Pulled to Diversify

Pulled to diversify:

Confronting poverty through the beadwork identity of the Durban rickshaw pullers

by Rowan Gatfield

Introduction ‘Someone awoken from a 20-year coma Hein Marais’ observations published would surely find twenty-first century in 2011 still bear gravitas in this article South Africa unrecognisable’ with the situated around the partial failure of impression of an economy that had well-intentioned or uncreative tourism sufficiently recovered since the fall of approaches in KwaZulu-Natal to allevi- apartheid. Although important social ate the poverty of informal traders along improvements are being made such as Durban’s Golden Mile. access to schooling and health care, and It is common knowledge that sig- provision of water and sanitation, this nificant differences in poverty levels is not the case. Efforts to change the exist between population groups in lives of South Africans for the better South Africa. In terms of poverty share, are instead being thwarted by various 64.2% of this is attributed to the black hindrances, some of which are based population.2 When travelling through on ‘legacies of history, some stem from the rural hinterland or informal settle- specific policy choices’, while others ments surrounding South African cities, are more directly a consequence of abject poverty is still very apparent. By failed systems and mismanagement.1 contrast, the tourist mecca of Durban

Natalia 49 (2019) Copyright © Natal Society Foundation 2019 Pulled to diversify is known for its warm waters, pristine this manufacture, now evident through beaches and rows of five-star beachfront its ongoing use by Tourism KwaZulu- hotels. Natal, whose slogan ‘Zulu Kingdom, Between 2011 and 2015, visits to exceptional’, established in the early KwaNyuswa, a peri-urban region, 2000s, cemented the province’s ethnic- 30 kilometres outside Durban, were tourism approach.7 conducted to identify and document In this way indigenous ethnicity in craft economies among poor black KwaZulu-Natal has been delimited inhabitants. The study revealed a com- and conceptually packaged for tour munity ‘on its knees’, struggling to operators and tourists. For example, return from its economic segregation the South African tour operator Safari from the city during apartheid.3 This 365 details that: struggle includes its ‘return’ to the The Zulu-Kingdom is … worthy of a Durban tourism economy, which now visit because of its unique cultural sig- appears to be experiencing an increase nificance. Once led by the legendary in international visitors. Shaka Zulu, the way of life and proud Between 2012 and 2019 King Shaka traditions of the Zulu nation have been Airport reflected a 46% increase in largely preserved on this ancestral international visitors compared with land. Greeted by spear-wielding war- Cape Town International Airport with riors and traditional Zulu dancers, 57.3% growth,4 a difference of 11.3%. visitors will have the opportunity to get a glimpse of South Africa’s ancient Of South Africa’s provinces KwaZulu- 8 Natal has been identified as one of the cultures and traditions. least likely destinations for domestic In this way, identity and culture inter- tourism next to the North West, North- sect as a ‘collective subjectivity and ern Cape and Free State.5 The reasons as an “ethnicity”’,9 a term that by its for KwaZulu-Natal’s poor national definition implies ‘an assumed state – performance are not revealed in the an unchallenged belonging to a social cited reports, but an examination of its group with common national or cultural tourism approach is revealing. tradition’.10 This state and belonging is In 1992 South African anthropolo- therefore implied, and thus assumed. gist and historian Carolyn Hamilton What is also implied is that the Zulu identified that Zulu ethnic tourism – are frozen in time as ‘spear-wielding the consumption of Zulu history and warriors’ and ‘traditional dancers’. culture – had been ‘actively marketed This Safari 365 excerpt is indicative for much of the twentieth century’ and of the broader KwaZulu-Natal tourism had formed part of the growing inter- operator rhetoric, which often capi- national commodification of African talises on the ethnicity assumption by culture. She pointed out that during the tourists who, quite likely, understand 1980s and 1990s such forms of com- the contradictions of modernity and modification were particularly active globalisation and that what is being at KwaZulu-Natal tourism ‘hot spots’, purchased is in reality, temporary, acted where history, ‘ethnic identity and out, staged, largely inauthentic and most notions of tradition and culture’ were often the only recourse (to income) for actively manufactured.6 The use of the the actors. This self-consciousness by Zulu label was an intrinsic aspect of tourists and tour operators is:

Natalia 49 (2019) CC-BY-NC cc Natal Society Foundation 2019 Pulled to diversify

underscored, made undeniably poi- 2018, ‘spending by … visitors in and gnant, by an all-too-concrete reality: to KwaZulu-Natal was estimated to be that in many desperately poor parts R5bn’. In the same year hotel occu- of the world, the attenuation of other pancy in Durban was at 64.2 %. Tour- modes of … income has left the sale of ism in the province is estimated to have cultural products and of the simulacra translated into 123 348 jobs in 2018 of ethnicized selfhood as the only viable means of survival.11 either directly or indirectly, pointing to the possibility of micro-economies such This study is thus situated around the as bead working and rickshaw pulling unfortunate inevitability of poverty. benefiting from this large spend.14 During empirical research, conducted Given that tourism is still a viable along Durban’s beachfront in 2011, means to alleviate poverty, there is a while observing tourist interactions it pressing need to understand why the became apparent that authenticity in Zulu brand positioning is failing to the form of Zulu cultural products was compete nationally (that is, of course, if being actively sought out and then those driving this approach are willing realised, or reinforced, during sales to acknowledge that the Zulu branding pitches by bead workers and rickshaw or Zuluness approach is indeed failing). pullers. The ‘value’ created in this Quite recently it was proposed that ‘the intersection is the result of ‘a deep “Zuluness” factor … can be used by ambivalence in modern life: a sense the Zulu Kingdom to foster its clear of “exile” from “authentic” otherness value position or unique brand essence – albeit in consumable form’.12 in the global tourism marketplace’. By The pursuit and delivery of Zulu ‘Zuluness’ it appears that the author is authenticity is, therefore, the desired referring to: result of the now well-worn ‘Zulu The societal attitudes and values in the Kingdom’ approach which, in com- Zulu Kingdom, such as the concept parison to Cape Town, is failing to of Ubuntu – the spirit of humanity, show meaningful comparative (inter- respect for strangers and the elderly; provincial) growth or to drive new and the energetic and colourful dances forms of attraction to the province. of the Zulus are pivots of the Zulu na- By extension, expectations for informal tion’s identity which distinguish the traders within the Durban tourism in- people of KwaZulu-Natal from the dustry to rise above their circumstances rest of South Africans.15 seem unlikely to be fulfilled. The World Here, the terms ‘Zulus’ and ‘Zulu Na- Tourism Organisation articulates this tion’ perpetuate the idea of the singular concern: polity which distinguishes and thus Tourism is very sensitive to economic seemingly represents all indigenes … and socio-political events affecting within KwaZulu-Natal. The origins tourists’ willingness to travel. In the and problematic nature of such ongoing absence of insurance cover and social identity reification are illuminated when security, the poor can be particularly considering Durban’s tourism history. vulnerable to sudden downswings in Since the rise of the Zulu Kingdom demand.13 under Shaka in the 1790s and early That said, a clear value in the Zulu 1800s, cultural differences among small- marketing approach still remains: in er Nguni chiefdoms were either effaced

Natalia 49 (2019) CC-BY-NC cc Natal Society Foundation 2019 Pulled to diversify or preserved within the kingdom. After were developed on a significant scale the defeat of the Zulu Kingdom in 1879 along the Golden Mile from the 1950s by the British, the term Zulu seized hold to the 1970s, culminating in significant as colonial shortening for the groups investment by the Durban City Council amalgamated into the kingdom.16 in the early 1980s.22 In 1902, Durban boosters targeting By the 1960s internationally British tourists employed the concept screened films such asZulu (1964) and of local colour (the supposedly unique Zulu Dawn (1979), as well as national- customs, manner of speech, dress, or ly televised series such as Shaka Zulu special features of its inhabitants); or, (1986), meant that the Zulu identity, in other words, ‘inhabitants of colour … aesthetic and Shaka warrior stereotype no different in the minds of promoters were internationally circulated. What to the value of Venetian gondoliers or transpired was a process of turning London cockneys in promoting a desti- the Zulu legacy and Shaka icon into nation’.17 Local colour made reference a tourism commodity.23 This materi- to the Zulu- speaking ethnic majority in alised in Protea Hotel’s Shakaland in Natal Colony who, together with an em- 1988 but, as indicated, was cemented phasis on Durban’s British modernity, through the marketing tagline that helped immigrant boosters construct a framed the region to tourists as the Durban identity.18 ‘Kingdom of the Zulu’ in the 1990s.24 By 1906 many Natal Africans had This was followed by the naming of adopted the Zulu identity, ‘whereas the beachfront uShaka Marine World they had not before’ and elected to fight in 2004 and King Shaka Airport in against the British on the side of the 2011. To reiterate, these respective Zulu King.19 This identity assimilation developments are based on an ongoing repeated itself during ethnically framed assumption, that every black person labour conflicts in Johannesburg, where in Durban is ‘culturally connected divide and rule tactics by white employ- to a tribe’.25 In this instance it is the ers fomented a Zulu ethno-genesis for Zulu tribe and the trinkets for sale are workers from disparate Natal ethnic therefore seen by tourists as the real groupings.20 thing – authentic Zulu artefacts made After winning the general election by Zulu bead workers.26 in 1948, the National Party went on to However, the view that all bead- implement the Group Areas Act (1950) work or rickshaw pulling in KwaZu- and Separate Amenities Act (1953) lu-Natal is exclusively ‘Zulu’, is not permitting exclusive use of the best necessarily the view of hinterland beaches, hotels and tourist attractions bead workers or the rickshaw pull- by whites.21 Tourist-related products ers, despite their use of the popular

Figure 1: The multi-coloured Isinyolovane style showing its coloured dotting on a black field (Photos Rowan Gatfield; reproduced (from left to right) by kind permission of Zamuntu Majola; KwaZulu-Natal Museum Collections; Ugabasile Phewa; and KwaZulu-Natal Museum Collections)

Natalia 49 (2019) CC-BY-NC cc Natal Society Foundation 2019 Pulled to diversify term as a sales tool. For example, the Zuluness (the disregard for other KwaNyuswa region, where many of identities) therefore represents much the Ngcobo and Nyuswa reside, still more than the goodwill or cultural has its particular Isinyolovane style distinctiveness of black people in Kwa- (Figure 1) made by the same women Zulu-Natal.33 Instead, its continued use who produce a style for sale to tourists raises a number of ethical and economic referred to as Isimodeni (Figure 2), concerns. First, its publicly unqualified or the modern style. During field re- (uncontextualised) use perpetuates this search in KwaNyuswa it was revealed history of control and manipulation. that many bead workers did not ex- Second, it has the potential to misrepre- clusively identify themselves as Zulu; sent certain individuals (trading within but also as Qadi, Nyuswa, Shangase various tourism micro-economies or Ngcobo despite historic attempts at across the province) who are unwilling Zulu ethnic homogeneity.27 to be seen as, or their offerings being Scholarship interrogating this ho- marketed as, Zulu. Third, there is suf- mogenisation process has confronted ficient evidence to suggest (in tourism the stereotype of King Shaka ka visitor statistics) that the current mar- Senzangakhona Zulu and the nature keting approach needs revisiting, if it is and legitimacy of his legacy, and to alleviate poverty effectively. his role and effect through Mfecane This article is thus concerned with (by confronting the extent of his Zulu-speaking individuals who live hegemonic appropriation of smaller outside Durban in peri-urban or rural polities and their territories). Mfecane areas and access tourism economies in has been a significant aspect of the the region and thus rely on the market- position underpinning past claims by ing approach of the region. It examines current King Goodwill Zwelithini and how informal traders along the Golden Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi to vari- Mile, particularly rickshaw pullers ous forms of geographic sovereignty but subsequently bead workers, might within the KwaZulu-Natal region.28 improve their access to ethnic-tourism Scholarship also extends to con- economies. This enquiry is thus posi- fronting Zuluness or Zulu-isation; tioned as an exploration of the material the essentialising, ethnic conflation culture (particularly beadwork) and and identity assimilation behind Zulu related ethnographies in the KwaZulu- identity.29 The use of the term has been Natal region. described as a monolithic characterisa- If, as in Nkosi’s view, Zuluness is tion of black people in KwaZulu-Natal, the brand essence for the province, by intentionally disregarding the com- then this study is an investigation into plexities of other residual identities.30 In brand diversification by examining if this way, whoever wields the Zulu label other ethnic-tourism offerings might controls the political history of the re- sit alongside the ‘Zulu Kingdom, ex- gion.31 Such attempts culminated in an ceptional’ brand. As established, Zulu ideological and physical split between brand equity represents fiscal, but also Zulu speakers, with many feeling that perceptive, value.34 Equity is also de- their idea of being Zulu did not align rived from heritage value, linked in this with Zulu nationalism and the agendas instance through film to the histories of the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP).32 of the Anglo-Zulu War battles and the

Natalia 49 (2019) CC-BY-NC cc Natal Society Foundation 2019 Pulled to diversify distinctive warrior motif. Thus, the first section of this article ‘If tourists experience meaning- examines the identity assumptions ful connection, through identifying made about the multi-coloured Zulu- with cultural values and by creating ness of the Durban rickshaw pullers congruence between their cultural who, over a 123-year period, have orientation (assumptions) and the des- capitalised on identity assumptions tination brand, they will be more likely made by tourists surrounding the to revisit.’ These aspects represent a Zulu authenticity of their flamboyant competitive advantage and long-term pseudo-traditional paraphernalia and profitability over other ethnic tourism cart decoration. Interviews with rick- offerings elsewhere in the country and shaw pullers support this examination. the world.35 This advantage extends The second section considers the his- to another form of equity surround- tory of the service but also the developing the Zulu brand, namely cultural ment of its aesthetic. In the third section distinctiveness (derived from material the study turns to examination of the cultural representations), perceived as diversification in the details within the ‘colourful exotica’ and ‘authentic other- pervasive multi-colouredness of the ness’ most often consumed by tourists pullers’ outfits and within the beadwork photographically.36 of the province. The study illuminates This visual equity is described as how beadwork specimens, gathered in intrinsic to the ‘Tourist Gaze’,37 given KwaZulu-Natal archives and through that for a tourist, a photographic image visits to rural and peri-urban regions transcribes reality, evidences where one in KwaZulu-Natal, represent regional was, how far one has travelled, and the stylistic typologies. Finally, in the changing contexts that one’s life was fourth section a consultative process anchored to in that moment.38 Besides of design anthropology is described in the rickshaw ride, which involves being which I and my graphic design students drawn, and then carefully thrown about from Durban University of Technology in one’s seat by a human puller, it is the restored two Durban rickshaws and keepsake photograph that follows that is pullers’ outfits with the aim of test- of significance. This photograph is not ing an emergent brand diversification only intrinsic to the puller’s business as premise based on regional or group an additional income; it also becomes beadwork design systems. a means for the tourist to transport the moment and visual experience. Multi-coloured Zuluness Human objects of fascination are Like most privileged white children thus implicated with tourism pack- in Durban, I enjoyed access to pristine age products. Yet, in order for these sites along the north and south coasts of products to be effective economically, KwaZulu-Natal and on Durban’s beach- it is necessary that the tourist’s gaze is front, where I encountered the rickshaw not impeded by the offerings of infra- pullers and an array of street vendors structure. The tourist’s gaze upon the selling beadwork. These were imme- object of fascination is therefore the diately linked to the histories taught to ‘sacred offering’, sometimes purposely me at school about the Zulu, in which contrived to stimulate the capturing of an assumption was facilitated about memories.39 the Zulu authenticity of the beadwork

Natalia 49 (2019) CC-BY-NC cc Natal Society Foundation 2019 Pulled to diversify and the rickshaws I encountered. Never es to the Zulu rickshaw service as ‘run once in my 50 years as a Durbanite or by the Zulu’ and that rickshaws have as a graphic designer did I question that been ‘incorporated into their culture’ the identity and beadwork of those in perpetuate the identity assumption.41 the province were anything other than This assumption is compounded by Zulu. To this day, I believe that this is these vendors, speaking in Zulu and fol- still a general public consensus. lowing similar cultural practices while In 2011, with a view of understand- operating alongside tourism vendors ing the beadwork offered for sale to who construct Zulu-themed spaces such tourists, as part of a PhD study in as the uShaka Marine World, owned by anthropology, I revisited coastal sites the city of Durban.42 Outside the water such as Amanzimtoti, Scottburgh, Port park you are mostly likely to find the Shepstone and Umhlanga Rocks, and Durban rickshaw pullers dressed in inland tourist sites like Eshowe, in or- beadwork and multi-coloured head- der to interview beadwork retailers.40 I dresses. Inside the uShaka Marine also made numerous visits to Durban’s World curio shops, as well as nearby Golden Mile. During these visits I en- along the Golden Mile, bead worker- gaged in unstructured interviews with owned stalls stock a very similar multi- craftswomen, vendors and rickshaw coloured product. In all instances in pullers. The aim was to understand the uShaka Marine World curio shops, in identity and origins of the beadwork beaded trinkets, and in the rickshaw encountered to establish if it represented outfits and carts, a multi-coloured style anything other than Zulu. All those I was evident; and referred to by bead interviewed were unanimous: that the workers as Isimodeni or the modern beadwork being sold and consumed was style, identified by its large colourful purely Zulu in origin. triangles often with a black beaded line Initially, I resigned myself to the fact separating each triangle from the next.43 that these informants either sincerely This research established that: believed this or were playing to my From 1968 onward, hinterland bead- potential as a tourist intent on buying workers officially entered Durban’s an authentic Zulu artefact, or paying for beachfront economy. Pressed to the opportunity to capture a photograph survive in Durban’s racially stratified of myself alongside what I (the tourist) environment, they took influence from might assume to be an authentic Zulu the successful approaches of rick- rickshaw puller. shaw pullers who had modified their traditional aesthetic to better serve Search the word Zulu online and it constructed mental representations of is fairly easy to see why tourists ar- Zuluness to an affluent white audience. rive primed to assume that most black Further, by responding to the demands people wearing or selling beadwork in of white tourists and development KwaZulu-Natal are Zulu. As discussed, agents (selling beadwork), these bead- it is widely publicised that there is a workers, hampered by their ability to Zulu monarch and Zulu traditions in describe and defend the true meaning of their offerings, renegotiated the which Zulu ceremonial beadwork is traditional isinyolovane (Figure 1), by worn. Such perceptions have, therefore, taking influence from the triangular stuck through years of public reinforce- Nongoma Style to form the Isimodeni ment. By extension, therefore, referenc- Style (Figure 2).44

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Figure 2 left to right: The Isimodeni style reflected in uShaka’s interior, in beadwork for sale, and in the rickshaw pullers’ horns (photographs and illustration Rowan Gatfield, 2011) This triangular pattern is also reflected modified nature of what is on offer, in uShaka’s decorated interior (Figure but most significantly, the saturation 2). Thus, the various offerings in uSha- of the market place with the Isimodeni ka, among the pullers’ outfits and carts, style in tourist souvenirs, at uShaka, and along the Golden Mile, are largely and also among the rickshaw pullers. visually indistinguishable from each The difficulty with this arrangement other. What was thus established was is in the limited choice for tourists of that the Isimodeni style is perceived by assumed traditional artefacts alongside bead workers and many black people in other contemporary offerings such as the country as a symbol of modernity or amusement parks, beach towels, and as a new fashion. Yet what was also evi- buckets and spades. dent was that an assumption remained, In an ethnic tourism milieu the lim- that Isimodeni was assumed by tourists ited choice of what is made available to be authentic Zulu material culture, an as authentic tradition for sale results assumption linked to the ‘Kingdom of in market saturation. Scholarship on the Zulu’ marketing approach. In 2014 a tourism souvenirs has highlighted KwaZulu-Natal Tourism product devel- this phenomenon, noting that it is the opment strategy offered that there is a ‘underlying perceptions of traditions lack of substance in the ‘Kingdom of the as the foundation for decision making’ Zulu’ approach: ‘The ultimate success that affects goods chosen for the tourist of a brand depends upon the reputation consumer.46 Thus, whoever controls the that the brand has … KwaZulu-Natal conceptual representations of tradition has a reputation that has suffered at the controls the production of cultural hands of a variety of largely uncontrol- objects for consumption in corporate lable internal and external factors, like settings where makers are encouraged crime, grime, violence, HIV/Aids, and to ‘synthesise local heterogeneity with tardy infrastructure’.45 The report goes other cultural phenomena to produce on to suggest that this reputation needs distinctive, homogenised products’. to be clarified and changed positively This is referred to as glocalisation wherever possible. where global demand affects local The diminishing value of this brand production.47 However, in such spaces could, therefore, be attributed to the transformation can also occur where state of the environment surrounding fresh ideas from other cultures are fa- the tourism offerings and the com- voured and where the local culture (in

Natalia 49 (2019) CC-BY-NC cc Natal Society Foundation 2019 Pulled to diversify this instance Zulu) may be abandoned A potential for alternatives emerged (or modified) in favour of alternatives. in 2015 while interviewing rickshaw This points to a likelihood that the pullers. I happened to have a copy of tourists are discerning and may wish the version of the publication Durban to seek out other forms of traditional produced in 1977 for tourists.47 It fea- authenticity. tured a rickshaw puller on the cover.

Figure 3: Damaged and worn carts and outfits of Durban rickshaws. The images eflectr the beadwork of the Usuthu region (black, blue, red and white) and the Mandlakazi (black, red, green and white) (courtesy William Sibiya; photo Rowan Gatfield, 2011)

Figure 4: Nongoma style rickshaw dress bearing Mandlakazi (red, black, green and white) and Usuthu beadwork (red, black, white and blue, sometimes with green added) (courtesy Phansi Museum, Glenwood, Durban; photo Rowan Gatfield, 2012)

Natalia 49 (2019) CC-BY-NC cc Natal Society Foundation 2019 Pulled to diversify

A respondent puller, William Sibiya which a distance was maintained: be- explained: tween rich and poor; between black and Ah yes, this man is my Uncle, and white; and between the tourist’s gaze 49 I still have his rickshaw. We are all and the objects of the gaze. Language from Nongoma here, and my family is another significant barrier. Most of is from KwaNongoma region, in the the men speak sufficient English only Mandlakazi district. You can see my to string together their sales pitch. This beadwork is from this region. divide is illustrated in an American newspaper article on Durban: At first glance it was overwhelmingly evident that the management of equity Like oversized pull toys, the colour- derived from the Zulu brand was not ful rickshaws now align the curb. reaching the pullers. Carts and puller I am drawn from my aerial perch outfits were in tatters. Interviews with down to the street, to chat with the the eThekwini municipal overseers of drivers, learn of their lives, take in their convergent wisdoms. My Zulu the rickshaws revealed that the hand- is non-existent. But surely we have to-mouth existence of the pullers was English in common – this is South outside their ambit of oversight. When Africa, after all … None of the drivers describing them, a respondent replied will talk or pose for a photo without ‘They are out of control. They are first determining a price. We begin wild, cowboys. They just do their own negotiations, and more drivers gather thing! We have no control over them!’ like a flock of colorful birds; their Thus, the men maintained a level of colorfully patterned costumes only independence. The interview revealed partially conceal their tattered street why, when questioned about their in- clothes. They will give me their stories come, that eThekwini municipal staff and pose for 600 Rand…Trapped in my tourist persona, my dreams of an were unable to estimate it or the nature open dialogue – of one of these gents of their traditional origins, besides their being a frustrated memoirist itching to hailing from northern KwaZulu-Natal. tell his tale – are naive. We agree on a In 2010 I attended a forum for price: twice the usual fee charged for beachfront hotels and residents (mostly a brief ride along the beachfront. I am Indian and white people) at which I seduced by their visual spectacle and facilitated an open conversation about reduced to paying for snapshots, and the rickshaws. This revealed that few as I dispense Rands to each driver, I understood the pullers’ origins or know nothing of their lives.49a legacy. It was also indicated that while Although Durban’s beachfront is now they support the rickshaw service in attracting more African tourists, the principle, it was felt that the carts and space continues as a social microcosm pullers’ outfits were in an unacceptable in which unequal power relations state to offer a service to clients. Argu- persist. The contrast between five- ably, if the standard of the service was star hotel guest passengers and near addressed, then the rickshaw service starving pullers is a sobering reminder could complement the ‘Kingdom of the that poverty alleviation strategies in Zulu’ tourist strategy, to which many of the Durban tourism sector are failing, the hoteliers naturally subscribe. given that the rickshaws, passed from This collective disjuncture is likely a generation to generation, have operated consequence of South Africa’s past in

Natalia 49 (2019) CC-BY-NC cc Natal Society Foundation 2019 Pulled to diversify in this region for 127 years and yet still History of the Durban rickshaw appear to be largely unsupported by pullers hoteliers and city managers. In 2013 The first ‘rickshas’50 (also spelt rick- an interview with rickshaw owner and shaws) were imported from Japan to puller Baba Ndwandwe revealed that a Natal by a pioneer of the sugar indus- paradox existed: try, Sir Marshall Campbell, in 1892.51 The hotels say they would support us if The rickshaw pullers occupied an we had a more professional operation anomalous position within Durban’s and if our carts looked good, with nice labour market, not employed by busi- seats, wheels and better shock absorb- nesses or the Durban Corporation. ers, but we are broke. The eThekwini Instead, they were freelance operators, charge us a monthly fee to store our ve- renting their carts (Figures 5, 6, 7 and hicles, but do not help us in any other 8) from white entrepreneurs.52 This way. The metro police also do not like offered certain advantages over other us here. They suggest we must have a forms of labour. For some, advantage certificate of roadworthiness (COR). I mean come on! We are like invisible. translated into a measure of creative freedom around the manner in which to This public invisibility of the rickshaw adorn oneself and one’s cart. An early puller’s legacy, but also the identities picture (Figure 5) of rickshaw pullers behind his visual uniqueness, thus adorned with uphondo (cow horns), emerges for consideration. A unique presents a potential irony regarding the quality of the rickshaw puller, besides reduction of these men to the status of his flamboyant pulling style, based on beasts of burden. However, Lawrence the rocking or, rather, the jogging of Mduduzo, a Durban rickshaw puller, seated passengers up and down, is his whom I interviewed in 2012, explained somewhat anomalous appearance and that: service offering.

Figure 5: Rickshaw pullers in the 1930s in Durban adorned with uphondo or cow horns (courtesy Campbell Collections, Durban)

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The wearing of uphondo, still prac- The tradition of wearing headdresses tised today, is a statement of equity and decorating oneself and one’s rick- and power. The puller is identifying shaw, although inspired by our culture, with the bull and its power, ferocity is in no way a specific representation and ability to pull something as dif- of Zulu culture but is rather a means ficult as a plough. to attract customers. They believe it is Zulu, so we just go with it. Some pullers also believed that the horns would bring them good fortune,53 Again, the connection made between given that cattle are broadly viewed as the wearer’s costume and its claimed sacred by Zulus.54 authenticity as definitively (though Each rickshaw puller was required by generically) Zulu, emerges largely as the city authorities to wear a uniform an unconsidered assumption made by (Figure 8). This consisted of a two-piece tourists. These outfits are ‘in some garment that would come to be known ways a version of eclectic exoticism, as the ‘kitchen boy suit’55 (Figures 8 with its references to a rural home- and 9) and which was worn by many stead economy [i.e., the hunt, intricate other black African workers. By 1902, beadwork and regimental/militaristic over two thousand rickshaws thronged feathers and skins]…constructed in the streets of Durban (Figure 6) with an assemblage that would have been over 24 000 men registered as pullers.56 unthinkable outside the urban leisure Despite the cultural impositions of milieu of Durban’.61 Therefore, these colonial rule, these men, influenced by visual constructions played to a flour- their culture and spurred by the need to ishing perception of Zuluness portrayed attract customers, began to adorn them- by travel writers, on television and in selves in what must have been seen at films. the time as a flamboyant manner. Pull- By 1980, only ten rickshaws re- ers began to modify the ‘suit’, sewed in mained in Durban and all were in extra rows of braid around the knee of poor condition. The Durban Publicity the trouser,57 dressed their hair in a tra- Association decided to intervene by ditional manner, and painted their legs building four new rickshaws, and by with whitewash (Figure 5), apparently taking the pullers ‘under their wing’.62 in a manner that imitated the knitted By 1995, the rickshaw culture was al- patterns of white school socks worn ready passing into the realm of heritage by local girls.58 They wore feathered when representatives from the Gallery tufts as headdresses (Figure 9) called Ezakwantu, who describe themselves isiyaya.59 Later, pullers individualised as purveyors of ‘Central, Eastern and their new attire by wearing bangles of Southern African Tribal Art’ visited plaited reeds with seeds, which rattled. Durban to purchase the pullers’ outfits Fierce competition developed among and headdresses.63 the pullers to design the most original It is common knowledge that dur- and elaborate costumes, pointing to the ing the 1980s and early 1990s, South success of this approach in the ability Africa was subjected to economic to lure customers.60 When asked about embargos and serious civil unrest, the role of the headdress, another puller and was by no means a popular tourist (name withheld), a third-generation destination, placing the rickshaws in a rickshaw puller, explained that: vulnerable economic position. From the

Natalia 49 (2019) CC-BY-NC cc Natal Society Foundation 2019 Pulled to diversify photographs presented on the Gallery This refurbishment facilitated some Ezakwantu website it is apparent that trade, but since then the men indicated an estimated six of the remaining ten that they have achieved an average an- headdresses were purchased, leaving nual income of only R21 000 or around the pullers without a means to generate US $1 400. an income, except perhaps to begin to Now, approximately ten rickshaws rebuild their outfits.64 operate at any given time throughout In 2012, interviews with the pullers the year, with the other fifteen rickshaw revealed that 25 rickshaws remained pullers visiting from rural areas during and were managed by the Business the vacation periods of March, July and Support, Tourism and Markets Unit December. As indicated, the pullers en- of eThekwini Municipality in Ma- joy very little support from Durbanites rine Parade Street, Durban. Prior to or the Durban beachfront hotels and so Durban hosting the 2010 Fifa Soccer are largely reliant on footfall brought World Cup, the carts were taken to about through the ‘Kingdom of Zulu’ municipal workshops and modified. marketing approach.

Figure 6: The rickshaw became Durban’s main mode of transport in both in the city centre and docks (courtesy Campbell Collections, Durban)

Figure 7: The lure was also in the rickshaw’s precarious nature, with pullers rising and falling as they moved through Durban’s streets (courtesy Campbell Collections, Durban)

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Figure 8 left: A modified ‘kitchen boy suit’ originally designed for male domestic workers (courtesy Campbell Collections, Durban) Figure 9 below left: Rickshaw puller showing traditional dress including yaya or tufted ostrich feather headdress; below right: Pullers dressed themselves in culturally inspired headdresses, often from ostrich feathers (courtesy Campbell Collections, Durban)

Figure 10: The men began to use porcupine quills. Figure 11: By 1900, domestic Horns and feathers became part of the rickshaw pullers’ or privately owned rickshaws attire. A traditional Zulu beaded sash was added to the also frequented Durban’s streets chest. Both men wear isiqaza (traditional Zulu earplugs) (courtesy Campbell Collections, (courtesy Campbell Collections, Durban) Durban)

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Diversification in the details While they see themselves as Zulu, An apparent answer to this micro- the pullers’ beadwork confirms their economic/visual dichotomy emerges in expressed socio-political allegiance the very nature of particular individual to their individual regional groupings rickshaw puller outfits (Figures 3 and through the wearing of representative 4). Education as a graphic designer has beadwork systems (Figures 3 and 4). facilitated my identification and catego- Inspired by this insight, and in an at- risation of patterns of visual continuity tempt to verify if beadwork continued in beadwork – through the frequency to fulfil a role as a means of denot- and sequence of colours used or through ing regional allegiances, I decided the common use of design motifs. When to travel to a rural area significantly looking past the multi-colouredness of distanced from urban/tourist influ- the Durban beachfront, visual insights ences. I selected the town of Weenen, were revealed when analysing the pull- in the Msinga area of KwaZulu-Natal, ers’ aprons. well documented as a bead working The blue, white, green, red and black research site, in an attempt to observe beadwork (Figure 3) specifically relates groups who may still be wearing and to that of the Usuthu polity at Nongoma making beadwork. in northern KwaZulu-Natal. Another After interviewing bead workers colour sequence of red, green, white and those using and wearing tradi- and black (Figure 4) denotes the Mand- tional beadwork of the amaChunu lakazi polity also situated at Nongoma. and amaTembu regional groupings, According to a rickshaw puller (name unravelling loyalties to the Zulu were withheld) whom I interviewed in 2012, expressed.65 Responses included ‘this the remaining pullers on Durban’s beadwork is Zulu and Chunu’; ‘Zulus beachfront are actually descended from wear beadwork like those from the the original rickshaw pullers who came Nongoma region, different from the to Durban from KwaNongoma. More beadwork of Msinga’; ‘this beadwork specifically still, the men also hail from means I am Thembu, but my husband two izigodi (districts or social polities). is Zulu’.

Figure 12: The Reed Dance (Umkosi woMhlanga) at Enyokeni (photo Rowan Gatfield, 2011)

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The homologous link of beadwork with though beadwork can indicate ethnic the Zulu label was affirmed in a visit to or regional roots, these identities have the 2011 Reed Dance (Umkosi woMh- not always been fixed; people were langa) at Enyokeni, near Ulundi. At this ‘uprooted, often within their histories’.69 event, some 30 000 virgin female reed- Scholars, therefore, appear to favour the bearers (Figure 12) were each adorned terms ‘style’70 or ‘design’71 to indicate in beadwork of a specific design and that colour palettes, methods of making, colour palette denoting the various manner of wearing, and pattern were groupings or regions in KwaZulu-Natal. continually being renegotiated. Dance, song and beadwork systems Under the apartheid system from the appeared to denote distinct group late 1940s Zulu-speaking people were commonalities. Discussions with reed- required to identify with a bantustan. bearers after the procession revealed Here people came under the control that they believed they were wearing of traditional leaders subordinate to Zulu beadwork, but simultaneously the government. This move ‘inflamed indicated that their beadwork denoted old divisions’ and created new splinter a region or grouping. Thus the value of groups and new beadwork styles.72 beadwork, to simultaneously represent In these respective ways, beadwork both commonalities and difference was has been implicated in the conflicted evident. social geographies and history of the KZN region, and its beadwork systems Beadwork as representation conflated into a multi-colouredness or Thus for tourists beadwork remains local colour during the 1950s under perceptively Zulu, sustained through the influence of tourism officials. The an ongoing marketing narrative. Con- image in Figure 14 is indicative of this. versely, for many bead workers, Zulu is Analysis of this image revealed that the the name used to describe beadwork to puller is in fact wearing beadwork styles tourists. For others, the term represents from various regions, not only his area a history of hegemony and obscured of origin. identities. The symbolic nature of bead- Since the 1930s various discrete work reflects aspects of this identity styles have emerged in the region as dichotomy. follows: the Eshowe style (character- Much scholarship on traditional ised by its bars of red, yellow, royal southern Nguni beadwork from south- blue and green on a mostly white field); east Africa argues that beadwork is the Ndwedwe style (a multi-coloured more than mere adornment, considering dotting style on a black field); the that the combinations of pattern, design Southern Natal style (very similar to and colour facilitate a means by which the dotting at Ndwedwe, but in smaller to connote and denote meaning for the glass beads, often bearing single phras- wearer and viewer.66 es, or fir tree motifs); the Maphumulo/ Thus, authors acknowledge that Mvoti style (lace-like technique, in a beadwork ‘flags difference like tartans triangular, striped or checked motif of Scottish clans’.67 A belt or apron can, in green, black, navy, royal blue and through its colour, design and pattern, accented in orange or pink on a white denote information about the wearer’s field); the Msinga style (composed of political status and membership.68 Al- localised styles including the seven-

Natalia 49 (2019) CC-BY-NC cc Natal Society Foundation 2019 Pulled to diversify colour Isishunka style); the newer This last style is unfortunately beyond Umzansi style (navy, green, white and the scope of this study. opaque red); the multi-coloured Msinga These styles continue to ‘reflect the Isinyolovane style (including yellow); importance of local identities, and sym- the Isilomi style (navy, turquoise, sap bolically function as a reminder to the green, white, opaque red and black); Zulu king’ that as independent identi- the isiPhalafini style (which omitted ties, they could break away if they felt the turquoise); along with the Msinga the need.75 Beadwork can, therefore, be Isimodeni style (known for its key-like seen as complicit in recasting social ge- jagged design and large letterforms, ographies, particularly in post-apartheid often in orange, black and green).73 Fur- South Africa where new-found free- ther, regional styles include the Non- doms and the influences of modernity goma style (a mixture of diamonds and have reconfigured the role of this craft triangles, commonly identified in red, – as a colourful anomaly called Isimod- green, black and white, but which oc- eni – seen as Zulu beadwork by tourists curs in other colour sequences denoting and a new form of Zulu fashion.76 the region’s districts); and the Estcourt style (characterised by distinct strips Conclusions and the way forward: bearing pictorial subject matter, seen the Rickshaw Renovation Project in izibheklane (capes) in red, green, As Archbishop Desmond Tutu envi- orange and blue surrounded by com- sioned in 1994, South Africa could be plex white-beaded surrounds). To these a ‘rainbow nation’77 a unity of multi- a Drakensberg style is later added,74 culturalism from many different nations very similar to the Estcourt style (but in a country historically defined by its which appears to replace red with pink division of white and black. It is its and makes use of borders of turquoise multi-colouredness that is its most dis- and long tassled details); and finally a tinctive quality, but maybe many more Bhaca style from the Richmond area. colours than was generally understood.

Figure 13 top and middle: Various examples of regional styles distinctly different from the Isimodeni style at the bottom (courtesy Phansi Museum; photos Rowan Gatfield)

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Figure 14 left: Winner of the 1950 Durban Parade (Protea Colour Prints); right: Stylistic rendering of patterns used in headdress and costume of the rickshaw puller. The patterns draw on northern KwaZulu-Natal beadwork from top to bottom from Maphumulo/Umvoti, the Nongoma districts of Mandlakazi, Mahlabatini, Pongola, Ceza and Usuthu (illustrations Rowan Gatfield) And like skin colour, beadwork systems Ngcobo and the names of its subsidiar- need freedom to co-exist and the free- ies.78 What was established here was dom to liberate people from poverty. that a verifiable oral record and bead- Thus, given the social and economic work system could be attributed to a situation of the rickshaw pullers in Dur- lineage, which potentially represents the ban, the study turned to examine if the two ingredients necessary for building denotative quality of beadwork could brand equity and the basis for a brand be utilised as a means to diversify the diversification strategy in the Durban Zulu brand offering, thereby attempt- tourism sector; namely an alternative ing to confront poverty and Durban’s legacy and distinctive visual system. saturated beachfront marketplace, for In this way it emerged that the brand the pullers and bead workers. The need equity surrounding the ‘Kingdom of the to diversify the offering has not been Zulu’ strategy could be broadened to previously recognised as an obvious encompass other forms of ethnic tour- solution and this, in turn, has arguably ism and therefore represent a propensity perpetuated the generic nature of the to alleviate poverty. Zulu brand approach. In lieu of such potential, a collabora- Based on this premise, between 2011 tive effort between the Durban Rick- and 2014, I completed an extensive shaw Pullers Association; students and PhD study into the lineage, legacy and staff of Workspace (a Work Integrated beadwork of the Nyuswa (known as Learning (WIL) unit at the Department the isinyolovane (mixed colour) style), of Visual Communication Design, of worn by many who bear the surname Durban University of Technology,

Natalia 49 (2019) CC-BY-NC cc Natal Society Foundation 2019 Pulled to diversify overseen by me); the Business Support, (Figure 19) it was established that this Tourism and Markets Unit of eThek- renovation process would commence wini Municipality; and various sponsors with one of their beadwork systems ensued. Two Durban rickshaws and (representing the Mandlakazi grouping) pullers’ outfits were renovated. Through and that this could later be extended to numerous consultations with the Dur- represent their other regional beadwork ban Rickshaw Pullers Association system (the uSuthu grouping). It was

Figure 15: Examples of a colour convention found in beadwork from the Mahlabatini region near Nongoma (photo Rowan Gatfield, 2012). Below:Design for new rickshaw based on the beadwork of the polity at Mahlabatini (designed by Nonzuzo Nzimande; courtesy Durban University of Technology)

Figure 16: Examples of a colour convention found in beadwork from the Ceza region in central Zululand (courtesy Phansi Museum, Glenwood, Durban; photo Rowan Gatfield, 2012). Below: Design for new rickshaw based on the beadwork of the polity at Ceza (designed by Wendy Yang; courtesy Durban University of Technology)

Natalia 49 (2019) CC-BY-NC cc Natal Society Foundation 2019 Pulled to diversify then decided that visual systems from ries surrounding these visual systems, other regions could also be included to and thus diversify the Zulu brand and better diversify the rickshaw offer (par- its tourism narrative offering for inter- ticularly variations for photographic national and domestic tourism and its products for sale). This in turn could related industries. be underpinned by various oral histo- Students at Workspace were thus

Figure 17 above: Examples of a colour convention found in beadwork from the Pongola region in Northern Zululand, dated as 1972 (courtesy KwaZulu-Natal Museum, Pietermaritzburg; photo Rowan Gatfield, 2012); below:Design for new rickshaw based on the beadwork of the polity at Pongola by Yoshen Nair (courtesy Durban University of Technology)

Figure 18: Design for new rickshaw based on the beadwork of the Mandlakazi polity at Nongoma by Noluthando Mchunu (courtesy Durban University of Technology)

Natalia 49 (2019) CC-BY-NC cc Natal Society Foundation 2019 Pulled to diversify required to identify and recreate re- in 2012 based on the Mandlakazi isigodi gional beadwork systems/styles (some (district) at Nongoma. Funding was examples are shown in Figures 15, 16, sought over a two-year period. 17 and 18) in a manner that accurately In response NPC Cimpor, Plascon replicated these design systems (com- Paints, Royal Adhesive Industries, prising distinct forms and limited colour Component Wholesalers, Universal palettes) into the new outfit and cart de- Bolt and Nut, Dunlop Industrial and signs. The first rickshaw cart and outfit Sportsman’s Warehouse made vari- renovation (Figure 20) was completed ous contributions in cash or in kind.

Figure 19: The consultation and restoration process with the Durban rickshaw pullers (photo Rowan Gatfield, 2011)

Figure 20: William Sibiya with the newly renovated rickshaw, costume and headdress (courtesy William Sibiya; photo Rowan Gatfield, 2012)

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Figure 21 above: Beadwork of the amaChunu at Weenen (photos Rowan Gatfield). Below: Design for the amaChunu rickshaw based on beadwork from that polity found living at Msinga (designed by Rowan Gatfield, 2012)

A process of design development with namic developing society are complex. the rickshaw puller William Sibiya, a In South African it is most apparent that third-generation rickshaw owner from a micro-economic venture that aims to the Mandlakazi isigodi ensued. A sec- develop people is sure to fail if those ond rickshaw based on the beadwork involved do not want developing. The conventions of the amaChunu at Msinga power of what is proposed in this paper (Figure 22) was then completed. Specu- points to visual style as the capital upon lative designs were also prepared based which a bottom-up strategy might gain a on the beadwork of the Ceza region footing in a collaborative and negotiated in central Zululand (Figure 16), the fight against poverty. The intention is amaNgwanya at Bergville and the in no way to further segregate people KwaNyuswa region at Botha’s Hill near through these apparent identities, but Durban; styles from the Mahlabatini merely to diversify the tourism offering region in central Zululand (Figure 15), under the ‘Zulu Kingdom, exceptional’ Pongola in northern Zululand (Figure branding. The Rickshaw Renovation 17), and those of the iPhalafini region Project is a minute illustration of what at Msinga. Consequently, as a result could be if those linked to unknown of this intervention and the support ethnic visual systems are facilitated from hoteliers, Sibiya noted a marked through brand diversification, without improvement in business between 2012 fear of recourse. This diversification and 2013, noting that the Easter and principle was explored in 2014 through Christmas breaks had been particularly a variety of product prototyping and has successful. Overall it is estimated that shown real promise (Figure 23). his annual income improved. Recent interviews conducted with The arguments surrounding the ethics rickshaw pullers indicate that a renewed of confronting poverty within a dy- optimism now prevails among them.

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Figure 22: Lawrence Khoza with the newly renovated Msinga rickshaw, costume and headdress based on the beadwork of the amaChunu (photos Mdu Khumalo, 2013)

Figure 23: Staff of Workspace examining product prototypes developed by bead workers from Msinga (photo Rowan Gatfield, 2014)

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Lawrence Khoza (Figure 22), the sec- 9 J.L. Comaroff and J. Comaroff, Ethnicity, ond recipient to have his rickshaw reno- Inc. (Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 2010), p. 1. vated, exclaimed in 2012 ‘I see William 10 Lexico Dictionaries, ‘English definition of Sibiya now walks with dignity.’ ethnicity’ https://www.lexico.com/en/defini- Since the inception of the project tion/ethnicity (accessed 4 November 2019). Sibiya has purchased a pair of im- 11 Comaroff and Comaroff, Ethnicity, Inc., p. 139. bathatha (traditional Zulu sandals), 12 ibid., p. 140. traditional sheepskin leggings and a 13 Unwto.org. ‘Tourism and poverty alleviation’ traditional Zulu whistle to attract cus- https://step.unwto.org/content/tourism-and- tomers. These small acts of personal poverty-alleviation-1 (accessed 18 November 2019). investment in the project, as well as his 14 KwaZulu-Natal Tourism Authority, Annual attentive participation in the restoration Report 2018/ 2019, p. 29. of his rickshaw, speak of an indication 15 Nkosi, ‘Tourism destination competitiveness that this project may have facilitated using brand essence’, p. 1. 16 G. van Wyk, ‘Illuminated signs: style and forms of catharsis, the dynamics of meaning in the beadwork of the Xhosa- and which remain to be seen. Zulu-speaking peoples’ African Arts 36(3) 2003, pp. 93–94; J. Wright, ‘Reflections on NOTES the politics of being “Zulu”’ in Zulu Identi- 1 H. Marais, South Africa Pushed to the Limit: ties: Being Zulu, Past and Present edited by The Political Economy of Change (Cape B. Carton, J. Laband and J. Sithole (Pieter- Town, UCT Press, 2011), p. 1. maritzburg, University of KwaZulu-Natal 2 Statistics South Africa. Poverty Trends in Press, 2008), pp. 35–43. South Africa: An Examination of Absolute 17 B. Beaven, K. Bell and R. James, Port Towns Poverty between 2006 and 2016 (SSA, 2017), and Urban Cultures: International Histories p. 58. of the Waterfront c.1700–2000 (Basingstoke, 3 R. Gatfield, ‘Beadwork identity as brand Palgrave Macmillan, 2016), p. 202. equity: an analysis of beadwork conventions 18 ibid., p 217. as the basis for craft economies in KwaZulu- 19 M. Mahoney, The Other Zulus: The Spread Natal, with specific emphasis on the beadwork of Zulu Ethnicity in Colonial South Africa of amaNyuswa (Doctoral dissertation, Univer- (Durham, Duke University Press, 2012), p. 1. sity of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2014), p. 5. 20 ibid., p. 133. 4 Airports Company South Africa, October 21 V. Bickford-Smith, The Emergence of the 2019, http://www.airports.co.za/Documents/ South African Metropolis: Cities and Identi- KSIA_Passenger_Traffic_September_2019. ties in the Twentieth Century (Cambridge, pdf (accessed 4 November 2019). Cambridge University Press, 2016), pp. 5 Statistics South Africa. ‘Statistical release 216–217. P0352.1: domestic tourism survey’ (SSA, 22 B. Maharaj, V. Pillay and R. Sucheran, ‘Dur- 2018), p. 13. ban: a subtropical coastal paradise?: tourism 6 C. Hamilton, ‘The real goat: identity and dynamics in a post-apartheid city’ Études authenticity in Shakaland’ Wits History Caribéennes 17(3) 2008, p. 266. Workshop ‘Myths, Monuments, Museums; 23 J. Laband, ‘Bloodstained grandeur: colonial New Premises?’ Johannesburg, 16–18 July and imperial stereotypes of Zulu warriors 1992, pp. 1–2. and Zulu warfare’ in Zulu Identities: Being ‌7 G. Nkosi, ‘Tourism destination competitive- Zulu, Past and Present edited by B. Carton, ness using brand essence: incorporating the J. Laband and J. Sithole (Pietermaritzburg, “Zuluness” of the Zulu Kingdom’ African University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2008), Journal of Hospitality, Tourism and Leisure p.16. 6(1) 2017, p. 3. 24 Hamilton, ‘The real goat’, p. 11. 8 Safari 365, ‘Visit KwaZulu Natal’s battlefields 25 E. Boonzaier and J. Sharp, South African and the Zulu Kingdom’, https://www.sa- Keywords: The Uses & Abuses of Political fari365.com/travel-destinations/south-africa/ Concepts (Cape Town, David Philip, 1988), kwazulu-natal/zulu-kingdom (accessed 4 p. 68. November 2019). 26 Hamilton, ‘The real goat’, p. 12.

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27 R. Gatfield, ‘The Isimodeni style: traditional 45 Zulu.org.za, ‘KwaZulu-Natal tourism product beadwork, Zulu trinket or South African sarto- development strategy’, https://www.zulu.org. rial tradition on Durban’s Golden Mile?’ An- za/archive/kwazulu-natal-tourism-product- thropology Southern Africa 42(2) 2018, pp. development-strategy-F58007, 2014 (ac- 127–148. cessed 11 November 2019). 28 Gatfield, ‘Beadwork identity as brand equity’. 46 J. Moreno and Ann Littrell, ‘Negotiating 29 S. Klopper, ‘He is my king, but he is also my tradition’ Annals of Tourism Research 28(3) child: Inkatha, the African National Congress 2001, p. 683. and the struggle for control over Zulu cultural 47 T. Baum, L. Jolliffe and J. Cave, ‘Theorising symbols’ Oxford Art Journal 19(1) 1996, p. tourism and souvenirs: glocal perspectives on 55; M. Buthelezi, ‘The empire talks back: the margins’ in Tourism and Souvenirs: Glo- re-examining the legacies of Shaka and Zulu cal Perspectives from the Margins (Bristol, power in post-apartheid South Africa’ in Zulu Channel View Publications, 2013), p. 5. Identities: Being Zulu, Past and Present edited 48 Durban (Cape Town, C. Struik. 1977). by B. Carton, J. Laband and J. Sithole (Piet- 49 Urry, The Tourist Gaze. ermaritzburg, University of KwaZulu-Natal 49a South Florida Sun Sentinel October 2004. Press, 2008), p. 24; D. Wylie, Shaka (Auck- 50 During the mid-1800s, ‘a European mis- land Park, Jacana, 2011), p. 94; Mahoney, The sionary, who was visiting Japan, needed to Other Zulus, p. 217. transport his invalid wife through the bustling 30 ibid.; J. Martens, ‘Enlightenment theories of streets of Yokohama’. The first rickshaw was civilisation and savagery in British Natal: the thus invented, but only reached South African colonial origins of the (Zulu) African barba- shores some thirty years later. Little is writ- rism myth’ in Zulu Identities: Being Zulu, Past ten on what motivated Marshall Campbell and Present edited by B. Carton, J. Laband to purchase the vehicles. However, it seems and J. Sithole (Pietermaritzburg, University evident, from examples of these early ve- of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 2008), p. 122. hicles, still on display at Natal Museum in 31 ibid., p. 130, Pietermaritzburg, that these carts were not 32 Klopper, ‘He is my king, but he is also my fitted, from the outset, to be drawn by animals child’, pp. 53–66. or by a motorised source (E. Geens, ‘The 33 Nkosi, ‘Tourism destination competitiveness history of the rickshaw: exploitation or tradi- using brand essence’, p. 3. tion?’, http://newhistories.group.shef.ac.uk/ ‌34 KwaZulu-Natal Tourism Authority, Annual wordpress/wordpress/?p=2135 (accessed 17 Report 2018/2019, p. 29. August 2012)). 35 A.R. Cardona et al. ‘Assessing the effect of 51 K.H. Brown, ‘From transportation to tourism: personal cultural orientation on brand equity the Durban ricksha puller and his dress’. and revisit intention: exploring destination Paper presented at South African Association branding in Latin America’ Journal of Global of Art Historians Conference, Durban, July Marketing 30(5) 2017, p. 283. 1989. p. 1. 36 Comaroff and Comaroff,Ethnicity, Inc, p. 12. 52 ibid. 37 J. Urry, The Tourist Gaze (London, Sage 53 ibid., p. 3. Publications, 2002). 54 A-I. Berglund, Zulu Thought-Patterns and 38 S. Pink, Working Images: Visual Research Symbolism (Bloomington, Indiana University and Representation in Ethnography (London, Press, 1975), p. 17. Routledge, 2004), p. 47. 55 S. Klopper, ‘Forging identities in an uncertain 39 Urry, The Tourist Gaze, pp. 59–60. world: changing notions of self and other in 40 Gatfield, ‘Beadwork identity as brand equity’, early colonial Natal’ in Tribing and Untrib- p. 56. ing the Archive: Identity and the Material 41 SA-venues.com, ‘Rickshaw ride along the Record in Southern KwaZulu-Natal in the beachfront in Durban beachfront’, https:// Late Independent and Colonial Periods vol. 2 www.sa-venues.com/things-to-do/kwazu- edited by C. Hamilton and N. Leibhammer lunatal/rickshaw-ride-along-the-beachfront (Pietermaritzburg, University of KwaZulu- (accessed 28 October 2019). Natal Press, 2016), p. 351. 42 uShaka Marine World, ‘KZN brand DNA’, 56 R. Posel, ‘Amahashi: Durban’s ricksha pull- YouTube, https://www.youtube.com/ ers’ Journal of Natal and Zulu History 13 watch?v=SRV3mQnNWtw&t=219s, May (1990–1991), p. 51. 2019 (accessed 11 November 2019). 57 Brown, ‘From transportation to tourism’, p. 2. 43 Gatfield, ‘The Isimodeni style’, p. 131. 58 ibid., p. 3. 44 ibid., p. 140.

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59 Yaya (ostrich feathers or isidlukula), a bunch beads: questions of identity in the beadwork of of feathers worn on the head. the Zulu-speaking people’ African Arts 38(2) 60 ‘Zulu ricksha, 1892–2000: power carriages of 2005, pp. 38–93; K. Wells, ‘Manipulating the Mandlakazi clan: history of the evolution metaphors: an analysis of beadwork craft as of the Durban, South Africa, Zulu rickshaw a contemporary medium for communicating driver, 2000’, http://www.ezakwantu.com/ on AIDS and culture in KwaZulu-Natal’ Gallery%20Zulu%Ricksha.htm (accessed 14 (PhD thesis, University of KwaZulu-Natal, February 2014). 2006); Y. Winters, ‘The secret of Zulu bead 61 H. Hughes, ‘Struggling for a day in the sun: language and proportion and balance of the the emergence of beach culture among African Zulu headrest (Isigqiki) in Zulu Identities: people in Durban’ in Art and Identity at the Being Zulu, Past and Present edited by B. Water’s Edge edited by T. Cusack (London, Carton, J. Laband and J. Sithole (Pietermar- Routledge, 2012), p. 151. itzburg, University of KwaZulu-Natal Press, 62 Posel, ‘Amahashi’, p. 62. 2008), pp. 418–423; Gatfield, ‘Beadwork 63 Randafricanart.com. ‘Rand African Art’, identity as brand equity’; R. Preston-Whyte, http://www.randafricanart.com/index1.html ‘Constructed leisure space: the seaside at (accessed 11 November 2014). Durban’ Annals of Tourism Research 28(3), 64 ‘Zulu ricksha, 1892–2000’. 2001, pp. 581–596. 65 These two main polities are led by two 67 Van Wyk, ‘Illuminated signs’, p. 14. separate chiefs (amakosi). The two groups, 68 Wickler and Seibt, ‘Studies in Bantu peoples’ like the Mandlakazi and Usuthu polities, are bead-language’, p. 391. recognised by the South African government 69 Van Wyk, ‘Illuminated signs’, p. 14. as two separate tribal authorities. 70 Jolles, ‘Traditional Zulu beadwork of the 66 B. Tyrrell, Tribal Peoples of Southern Africa Msinga area’, p. 42; Van Wyk, ‘Illuminated (Cape Town, Books of Africa, 1968); W. signs’ p. 25; Boram-Hays, ‘Borders of beads’, Wickler and U. Seibt, ‘Studies in Bantu p. 40. peoples’ bead-language: a special colour con- 71 H. Dube, Zulu Beadwork: Talk with Beads vention from Msinga district (Natal, South Af- (Denver, Africa Direct, 2009), p. 33. rica)’ Baessler-Archiv Neue Folge 37 (1989), 72 Boram-Hays, ‘Borders of beads’, p. 41. pp. 391–405; F. Jolles, ‘Traditional Zulu 73 Jolles, ‘Traditional Zulu beadwork of the beadwork of the Msinga area’ African Arts Msinga area’, p. 42; Van Wyk, ‘Illuminated 26(1) 1993, pp. 42–53, 101–102; J. Morris signs’, p. 25; Boram-Hays, ‘Borders of beads’, and E. Preston-Whyte, Speaking with Beads: p. 40. Zulu Arts from Southern Africa (London, 74 Van Wyk, ‘Illuminated signs’, p. 26. Thames and Hudson, 1994); Klopper, ‘He is 75 Boram-Hays, ‘Borders of beads’, p. 41. my king, but he is also my child, pp. 53–66; 76 Gatfield, ‘Beadwork as brand equity’, p. 303. M. Stevenson and M. Graham-Stewart, South 77 D. Tutu, The Rainbow People of God: A East African Beadwork, 1850–1910: From Spiritual Journey from Apartheid to Freedom Adornment to Artefact to Art (Vlaeberg, Fern- (London, Doubleday, 1994). wood Press, 2000); Van Wyk, ‘Illuminated 78 Gatfield, ‘Beadwork as brand equity’. signs’, pp. 12–94; C. Boram-Hays, ‘Borders of

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