proposal crosses di- rectly over a high density archaeological area, including the lithic procurement station Uvwitukaivats. The right -of -wayin these areas is in close proximity to traditional ceremonial gathering places which remain extremely sacred and sensitive to contemporary Southern Paiute people. If Native American cultural resources are discovered during groundbreaking activities and /or construction in the Transitional Area, the Chairmen of either the Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah, the Kaibab Paiute Tribe, or both, should be contacted regarding appropriate study and disposition of materials.
GUNLOCK SECTION The Gunlock Section begins where the right -of -way crosses Tobin Bench (Gunlock, UT., 7.5', T.30S., R.17W., section 34) and extends to where the proposed route crosses Jackson Wash (Moto - qua, UT., 7.5',T.41S.,R.19W., section 1). This section in- cludes portions of the right -of -way crossing the Gunlock and Motoqua USGS Utah Quads. Tobin Wash Area. This area begins as the right -of -way crosses Tobin Bench (Gunlock, UT.,7.5', T.30S., R.17W., section 34). Heading in a southwestward direction, the proposed route p. 174 crosses Tobin Wash and Cactus Flat. The right -of -way subse- quently passes Miners Canyon on the northwest. Numerous springs border the right -of -way to the north and west,including Eight - Mile Spring, which was documented during the 1982 IPP studies (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982b:177 -185; 223 -224). The revised right - of -way appears to be a safe distance from these springs, although unimproved roads provide access to them. Tobin Bench, Cactus Flat, Tobin Wash, and Miners Canyon all received high concern scores from Indian Peaks /Cedar City,Shivwits and Kaibab survey respondents (TABLES 12 and 20).The area is considered to be of high significance to these Paiute people whereever springs are present. Manganese Wash Area. This area begins east of where the right -of -way crosses Limekiln Wash (Gunlock, UT., 7.5', t.40S., R.18W., section 24) and ends west of where it crosses Pahcoon Spring Wash (Ibid., section 27) immediately southeast of Cole Spring. The area is a relatively well- watered one, with its high density of springs and series of washes. This network of washes and springs provided ideal horticultural conditions for Southern Paiutes. As previously documented, they tended irrigated fields in Pahcoon spring wash (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a:56). Ethnobota- nical surveys in the right -of -way recorded an abundance of Indian plants concentrated in stands at two separate points in the area, the most undisturbed being at Rods Spring. TABLES 38 and 39 provide the lists of these plants. The right -of -way directly crosses a pine nut harvesting camp currentlyutilized by Shivwits Paiutes at the west end of the area.Associated with the camp are the archaeological remains of a least two,and possibly four, Paiute house structures (Chapter V:116). A sacred cave that still holds great religious significance and power exists inthis area, also (Chapter V:117). Rods Spring, Manganese Wash, and Pahcoon Spring Wash received high concern scores from allPaiute tribal survey respondents. These high scores reflect the pattern of consistent high concern for springs establishedduring the 1982 IPP studies. In addition to the pine nut camp, other por- tions of the area are presently used by Shivwits people. The area is one of very high sensitivity toSouthern Paiutes. Jackson Wash Area. This area begins just as the right -of- way crosses Jackson Wash (Gunlock, UT.,7.5', T.40S.,R.18W., section 28), immediately southeast of Cole Spring. The area contains a high density of archaeological sites directlycrossed by the right -of -way. It was observed by the study team that many of these appear to be former camp sites andfood processing stations; one of the latter is currently being usedby Shivwits Paiutes for food processing. Ethnobotanical on -site visits re- corded several Indian plants in thevicinity, although none remain in the severely overgrazed Cole Spring valley(Chapter V:117). A stand of pinon pine trees is also currentlyused in the area. Plants observed or collected in the area are listed in TABLES 40 and 41. Jackson Spring received high concern scores (2.71 -3.00) from Paiute people. The area is considered to be of very high sensitivity. p.175
TABLE 38. INDIAN PLANTS INRODS SPRING PORTION OF MANGANESE WASH AREA OF IPP RIGHT -OF -WAY
BOTANICAL NAME COMMON NAME PAIUTE NAME USGS MAPLOCATION
1. Artemesia spp. sagebrush sangwavi Gunlock,UT., 7.5' T.40S.,R.18W., section24
2. Eriogonum inflatum desert trumpet papakurum
3. Juniperus occidentalis juniper wa'apu cedar berry
11 4. Pinus monophylla pinon pine tuya
5. Rhus trilobata squawbush su'uvimpu squawberry i'isi
6. Salix sp.. willow kanavi
7. Salvia spp. chia sage sangwav
8. Typha sp. cattail tonovi p. 176
TABLE 39. INDIAN PLANTS IN MANGANESE WASH AREA OF IPP RIGHT -OF -WAY
BOTANICAL NAME COMMON NAME PAIUTE NAME USGS MAP LOCATION
1. Artemesia spp. sagebrush sangwavi Gunlock, UT., 7.5' T.40s., R.18W., section 23
2. Coleogyne ramosissima NR
3. Cowania mexicana cliffrose unapu buckbrush
4. Descurainia pinnata tansy mustard aku
5. Dichelostemma sp. NR
6. Fraxinus anomala* singleleaf ash tuav
7. Juniperus occidentalis juniper wa'apu cedar berry
8. Pinus monophylla pinon pine tuya
9. Prunus fasciculata chokecherry tonapi desert almond
10. Quercus sp. oak tomumpi
11. Rhus trilobata squawbush su'uvimpu squawberry i'isi
12. Rumex hymenosepalus dock NR wild rhubarb
* = Voucher specimen collected. NR = Paiute name not remembered by NAPS or other Indian consultants. p. 177
TABLE 40. INDIAN PLANTS IN COLE SPRING PORTION OF JACKSON WASH AREA OF IPP RIGHT -OF -WAY
BOTANICAL NAME COMMON NAME PAIUTE NAME USGS MAP LOCATION
1. Artemesia tridentata* sagebrush sangwavi Gunlock, Ut., 7.5' canescens* kuchumaav T.40S., R.18W., NE 1/4
2. Calochortus flexuosus sego lily sixo'o
3. Chrysothamnus sp.* rabbitbrush sikump
4. Coleogyne ramosissima NR
5. Datura meteloides jimsonweed momompu
6. Descurainia pinnata* tansy mustard aku
7. Dichelostemma sp. NR
8. Ephedra nevadensis Mormon tea tutuupi
9. Fraxinus anomala* singleleaf ash tuav tl
10.Juniperus spp. juniper wa'apu cedar berry
11.Pinus monophylla pinon pine tuya
12.Prosopis glandulosa mesquite 'op; 'opimpu
13.Prunus fasciculata chokecherry tonapi
14.Rhus trilobata squawbush su'uvimpu squawberry i'isi
15.Yucca brevifolia joshua tree baccata Spanish bayonet tachumpi yucca uusi
* = Voucher specimen collected. NR = Paiute name not remembered by NAPS or other Indian consultants. p. 178
TABLE 41. INDIAN PLANTS IN JACKSON SPRING PORTION OF JACKSON WASH AREA OF IPP RIGHT -OF -WAY
BOTANICAL NAME COMMON NAME PAIUTE NAME USGS MAP LOCATION
1. Berberís sp. barberry tonip Motoqua, UT., 7.5' T.40S., R.18W., section 32, NE 1/4
2. Calochortus flexuosus sego lily sixo'o it
3. Coleoqyne ramosissima NR it
4. Descurainia pinnata* tansy mustard aku it
5. Dichelostemma sp. NR it
6. Ephedra nevadensis Mormon tea tutuupi "
7. Euphorbia albomarqinata* spurge tuvipukaxi It
8. Juniperus osteosperma* juniper wa'apu " cedar berry
9. Mentzelia sp.* blazing star ku'u u
10. Opurtia sp. prickly pear yuavimpu it
11. Pinus monophylla pinon pine tuya "
12. Salvia columbariae* chia sage sangwav "
* = Voucher specimen collected. NR = Paiute name not remembered by NAPS or other Indian consultants. p. 179
Gunlock Section Mitigation. The Manganese Wash and Jackson Wash Areas are considered to be of very high sensitivity to the Southern Paiutes. The Tobin Wash Area is one of high signifi- cance, owing to the number of springs in close proximity to the IPP:R right -of -way. Both former areas contain high density ar- chaeological remains of lithic materials, Paiute house struc- tures, and food processing implements. These are directly cros- sed by the right -of -way. Traditional pine nut harvesting camps are also present in the Manganese Wash and JacksonWash Areas. These continue to be used by Shivwits Paiutes to the present day, who gather the nuts from remaining pinon stands and grind them nearby. Although overgrazing in these areas is prevalent to the extent of total Indian plant loss in the valleys, some undis- turbed stands remain, such as at Rods Spring. Alteration of springs, in the form of cattle drinking stations, is another form of disturbance, along with access roads, chaining of pinon- juniper woodlands, and overgrazing of valley and wash bottoms. In addition, a sacred cave (the location of which has been with- held upon request), which retains great religious power and significance, is also present in the area. The cave has only just recently been disturbed by beer drinking, treasure-hunting vandals.The petroglyph within the cave has been damaged.Ac- cess to the cave will only be improved if theright -of -way is allowed in the area.The cave has already been desecrated even though access to it is currently limited. Again, these areas have been severely disturbed in a number of ways, and Southern Paiutes are deeply concerned about their protection, as reflected in the degree of concern scores in the questionnaire survey and comments during the on -site visits. For these reasons, it is recommended that NAOs be present during all phases of construction, road improvement, and ground- breaking activities in both areas. Significance and National Register eligibility of previously unrecorded archaeological sites should be determined by BLM archaeologists and Native American representatives. Every effort should be made not to increase access to or disturbance of sensitive locations. This mitigation applies especially to portions of the areas currently utilized by Shivwits Southern Paiute people. If groundbreaking activities reveal cultural resourcesin the Tobin Wash Area, chairmen of the Paiute IndianTribe of Utah and Kaibab Paiute Tribe should be notified, and NAO on-site visits planned. Unrecorded archaeological sites should be brought to the attention of BLM archaeologists and the appro- priate Native American representatives.
BEAVER DAM MOUNTAINS SECTION The Beaver Dam Mountains Section begins as theright -of -way turns in a more southerly direction(Beaver Dam Mountains NW, UT., 7.5', T.41S., R.19W., section 1), southwest ofJackson Wash where it extends to the Nevada -Utah boundary west of Beaver Dam Wash (Terry Benches, Nev.- Utah -Ariz., 7.5', T.43S., R.20W., sec- p. 180 tion 2). The area includes the portions of the right -of -way which cross the following USGS Utah Quads: Beaver Dam Mountains NW, Beaver Dam Mountains SW, and Terry Benches.
Beaver Dam Slope Area. This area begins southwest of Jack- son Wash, as the right -of -way passes along the western slopes of the Beaver Dam Mountains (Beaver Dam Mountains NW, UT., 7.5', T.41S., R.19W., section 1), crossing alluvial fans. These moun- tains are known locally as the West Utah Mountains. The endang- ered desert tortoise (Sopherus agassizi) is prevalent in this area (BLM 1975; Fish and Wildlife Service 1980; Johnson 1983; Middlebrook n.d.). The tortoise continues to have sacred signi- ficance to Southern Paiutes.The Beaver Dam Mountains were of high concern to survey respondents (2.60-3.00). The area is considered to be of high significance to Southern Paiutes.
Beaver Dam Wash Area. This area begins as the right -of -way approaches the northeast rim of Beaver Dam Wash (Terry Benches, Nev.- Utah -Ariz., 7.5', T.42S., R.19W., section 30), and extends to the Nevada -Utah state boundary (Terry Benches, 7.5, T.42S., R.20W., section 2). Archaeological remains of Paiute hunting campsites dot the rim of Beaver Dam Wash. Lithic scatters were encountered by the ethnographic study team. A large assortment of Native American plants are common in the area and were re- corded during the ethnobotanical on -site visits southeast of Snow Spring Wash in the right -of -way (TABLE 42). Southern Paiutes traditionally tended irrigated horticultural fields in the wash bottom (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a:53). Beaver Dam Wash was scored highly in degree of concern by Paiute people in the questionnaire survey. The area is considered to be of high cultural signifi- cance. Beaver Dam Mountains Section Mitigation. Both areas in this section are considered high in significance based on on -site visits, ethnographic interviews, ethnobotanical information, and survey responses. Southern Paiutes have consistently expressed high concerns for desert tortoise, Indian plants, and springs - washes which allowed irrigated horticultural food production and formed the basis for oasis settlement. Additionally, the right - of -way again crosses archaeological sites in the Beaver Dam Wash Area. It is therefore recommended that an NAO from the Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah or Kaibab Paiute Tribe be present during groundbreaking activities. Strategies as to how to best protect cultural resources in the area should be discussed with the NAO on -site and the tribal chairman and council. Unrecorded archaeo- logical finds should be brought to the attention of BLM archaeo- logists and Native American representatives.Significance and National Register eligibility should be discussed with tribal representatives. p. 181
TABLE 42. INDIAN PLANTS IN BEAVER DAM WASH AREA OF IPP RIGHT -OF -WAY
BOTANICAL NAME COMMON NAME PAIUTE NAME USGS MAP LOCATION
1. Ambrosia dumosa burrobush kutsiav Terry Benches, Nev Utah -Ariz., 7.5', T.42S., R.19W., section 31, NW
2. Calóchortus flexuosus* sego lily sixo'o
3. Chorieonthe rigida* kamunuru sanuv
4. Ephedra nevadensis* Mormon tea tutuupi
5. Eriogomum inflatum* desert trumpet papakurum
6. Larrea tridentata* creosote yatumpi tg greasewood
7. Lycium andersonii* squawberry u'up
8. Oryzopsis hymenoides Indian wa'ai rice.grass
9. Prosopis glandulosa mesquite 'op; 'opimpu
10. Thamnosma montana turpentine NR broom
11. Yucca brevifolia joshua tree
* = Voucher specimen collected. NR = Paiute name not remembered by NAPS or other Indian consultants. p. 182
SITE- SPECIFIC MITIGATION: NEVADA
TULE SPRINGS HILLS SECTION The Tule Springs Hills Section begins as the IPP:R right -of- way enters Nevada east of Terry Benches (TerryBenches, Nev.- Utah- Ariz., 7.5', T.10S., R.71E., section 10) and extends to the outwash plains of the East Mormon Mountains, southwest of Toquop Wash (Davidson Peak, Nev., 7.5', T.12S., R.69E., unsurveyed). It includes the portions of the right -of -way which crosses the following USGS Nevada Quads: Terry Benches, Tule Springs, Mes- quite, and Davidson Peak. Tule Springs Hills and Toquop Wash received fairly high concern scores from survey respondents. It must be noted at the outset that the absence of survey responses from the Moapa Paiute Tribe prevents identifying degree of concern scores for specific places within or near the right -of -way. The OTCR and Moapa Indian consultants, however, did indicate concern for important areas during on -site interviews and ethnobotanyvisits. No on -site visits or ethnobotanical surveys were conducted in this section. It is considered to be of low to moderate significance. Tule Springs Hills Section Mitigation. No mitigation is recommended at this time. Should cultural resources be encoun- tered during groundbreaking activities or other construction, the Las Vegas and Moapa Paiute Tribes should be consulted regarding recommendations for study and disposition of materials.
EAST MORMON MOUNTAINS SECTION The East Mormon Mountains Section begins at the end of the Tule Springs Hills Section (Davidson Peak, Nev., 7.5', T.12S., R.69E., unsurveyed) and extends to a point west of Mormon Mesa (Moapa Peak SE,Nev., 7.5', T.13S., R.68E., unsurveyed). It includes the portion of the right -of -way which crosses the David- son Peak and Moapa Peak SE USGS NevadaQuads.
Cave Hill Valley Area. This area begins as the IPP:R right - of -way passes along the foothills on the southeast side of the East Mormon Mountains (Davidson Peak, Nev.,7.5', T.12S., R.69E., unsurveyed) and extends to the intersection of T.12S., R.69E., and T.12S., R.68E. (Moapa Peak SE, Nev., 7.5'). The study team observed a high density of archaeological sites in the area, notably rock shelters, some of which have been excavated, and others which are relatively well preserved or undisturbed. These were probably used for the storage of wild foods. Three on -site visits elicited concerns from Moapa consul- tants. Two ethnobotany visits were made to obtain the full range p. 183 of traditional Indian botanical resources common in the area. These are listed in TABLES 43 and 44. The desert tortoise is also prevalent in the area. The East Mormon Mountains, Davidson Peak, and Halfway Wash all received moderate to high concern scores from survey respondents. The area is considered to be of very high sensitivity. East Mormon Mountains Section Mitigation. The Cave Hill Valley Area is one of very high significance and sensitivity. The area has been subject to disturbances, i.e. archaeological excavations and vandalism (pot hunting) of rock shelters and sheep grazing in the valley. It is therefore recommended that a NAO from the Moapa Paiute Tribe be present during all ground- breaking activity in this area. Care should be taken not to increase access to or disturbance of the archaeological features of the area. Significance and National Register eligibility of sites encountered during construction should be discussed with BLM archaeologists and Native American representatives.Disposi- tion of stands of Indian plants should be discussed with the tribal chairman and council. The southwestern portion of the area is considered to be of low to moderate significance.
MOAPA SECTION The Moapa Section begins southwest of Mormon Mesa (Moapa Peak, Nev., Orthophotoquad) and extends to just north of the Dry Lake Range and Dry Lake Valley (Arrow Canyon SE, Nev., 7.5', T.16S., R.64E.,section 22). It includes the portion of the right -of -way which crosses the following USGS Nevada Orthophoto- quads: Moapa Peak, Overton NW, Moapa NE, Moapa NW and Moapa SW. The section also includes the proposed route marked on the Arrow Canyon SE, Nev., 7.5', USGS Quad.
Moapa River Valley Area. This area begins east of where the right -of -way crosses the Muddy River (Moapa NE, Nev., Orthophoto- quad). The Meadow Valley Wash drains into the Muddy River from the north. The Muddy River (or Moapa Rive -r as it is sometimes called) was a core riverine oasis horticultural and habitation area (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a:52, 53, 56, 57), along with the Meadow Valley Wash and other streams of the Virgin River drainage system, of the Paranayi Paiute subtribe. They traditionally tended irrigated fields of domesticated food crops and managed wild and cultivated fiber, food, and medicinal plants in the area. Some stands of the latter category of Indian plants remain common in the area, despite extensive disruption of the valley by numerous developments. These were observed and collected during the ethnobotanical on -site visit conducted by the study team and are listed in TABLE 45. Wiser Wash, Meadow Valley Wash, Muddy River and California Wash remain important to Paiute people as reflected in the degree of concern scores given to these loca- tions. The area is one of very high density in archaeological features, most notably campsites. This high density has been documented during previous studies (Brooks et. al. 1975), the 1983 IPP archaeology survey (Tucker 1983:80, 81, 87, 88, 92), and p. 184
TABLE 43. INDIAN PLANTS IN CAVE HILL SITE PORTION OF CAVE HILL VALLEY AREA OF RIGHT -OF -WAY
BOTANICAL COMMON PAIUTE USGS MAP LOCATION
1. Allium sp.* wild onion kwichasi Davidson Peak, Nev 7.5', T.12S., R.69E., unsurveyed
2. Agave utahensis agave yant
3. Ambrosia dumosa burrobush kutsiav
4. Dichelostemma sp. NR
5. Echinocactus sp. barrel cactuspavio
6. Echinocereus sp. hedgehog, usivwuits engelmanii "tule" cactus
7. Encelia spp. sunflower NR
8. Ephedra nevadensis Mormon tea tutuupi
9. Euphorbia albomarginata* spurge tuvipukaxi
10. Larrea tridentata creosote yatump greasewood
11. Lycium andersonii squawberry u'up
12. Nicotiana trigonophylla* tobacco koapi
13. Opuntia sp. prickly pear navump cactus manavimpi
14. Prunus fasciculata* chokecherry tonapi
15. Sphaeralcea sp. kupinav
16. Stanleya pinnata desert plume namvit Indian spinach turnar
17. Yucca brevifolia joshua tree
* = Voucher specimen collected. NR = Paiute name not remembered by NAPS or other Indian consultants. p. 185
TABLE 44. INDIAN PLANTS IN HALFWAY WASH PORTION OF CAVE HILL VALLEY AREA OF IPP:R RIGHT -OF -WAY
BOTANICAL COMMON PAIUTE USGS MAP LOCATION
1. Ambrosia dumosa burrobush kutsiav Moapa Peak, SE, Nev., T.12S., R.69E., unsurveyed
2. Calochortus flexuorus* sego lily sixo'o T-R832, 2632, R830
3. Coleogyne ramosissima* NR T-R830
4. Dichelostemma sp. NR S-L111, T-R832
5. Echinocereus engelmanii hedgehog, usivwuits T-R83 ,T2617 "tule" cactus
6. Ephedra nevadensis* Mormon tea tutuupi T-R832, T2617
7. Eriogonum inflatum desert trumpet papakurum T2617, T-R83
8. Larrea tridentata creosote yatump T-R832, S-L111 greasewood
9. Mirabilis sp. NR T2631, R831
10. Nicotiana trigonophylla tobacco koapi T2617
11. Lycium andersonii* squawberry u'up T2632, R832
12. Oryzopsis hymenoides* Indian wa'ai T2631, R831, R830 ricegrass
13. Sphaeralcea sp.* NR T2632, R832, R830
14. Thamnosma montana* turpentine NR T2617, T2632, R832 broom
15. Yucca brevifolia* joshua tree T2632, R832
* = Voucher specimen collected. NR = Paiute name not remembered by NAPS or other Indian consultants. p.186
TABLE 45. INDIAN PLANTS IN MUDDY WASH PORTION OF MOAPA RIVER VALLEY AREA OF IPP RIGHT -OF -WAY
BOTANICAL COMMON PAIUTE USGS MAP LOCATION
1. Acacia greggii catclaw NR Moapa NE, Nev., Orthophotoquads
2. Ambrosia dumosa burrobush kutsiav
3. Atriplex spp. saltbush oavi
4. Chorizanthe spinosa* kanumuru rigida sanuv
5. Dalea sp. indigobush kaatamonup
6. Descurainia pinnata* tansy mustard aku I
lt 7. Echinocactus sp. barrel cactus pavio
8. Echinaocereus sp. hedgehog, usivwuits engelmanii "tule" cactus
9. Eriogonum inflatum desert trumpet papakurum
10.Larrea tridentata* creosote yatump greasewood
11.Lycium torreyii* squawberry pa'up
It 12.Mentzelia sp. blazing star ku'u
13.Nicotiana trigonophylla tobacco koapi
14.Opuntia spp. prickly pear navump
15.Pluchea sericea* arrowweed NR
16.Prosopis glandulosa mesquite 'opimpu
17.Rumex hymenosepalus* dock NR wild rhubarb
18.Sphaeralcea sp.* kupinav
19.Suaeda sp. seepweed NR
* = Voucher specimen collected. NR = Paiute name not remembered by NAPS or otherIndian consultants. p. 187
observed in on -site visits by the ethnographic study team.The area is considered to be very high in significance and sensiti- vity. Southwestern Flats Area. This area begins southwest of the Moapa River Valley where the IPP right -of -way crosses the latter at Muddy River (Moapa NW, Nev., Orthophotoquad).The proposed route in this area crosses a relatively flat region southwest of the Moapa Indian Reservation and ends northeast of the Dry Lake Valley and Range (Arrow Canyon SE, Nev., 7.5', T.16S., R.64E., section 22). No ethnobotanical surveys or on -site interviews were conducted in this area. It is therefore considered to be of low cultural significance. Moapa Section Mitigation. The Moapa River Valley Area is one of very high significance and sensitivity to Southern Paiutes. Besides being traditionally important, having been used repeatedly and intensively throughout prehistoric and historic times,it is today the location of the contemporary Moapa Paiute Indian Reservation, and still forms a base for riverine oasis settlement and economy. The area is one of extremely high densi- ty in archaeological materials, so much so, in fact, that the IPP archaeologist recommends that a1 -2 mile corridor,paralleling the Muddy River and Meadow Valley Wash and extending from Muddy Springs to Glendale, be established as an archaeological district (Tucker 1983:92). The ethnographic study team concurs fully with this recommendation. Although the right -of -way parallels the existing Navajo- McCullough line,the area between the two lines is extensively disrupted. Cultural resources have diminished in the wake of such developments as the Moapa power plant, the Navajo -McCullough line, dairy farms, and roads (Chapter V:142; Tucker 1983:92). Thus, the study team reiterates the archaeolo- gical recommendation that the area be set aside as an archaeolo- gical district. Extreme care and caution should be taken not to increase disturbance of or access to archaeological sites and other sensitive locations. It is assumed the IPP will utilize the existing access road which now services the Navajo -McCullough line, and that no additional roads will have to be graded. In order to assist in determining the significance and disposition of cultural resources in the area encountered during groundbreaking, it is recommended that a NAO be present at all times during these activities. Significance and National Regis- ter eligibility of archaeological sites should be discussed with Native American representatives. Disposition of stands of Native American plants should be discussed with the NAO and the tribal chairman and council of the Moapa Paiute Tribe. No mitigation is recommended for the Southwestern Flats Area. Should cultural resources be encountered in the area, the Moapa Paiute Tribe should be consulted regarding their study and disposition. p. 188
DRY LAKE RANGE SECTION The Dry Lake Range Section begins as the right -of -way as- sumes a more general southerly direction northeast of Dry Lake Valley (Arrow Canyon SE, Nev., 7.5', T.16S., R.64E., section 27) and extends to just northeast of Sunrise Mountain (Dry Lake SE, Nev., 7.5', T.19S., R.64E., section 30). It includes the portion of the right -of -way which crosses the following USGS Nevada Quads: Arrow Canyon SE, Dry Lake NE, Dry Lake SW, and Dry Lake SE.
Rock Shelter Valley Area. This area begins at the northern end of the Dry Lake Range (Dry Lake NE, Nev., Orthophotoquad). The area was designated as "Rock Shelter Valley" because of a high density of rock shelters that dot the rim of the valley. Some of these shelters have been excavated by archaeologists involved in the Navajo -McCullough line studies (Brooks et. al. 1975). The area was a primary dryland plant collecting /manage- ment location, termed here a "gathering valley." The importance of the area has already been described (Chapter V:151) and need not be repeated here. Large stands of Indian plants are still common in the area. These were observed and collected during the ethnobotanical on -site visits and are listed in TABLE 46. The area is considered to be one of very high significance and sensi- tivity.
Southern Dry Lake Range Area. This area begins south of the Rock Shelter Valley Area as the IPP right -of -way parallels the eastern flanks of the Dry Lake Range (Dry Lake SW, Nev., 7.5', T.19S., R.63E., section 24). The Dry Lake Range received mode- rate to fairly high degree of concern scores from Paiute survey respondents (2.00- 2.60). No on -site visits were made to the area. The ethnobotany team observed some Indian plants occurring on the eastern base of the Dry Lake Range, notably Indian rice - grass and squawberry. These plants are more abundant to the north in the Rock Shelter Valley Area. The reader is thus refer- red to TABLE 46 for the botanical and Paiute names. The area is considered to be moderate in significance. Dry Lake Range Section Mitigation. The Rock Shelter Valley Area is considered to be very high in significance. It repre- sents an important non -horticultural component of Southern Paiute subsistence economy, and to contemporary Paiutes it constitutes physical and visual evidence of this important link within the overall transhumant adaptive strategy of Southern Paiute peoples. Inasmuch as Paiute elders would like to physically demonstrate to younger generations how it was in the old days, they would like to see such "gathering valleys" protected and preserved. The numerous rock shelters recorded by the Navajo -McCullough study team attest to the archaeological significance of the area. It is therefore recommended that a NAO from both the Las Vegas and Moapa Paiute Tribes be present during all ground- breaking activity in the area. Care should be taken not to increase access to or disturbance of unexcavated rock shelters. p. 189
TABLE 46. INDIAN PLANTS IN ROCK SHELTER VALLEY AREA OF IPP RIGHT -OF -WAY
BOTANICAL COMMON PAIUTE USGS MAP LOCATION
1. Allium sp.* wild onion kwichasi Dry Lake, Nev., Orthophotoquads
2. Calochertus flexuosus* sego lily sixo'o "
3. Dichelostemma sp. NR "
4. Encelia sp. sunflower NR "
5. Lycium andersonii* squawberry u'up "
6. Mentzelia sp. blazing star ku'u
7. Oryzopsis hymenoides* Indian wa'ai ricegrass
8. Prunus fasciculata chokecherry tonapi
9. Salazaria mexicana* bladdersage NR
10. Selinocarpus diffusus* NR
* = Voucher specimen collected.
NR = Paiute name not remembered by NAPS or other Indian consultants. p. 190
Significance and National Register eligibility of these previous- ly unrecorded sites should be discussed with Native American representatives. Disposition of stands of Indian plants common in the area should be discussed with the chairman and councils of both tribes. Should Native American cultural resources be encountered in the Southern Dry Lake Range Area, both tribes should be notified and the possibility of NAO on -site visits discussed.
FRENCHMAN MOUNTAIN SECTION The Frenchman Mountain Section begins northeast of Sunrise Mountain (Frenchman Mountain, Nev.,7.5', T.20S., R.63E.,Section 36) and extends to Lava Butte (Frenchman Mountain, 7.5', T.21S., R.63E., Section 16). From this point the IPP:R right -of -way closely parallels the original proposed route. Within this section are three areas. These are (1) the Gypsum Cave Area, (2) the Las Vegas Wash Area, and (3) the Rain- bow Gardens Area. Mitigation recommendations for these areas were made during the 1982 IPP ethnographic study in Nevada (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a:231 -233). Gypsum Cave has been well documented. It has also been severly disturbed, and destruction of the site continues today. A Pahrump Paiute elder who went into the cave during the 1983 on- site visit was very distraught and lamented the destruction of the cave and its subsequent loss of power. The cave still re- mains culturally and religiously significant,however. Gypsum Cave received consistent high concern scores from questionnaire survey respondents, as did Las Vegas Wash, Rainbow Gardens, Sunrise Mountain and Lava Butte. Indian plants were observed and collected in the Gypsum Cave and Las Vegas Wash Areas during the 1983 ethnobotanical on -site visits. These are listed in TABLES 47 and 48. Consistent with last year's assessment, these three areas continue to be considered high in significance. Frenchman Mountain Section Mitigation. No additional miti- gation of the Gypsum Cave, Rainbow Gardens and Las Vegas Wash Areas is recommended. Those recommendations made during the 1982 IPP studies (Stoffle and Dobyns 1982a:232 -233) hold for the 1983 IPP right -of -way proposal. p. 191
TABLE 47. INDIAN PLANTS IN GYPSUM CAVE AREA OF IPP RIGHT -OF -WAY
BOTANICAL COMMON PAIUTE USGS MAP LOCATION
1. Chorizanthe rigida kanumuvu Frenchman Mts., sanuv Nev., 7.5', T.20S. R.63E., NE
2. Ephedra nevadensis* Mormon tea tutuupi
3. Eriogonum inflatum* desert trumpet papakurum
4. Larrea tridentata* creosote yatump greasewood
5. Sphaeralcea sp.* kupinav
*=Voucher specimen collected. p. 192
TABLE 48. INDIAN PLANTS IN LAS VEGAS WASH AREA OF IPP RIGHT -OF -WAY
BOTANICAL COMMON PAIUTE USGS MAP LOCATION
1. Ambrosia dumosa burrobush kutsiav No map location.
2. Atriplex spp. saltbush oavi
3. Chorizanthe rigida kamunuru sanuv
4. Echinocactus sp. barrelcactus pavio
5. Lycium torreyii* squawberry pa'up
6. Opuntia basillaris prickly pear navump
7. Phragmites australis* rush paxamp communis reed, cane
8. Pluchea sericea arrowweed NR
9. Prosopis glandulosa mesquite 'opimpu
10. Salvia columbariae chia sage sangwav
* = Voucher specimen collected. NR = Paiute name not remembered by NAPS or other Indian consultants. p. 193
REFERENCES CITED
Adams, Samuel L. 1955 "Pipe of Peace," in Indian Tribes and Their Dealings with the Mormons, compiled by Kate B. Carter. Salt Lake City: Daughters of Utah Pioneers, Lesson for March, 1955. pp. 396 -398.
Adams, William 1852 "Cheering for Iron County." (Parowan, Nov. 9, 1852). DESERET NEWS, vol. 3, no. 2, December 11, 1852, p.2, c.2.
Alegre, Francisco Javier 1960 Historia de la Provincia de la Compania de Jesus de Nueva Espana. Tomo IV. Libros 9 -10 (Anos 1676 -1766). Edited by Ernest J. Burrus y Felix Zubillaga. Roma: Biblioteca Instituti Historici S.J., Vol. XVII.
Alley, John 1977 The Las Vegas Paiutes: A Short History. Las Vegas: Las Vegas Tribe of Paiute Indians. (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Printing Service)
Alter, J. Cecil, comp. 1932 Utah: The Storied Domain, A Documentary History of Utah's Eventful Career. Chicago: American Historical Society. 3 vols.
Anderson, Edgar 1956 "Man as Maker of New Plants and New Plant Communities." pp.763 -77 in William Thomas Jr. (ed.) Man's Role in Changing the Fall of the Earth. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Anderson, Kenneth and Daisy Mike 1974 "History of the Las Vegas Indian Colony." Personal Reflections of the Shoshone -Paiute -Washo. Salt Lake City: Univ. of Utah Prtg. Service for Inter -Tribal Council of Nevada, 1974.
Anderson, Nels 1942 Desert Saints: The Mormon Frontier in Utah. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. p. 194
Armijo, Antonio 1954 "Diary." (1829 -30) Pp. 159 -165 in Old Spanish Trail: Santa Fe to Los Angeles with extracts from contemporary records including diaries... LeRoy R. Hafen and Ann W. Hafen eds. Glendale: Arthur H. Clark Co.
Arnold, Harry 1980 "Energy Development and the Religious Freedom Act." Oak Ridge National Laboratory Review 13:4, 42 -49.
Arrington, Leonard J. 1954 Orderville, Utah: A Pioneer Mormon Experiment in Economic Organization. Logan: Utah State Agricultural College Monograph Vol. 2, No. 2.
1958 Great Basin Kingdom: An Economic History of the Latter Day Saints 1830 -1900. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Arrington, Leonard J. and Davis Bitton 1979 The Mormon Experience: A History of the Latter Day Saints. New York: Alfred A. Knopf.
Associated Press 1982 "Paiutes Fight for Own Reservation: 500 Surviving Tribe Members Want U.S., Private Land in Southern Utah." Albuquerque Journal, 9 April 1982.
Bailey, Paul 1950 Walkara, Hawk of the Mountains. Los Angeles: (1954) Westernlore Press. Reprinted as The Claws of the Hawk: The Incredible Life of Wahker the Ute. Los Angeles: Westernlore Press, 1966.
Baldwin, Gordon C. 1950 "Archeological Survey of the Lake Mead Area." In For the Dean, Essays in Honor of Byron Cummings. Erik K. Reed and Dale S. King, eds. pp. 41 -49. Santa Fe and Tucson: Southwestern Monuments Association and Hohokam Museum Association.
Bancroft, Hubert Howe 1889 History of Arizona and New Mexico 1530 -1888. (The Works of...Vol. XVII) San Francisco: The History Co. Bean, Lowell J. and Sylvia B. Vane (eds.) 1978 Persistence and Power: A Study of Native American Peoples in the Sonoran Desert and the Devers -Palo Verde High Voltage Transmission Line. Report submitted by Cultural Ststems Research, Inc. to Southern California Edison Company. Rosemead: Southern California Edison Company. p. 195.
1979 Allen- Warner Valley Energy System: Western Transmission System Ethnographic and Historical Resources. Report submitted by Cultural Systems Research, Inc. to Southern California Edison Company. Southern California Edison Company.
Bennett, John W. 1976 The Ecological Transition: Cultural Anthropology and Human Adaptation. New York: Pergamon Press.
Bolton, Herbert E., trans., ed. 1930 Anza's California Expeditions, Vol. IV: Font's Complete Diary of the Second Anza Expedition. Berkeley: University of California Press.
1950 Pageant in the Wilderness: the Story of the Escalante Expedition to the Interior Basin, 1776. Salt Lake City: Utah State Historical Society.
Bringhurst, William 1855 "Letter to the Editor of the Deseret News." Deseret News, vol. 5, no. 22, August 8, 1855, p. 174.
Brooks, George R., ed. 1977 The Southwest Expedition of Jedediah S. Smith: His Personal Account of the Journey to California 1826 -1827. Glendale: The Arthur H. Clark Co. Brooks, Richard H., Daniel O. Larson and others 1975 Prehistoric and Historic Research along the Navajo -McCullough Transmission Line Right -of -Way. Report submitted by the Nevada Archaeological Survey, University of Nevada -Las Vegas to the Los Angeles Water and Power Company.
Brooks, Juanita 1944 "Indian Relations on the Mormon Frontier." Utah Historical Quarterly 12:1 -2, 1 -48.
1950 The Mountain Meadows Massacre. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
1961 "The Cotton Mission." Utah Historical Quarterly 29:3 (July), 200 -225.
Brough, Charles Hillman 1898 Irrigation in Utah. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press.
Browne, William Hand, ed. 1906 Archives of Maryland. Proceedings and Acts of the General Assembly of Maryland, September 1704 -April, 1706. Baltimore: Maryland Historical Society. p. 196
Brown, Thomas D. 1854 Letter to Governor Brigham Young. Harmony, June 22, 1854. Deseret News, Great Salt Lake City, vol. 4, no. 19, July 20, 1854, p.2, c.4.
Bull, Joseph 1860 "Correspondence from our Traveling Agent." The Deseret News, 10:2, (14 March), 13.
Bunte, Pamela and Richard Stoffle 1981 "The 1918 Flu Epidemic and Southern Paiute Territorial Rearrangement." Paper presented at the Annual Meetings of the American Society for Ethnohistory, Colorado Springs, October, 1981.
Bureau of Land Management 1975 The Desert Tortoise in Utah. Cedar City: Cedar City District, Bureau of Land Management, U.S. Department of the Interior.
Burrus, Ernest J., ed 1971 Kino and Mane: Explorers of Sonora and Arizona, Their Vision of the Future. A Study of Their Expeditions and Plans. Rome: Jesuit Historical Institute.
Burton, Richard F. 1861 -62 City of the Saints, and Across the Rocky Mountains to California. New York: Harper and Brothers (1862). London: Longmans, Green, Longmans and Roberts (1861).
Bye, Robert A., Jr. 1972 "Ethnobotany of the Southern Paiute Indians in the 1870's: with a Note on the Early Ethnbotanical Contributions of Dr. Edward Palmer." Pp. 87 -104 in Great Basin Cultural Ecology: A Symposium. Don D. Fowler, ed. Reno: Desert Research Institute Publications in the Social Sciences No. 8.
Campbell, Joseph 1964 The Masks of God: Occidental Mythology. New York: Viking Press.
Cardall, Duane 1982 "Paiute Reservation Proposal," Salt Lake city: KSL Television "Dimension Five ", April 10, 1982.
Chidester, Ida 1955 "In Garfield County," in Indian Tribes and Their Dealing with the Mormons, compiled by Kate B. Carter. Salt Lake City: Daughters of Utah Pioneers, Lesson for March, 1955. pp. 387 -390. p. 197
Corbett, Pearson H. 1952 Jacob Hamblin, The Peacemaker. Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Co.
Crosby, Alfred W., Jr. 1972 The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press.
The Deseret News Newspaper published at Salt lake City, Utah.
Dickens, Roy S. Jr. and Carole E. Hill 1978 Cultural Resources: Planning and Management. Boulder: Westview Press.
Dobyns, Henry F. 1960 The Religious Festival. Ithaca: Cornell University, Ph. D. dissertation.
1966 "Estimating Aboriginal American Population: An Appraisal of Techniques with a New Hemispheric Estimate." Current Anthropology 7:4 (October 1966): 395:416, 440 -444.
1974 Prehistoric Indian Occupation Within the Eastern Area of the Yuman Complex: A Study in Applied Archaeology. In Hualapai Indians I. David Agee Horr, ed. New York: Garland Pub., Inc.
1978 "Taking the Witness Stand." pp.261 -274 in Elizabeth Eddy and William Partridge, eds. Applied Anthropology in America. New York: Columbia University Press.
1981 From Fire to Flood: Historic Human Destruction of Sonoran Desert Riverine Oases. Socorro: Ballena Press Anthropological Papers No. 20.
1983 "Their Number Become Thinned ": Native American Population Dynamics in Eastern North America. Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press. In press.
Dobyns, Henry F., ed. 1980 Spanish Colonial Frontier Research. Albuquerque: Center for Anthropological Studies.
Dobyns, Henry F. and Robert C. Euler 1971 The Navajo People. Phoenix: Indian Tribal Series. p. 198
1980 Indians of the Southwest: A Critical Bibliography. Bloomington: Indiana University Press for the Newberry Library Center for the History of the American Indian.
Emerson, Willis George 1907 "The Nevada Bonanzas of Today." Out West, 26:2, (February), 103 -123.
Emory, William H. 1848 Notes of a Military Reconnoissance from Fort Leavenworth in Missouri to San Diego in California Including Parts of the Arkansas, Del Norte, and Gila Rivers. Washington: 30th Congress, 1st Session, Senate Executive Document 7.
ERT 1980 Kaiparowits Coal Development and Transportation Study. Report submitted to Bureau of Land Management. Fort Collins: Environmental Research and Technology, Inc.
Espinosa, J. Manuel 1942 Crusaders of the Rio Grande: The Story of Don Diego de Vargas and the Reconquest and Refounding, of New Mexico. Chicago: Institute of Jesuit History.
Euler, Robert C. 1964 "Southern Paiute Archaeology," American Antiquity 29:3 (Jan.) 379 -81.
1966 Southern Paiute Ethnohistory with a section "Environmental Setting and Natural Resources" by Catherine Sweeney Fowler. Salt Lake City: University of Utah, Anthropological Papers Number 78 (Glen Canyon Series Number 28).
Ewers, John C. 1973 "The Influence of Epidemics on the Indian Population and Cultures of Texas." Plains Anthropologist 18:104 -115.
Ezell, Paul H. 1961 The Hispanic Acculturation of the Gila River Pimas. American Anthropological Association Memoirs 90.
Fenton, R. N. 1869 "No. 37," in Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for the Year 1869. Washington: Government Printing Office, pp. 203 -204. p. 199
1870 "No. 34," in Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for the Year 1870. Washington: Government Printing Office, pp. 577 -578.
Finsterbusch, Kurt 1977 "The Use of Mini -Surveys in Social Impact Assessments." pp.291 -296 in K. Finsterbusch and C. P. Wolf (eds.) Methodology of Social Impact Assessment. New York: Dowden, Hutchinson, and Ross.
1980 Understanding Social Impacts: Assessing the Effects of Public Projects. Beverly Hills: Sage Publications.
Finsterbusch, Kurt and C. P. Wolf (eds.) 1977 Methodology of Social Impact Assessment. New York: Dowden, Hutchinson and Ross.
Fish and Wildlife Service 1980 Beaver Dam Slope Population of the Desert Tortoise in Utah; Listing as Threatened with Critical Habitat. Federal Register 45:103 (20 August), 55654- 55666.
Fleming, L. A. 1967 "The Settlements on the Muddy, 1865 to 1871: 'A Godforsaken Place'," Utah Historical Quarterly 35:2 (Spring) 147 -142.
Forney, J. 1859 "Visit of the Superintendent of Indian Affairs to Southern Utah" Deseret News, 9:10 (11 May) 73 col. 2 -3.
Fowler, Don D. and Catherine S. Fowler, eds. 1971 Anthropology of the Numa: John Wesley Powell's Manuscripts on the Numic Peoples of Western North America 1868 -1880. Washington: Smithsonian Contributions to Anthropology 14.
Garcia Icazbalceta, Joaquin, ed. 1866 Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de Mexico, Tomo Segundo. Mexico: Antigua Libreria.
Hackett, Charles W., ed., trans. 1937 Historical Documents Relating to New Mexico, Nueva Vizcaya and Approaches Thereto to 1773, Collected 1 Adolph F. A. Bandelier and Fanny R. Bandelier. Washington: Carnegie Institution of Washington. p. 200
Hackett, Charles Wilson, ed., Charmion Clair Shelby, trans. 1942 Revolt of the Pueblo Indians of New Mexico and ()terrain's Attempted Reconquest 1680 -1682. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.
Hafen, LeRoy R. and Ann W. Hafen, eds. 1954 Old Spanish Trail: Santa Fe to Los Angeles. Glendale: Arthur H. Clark Co.
Hammond, George P. and Agapito Rey, trans., eds. 1928 Obergon's History of 16th Century Explorations in Western America entitled Chronicle, Commentary, or Relation of the Ancient and Modern Discoveries in New Spain and New Mexico, Mexico, 1584. Los Angeles: Wetzel Publishing Company, Inc.
Hansen, Gary B. 1963 "Industry of Destiny: Copper in Utah," Utah Historical Quarterly. 31:3 (Summer 1963) 262 -279.
Hayes, Alden C., John Nathan Young and A. H. Warren. 1981 Excavation of Mound 7, Gran Quivira National Monument /New Mexico. Washington: U. S. Department of the Interior, National Park Service Publications in Archeology 16.
Heizer, Robert F. 1945 "Honey Dew Sugar in Western North America ", Masterkey. 19:5 140 -145.
Hill, Lawrence F. 1926 Jose de Secandon and the Founding of Nuevo Santander: A Study in Spanish Colonization. Columbus: Ohio University Press.
Hodge, Frederick Webb, ed. 1910 Handbook of American Indians North of Mexico. Part 2. Washington: Smithsonian Institution Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 30. Totowa, N. J.: Rowman and Littlefield, 1979.
Horton, George A. 1957 An Early History of Milford Up to Its Incorporation as a Town. Provo: Brigham Young University, M. A. Thesis, Department of History.
Jennings, Annie R. B. 1874 "Muddy Reservation" (from Washington, D. C., letter), Pioche Daily Record, June 28, 1874. P. 2, Col. 4.
Jensen, Andrew, Compiler 1926 History of Las Vegas Mission. Reno: Nevada State Historical Society, Papers 1925 -1926. pp. 117 -284. p. 201
Johnson, Aubrey S. 1983 "The Plodding Plight of the Desert Tortoise," Los Angeles Times, 4 January 1983.
Johnson, Joel H. 1853 "Iron County," Deseret News. March 5, 1853. Reprinted p. 147, Vol. 1. J. Cecil Alter, Utah: The Storied Domain. Chicago: American Historical Society, 1932.
Joralemon, Donald 1982 "New World Depopulation and the Case of Disease." Journal of Anthropological Research 38:108 -127.
Kappler, Charles J., Comp. 1904 Indian Affairs, Laws and Treaties (Laws) I. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1904.
1913 Indian Affairs, Laws and Treaties (Laws) III. Washington: Government Printing Office, 1913, 63d Congr. 2d Sess., Senate Doc. 719.
Kearney, Thomas H. and Robert H. Peebles 1942 Flowering Plants and Ferns of Arizona. Washington: United States Department of Agriculture, Miscellaneous Publication 423.
Kehoe, Alice B. 1981 "Revisionist Anthropology: Aboriginal North America." Current Anthropology 22:5; 503 -517.
Kelly, Isabel T. 1934 "Southern Paiute Bands," American Anthropologist 36:4 (Oct. -Dec.) 548 -560.
1939 Southern Paiute Shamanism. Berkeley: University of California Anthropological Records, 2:4 151 -167.
1964 Southern Paiute Ethnography. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press: Anthropological Paper No. 69.
Kellogg, Louise Phelps 1925 The French Regime in Wisconsin and the Northwest. Madison: State Historical Society of Wisconsin. New York: Cooper Square Publishers, 1968.
Kessell, John L. 1979 Kiva, Cross and Crown. The Pecos Indians and New Mexico 1540 -1840. Washington: National Park Service. p. 202
Kip, William Ingraham 1846 The Early Jesuit Missions in North America; Compiled and Translated from the Letters of the French Jesuits, with Notes. New York: Wiley Putnam. Kneese, Allen V. and F. Lee Brown 1981 The Southwest Under Stress: National Resource Development in a Regional Setting. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press for Resources for the Future.
Kroeber, Alfred L. 1925 Handbook of the Indians of California. Washington: Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 78.
1939 Cultural and Natural Areas of Native North America. Berkeley: University of California Press, Publications in American Archaeology Ethnology Vol. 38.
Laird, Carobeth 1976 The Chemehuevis. Banning: Malki Museum Press.
Larson, Gustive O. 1952 "Journal of the Iron County Mission, John D. Lee, Clerk; December 10, 1850 --March 1, 1851," Utah Historical Quarterly, 20:1 (Jan., 1952) 109 -134.
Las Vegas Age Newspaper published at Las Vegas, Nevada.
Lee, John D. 1852 "Letter from Elder John D. Lee," Deseret News, Great Salt Lake City, march 20, 1852, p.3. c. 3.
1852 "Extracts of a Letter from J. D. Lee: Parowan, Iron Co., March 13, 1852." Deseret News, v. 2, April 17, 1852, p. 1, c. 6.
Leistritz, F. Larry and Steven H. Murdock 1981 The Socioeconomic Impact of Resource Development: Methods for Assessment. Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press.
Leupp, Francis 1907 "Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs." Washington, D. C.: Government Printing Office. p. 203
Lockwood, Daniel W. 1872 "Appendix A. Report..." in George M. Wheeler, Preliminary Report concering Exploratioins and Surveys Principally in Nevada and Arizona...1871. Washington: Government Printing Office, pp. 62 -76.
Manly, William Lewis 1894 Death Valley in '49. San Jose; The Pacific Tree and Vine Co. Reprint, New York: Readex Microprint, 1966.
Mendieta, Geronimo de 1945 Historia Eclesiastica Indiana. Mexico: Editorial Salvador Chavez Hayhoe.
McNight, James 1858 "Cotton and Its Culture in Utah," The Deseret News, 8:33 (20 October) 141.
Middlebrook, Neal n.d. Review of the status of the Desert Tortoise on Arizona's Beaver Dam Slope. unpublished manuscript.
Nevin, David, and others, 1978 The Mexican War. Alexandria: Time -Life Books.
Olsen, Robert W., Jr. 1965 "Pipe Springs, Arizona, and Thereabouts," Journal of Arizona History, 6:1 (Spring) 11 -20.
"One of Them." 1907 "Goldfield and the Goldfielders." Out West, 26:2 (February) 124 -145.
Orton, Richard H., Comp. 1890 Records of California Men in the War of the Rebellion, 1861 to 1867. Sacramento: State Office.
Ostanik, Michael n.d. Moapa Band of Paiute Indians. Las Vegas: Graphics West, Inc.
Paher, Stanley W. 1970 Nevada Gost Towns Mining Camps. Berkeley: Howell -North Books.
Palmer, Edward 1878 "Plants Used by the Indians of the United States," American Naturalist, 12, pp. 593 -606, 646 -655.
Palmer, William R. 1928 "Indian Names in Utah Geography," Utah Historical Quarterly 1:1, (January), 5 -26. p. 204
1929 "Pahute Indian Government and Laws," Utah Historical Quarterly 2:2 (April) 35 -42.
1958 "Early Day Trading with the Mining Camps" Utah Historical Quarterly 26:4 (October, 1958) 352 -368.
Pioche Daily Record Newspaper published at Pioche, Nevada.
Powell, John W. 1957 Exploration of the Colorado River. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Powell, john W. and G. W. Ingalls 1874 "Report of J. W. Powell and G. W. Ingalls, Special Commissioners to Enumerate Indians in Nevada and Adjacent Places." Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for the Year 1873. Washington, D. C.: Government Printing Office. pp. 41 -58.
Pratt, Addison 1954 "Diary" (1849) pp. 66 -112, in Journals of Forty -Niners, Salt Lake to Los Angeles Edited by LeRoy R. Hafen and Ann W. Hafen. Glendale: Arthur H. Clark Co. Rambeau, Norman and Winona Holmes and others 1976 Nuwuvi: A Southern Paiute History. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Printing Service for the Inter -Tribal Council of Nevada.
Ramirez, Teodoro 1837 Oficio al governador del Estado Tuscon. (Archivo del Estado de Sonora).
Rich, Charles C. 1954 "Diary" (1849), pp. 181 -192 in Journals of Forty -Niners, Salt Lake to Los Angeles. Edited by LeRoy R. Hafen and Ann W. Hafen. Glendale: Arthur H. Clark Co.
Rosen, Lawrence 1980 "The Excavation of American Indian Burial Sites: A Problem in Law and Professional Responsibility." American Anthropologist 82:1 5 -27.
Rusling, James F. 1875 Across America, or the Great West and the Pacific Coast. New York: Sheldon Co. p. 205
Sauer, Carl O. 1835 Aboriginal Population Of Northwest Mexico. Berkeley: University of California Ibero- Americana: 10.
Shipek, Florence C. 1970 The Autobiography of Delfina Cuero. Banning: Malki Museum Press, Morongo Indian Reservation.
1981 "CA Comment to Revisionist Anthropology." Current Anthropology 22:5, 514.
Schroeder, Albert H. 1952 A Brief Survey of the Lower Colorado River from Davis Dam to the International Border. Boulder City, Nevada: Bureau of Reclamation Reproduction Unit, Region Three.
Scrugham, James G., ed. 1935 Nevada: A Narrative of the Conquest of a Frontier Land. Chicago: American Historical Society, 3 vols.
Secoy, Frank Raymond 1953 Changing Military Patterns on the Great Plains: 17th Century through Early 19th Century. Monographs of the American Ethnological Society. Edited by Esther S. Goldfrank. Locust Valley, NY: J.J. Augustin Publisher.
Sharp, William C. 1905 "Report of Farmer in Charge of Paiute on Moapa Reservation (15 Aug. 1904)" Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for 1904. Washington: 58th Congr. 3d Sess., House Doc. No. 5.
1907 "Report of Industrial Teacher in Charge of Moapa River Reservation" 1 Aug. 1906. in Annual Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs. Washington: 59th Congr., 2d Sess., House Doc. vol. 15.
Sheridan, Thomas E. and Thomas H. Naylor, eds. 1979 Raramuri: A Tarahumara Colonial Chronicle 1607 -1791. Flagstaff: Northland Press.
Smith, George A. 1852 "Letter to the Editor" Deseret News 3:2 (11 December) 2.
Smith, J. C. L. and John Steele 1852 Letter from Parowan. Parowan, June 26, 1852. Deseret News, Great Salt Lake City, vol.2, No. 20, p.1 c.5 (August 7, 1852). p. 206
Snow, Erastus 1862 "Latest from the Cotton Country" The Deseret News, 11:35 (February 26) 280.
Snow, William J. 1929 "Utah Indians and Spanish Slave Trade," Utah Historical Quarterly, 2:3 (July) 67 -79.
Spicer, Edward H. 1957 "Worlds Apart -- Cultural Differences in the Modern Southwest" Arizona Quarterly 13:3 pp.197 -230.
1962 Cycles of Conquest: The Impact of Spain, Mexico, and the United States on the Indians of the Southwest, 1533 -1960. Tuscon: University of Arizona Press.
1971 "Persistent Cultural Systems," Science, 174:4011 (19 Nov.) 795 -800.
1980 The Yaquis: A Cultural History. Tuscon: University of Arizona Press.
Stearn, E. Wagner and Allen E. Stearn 1945 The Effect of Smallpox on the Destiny of the Amerindian. Boston: Bruce Humphries, Inc.
Steele, John 1855 Elders Correspondence. Deseret News, vol. 5, No. 29, September 26, 1855, p.232 c.1 Las Vegas, Elder John Steele to Elder Geo. A. Smith, (July 25, 1855).
Steward, Julian H. 1938 Basin -Plateau Aboriginal Sociopolitical Groups. Washington: Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 120.
1974 Aboriginal and Historical Groups of the Ute Indians of Utah: An Analysis with Supplement. In, Ute Indians I, David Agee Horr, ed. New York: Garland. Stoffle, Richard W. and Henry F. Dobyns, eds. 1982a Nuvagante: Nevada Indians Comment on the Intermountain Power Project, Nevada Section of Intermountain -Adelanto Bipole I Proposal. Kenosha: University of Wisconsin -- Parkside.
1982b Puaxant Tuvip: Utah Indians Comment on the Intermountain Power Project, Utah Section of Intermountain -Adelanto Bipole I Proposal. Kenosha: University of Wisconsin -Parkside. p. 207
Stoffle, Richard W. and Michael J. Evans 1976 "Resource Competition and Population Change: A Kaibab Paiute Ethnohistorical Case." Ethnohistory 23:2 (Spring): 173 -197 (Reprinted 1978, Kaibab Paiute Tribe). Stoffle, Richard W., Merle C. Jake, Michael J. Evans and Pamela A. Bunte. 1981 "Establishing Native American Concerns in Social Impact Assessments," Social Impact Assessment 65/66, 3 -10.
Soffle, Richard W., Merle C. Jake, Pamela a. Bunte, and Michael J. Evans 1982 "Southern Paiute Peoples' SIA Responses to Energy Proposals." pp.107 -134 in Indian SIA: The Social Impact Assessment of Rapid Resource Development on Native Peoples. Charles C. Geisler et. al. eds. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, Natural Resource Sociology Research. Lab Monograph No. 3.
Swagerty, William R. (ed.) 1979 Indian Sovereignty: Proceedings of the Second Annual Conference on Problems and Issues Concerning American Indians Today. Center for the History of the American Indian, Occasional Papers Series No. 2 Chicago: The Newberry Library.
Thwaites, Rueben Gold, ed. 1897 The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents. Travels and Explorations of the Jesuit Missionaries in New France 1610 -1791. Vol. VIII. Quebec, Hurons, Cape Breton 1634 -1636. Cleveland: Burrows Brothers Co. Tom, Bill; Billy Frye; Preston Tom and Travis Benoih 1982 Proposal from the Southern Paiute Nation for a Full- Service BIA Agency. Southern Paiute Nation.
Thomas, Peter A. 1976 - "Contrastive Subsistence Strategies and Land Use as Factors for Understanding Indian -White Relations in New England." Ethnohistory 23:1, 1 -18.
Train, Percy, James R. Henrichs and W. Andrew Archer 1941 Medicinal Uses of Plants Indian Tribes of Nevada. Washington: U. S. Department of Agriculture, Contributions towardds a Flora of Nevada No. 33. Reprinted, in Paiute Indians IV. New York: Garland Publishing Inc., 1974. Edited by David Agee Horr. p. 208
Tramp 1884 "The Muddy," Pioche Weekly Record 25:22. February 10, 1883 p.3, col. 3.
The TriWeekly Ely Record Newspaper published at Pioche, Nevada.
Tucker, Gordon C. Jr. 1983 Results of Archaeological Investigations Along. the Nevada Section of the Proposed Intermountain Power Project (IPP) Intermountain -Adelanto Line 1 (Revised). Montrose: Nickens and Associates.
U. S. Federal Agencies Task Force 1979 American Indian Religious Freedom Act Report. Washington D. C.: Department of the Interior. (August) Mimeo.
Vetancurt, Agustin de 1961 Teatro Mexicano. Descripcion Breve de los Sucesos Exemplares de la Nueva -Espana en el Nuevo Muendo Occidental de las Indias. III. Chronica de la Provincia del Santo Evangelio. Madrid: Jose Porrua Turanzas, Editor. Coleccion Chimalistac de Libros y documentos Acerca de la Nueva Espana.
Wade, Edwin L. and Lea S. McChesney 1980 America's Great Lost Expedition: The Thomas Keam Collection of Hopi Pottery from the Second Hemenway Expedition, 1890 -1894. Phoenix: Heard Museum.
Wallace, Anthony F. C. 1956 "Revitalization Movements" American Anthropologist 58:2 (April) 264 -281. Wallace, Earnest, and E. Adamson Hoebel 1952 The Commanches: Lords of the South Plains. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.
Walker, Don D. 1962 "Longhorns Come to Utah," Utah Historical Quarterly, 30:2 (Spring) 134 -47.
Wheeler, George M. 1872 Preliminary Report concerning Explorations and Surveys Principally in Nevada and Arizona....1871. Washington: Govenment Printing Office.
White, David R. M. 1980 "Religion, Politics, and Cultural Loopholes: An Examination of the American Indian Religious Freedom Act." Paper presented at the annual meeting of the Society of Applied Anthropology, Denver, Colorado. p. 209
Winter, Joseph C. 1980 "Indian Heritage Preservation and Archaeologists" American Antiquity 45:1, 121 -131.
Wood, W. Raymond 1980 "Plains Trade in Prehistoric and Protohistoric Intertribal Relations," pp.98:109 in Anthropology on the Great Plains. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.
Woodbury, Angus M. 1944 "A History of Southern Utah and its National Parks." Utah State Historical Quarterly 12:3 -4, 11 -223.
1965 Notes of the Human Ecology of Glen Canyon. Anthropological Paper No. 74. Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press.
Young, Sheldon 1954 "Log" in LeRoy R. Hafen and Ann W. Hafen, eds. Journals of Fourty -Niners, Salt Lake to Los Angeles. Glendale: Arthur H. Clark Co., pp. 60 -66.