The Impact of Single-Party Dominance on Partisan Politics
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November 7, 2018
University of Mississippi eGrove Daily Mississippian 11-7-2018 November 7, 2018 The Daily Mississippian Follow this and additional works at: https://egrove.olemiss.edu/thedmonline Recommended Citation The Daily Mississippian, "November 7, 2018" (2018). Daily Mississippian. 111. https://egrove.olemiss.edu/thedmonline/111 This Newspaper is brought to you for free and open access by eGrove. It has been accepted for inclusion in Daily Mississippian by an authorized administrator of eGrove. For more information, please contact [email protected]. THE DAILY WEDNESDAY, NOVEMBER 7, 2018 | VOLUME 107, NO. 45 MISSISSIPPIAN THE STUDENT NEWSPAPER OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MISSISSIPPI | SERVING OLE MISS AND OXFORD SINCE 1911 ESPY, HYDE-SMITH HEADED TO A HISTORIC RUNOFF Mississippians returned Roger Wicker (R) to the Senate and sent this year’s Special Election to a historic runoff between Cindy Hyde-Smith (R) and Mike Espy (D). See inside for a breakdown of how each Mississippi county voted. SEE PAGE 4 FOR RESULTS ROGER WICKER (R) MIKE ESPY (D) CINDY HYDE-SMITH (R) Wicker wins; Espy, Hyde-Smith go to runoff PHOTO: CHRISTIAN JOHNSON Oxonians cast their votes in the Oxford Conference Center on Tuesday. Voters experienced long waiting times and lines at many polling locations around Oxford throughout the day. TAYLOR VANCE “I’m very, very pleased (with DM STAFF REPORT [email protected] the election results),” Wicker said in a telephone interview with The Daily Mississippian. Roger Wicker, Mississippi’s “I look forward to the opportu- Lafayette County voter turnout incumbent Republican U.S. nity to enact policies that will senator, defeated David Baria, improve the lives of Ameri- the state’s House minority cans, of Mississippians.” exceeds previous midterm levels leader, on Tuesday in the Wicker said he was disap- regularly scheduled midterm pointed in the Democrats gain- Oxford citizens turned out election. -
The Decline of Collective Responsibility in American Politics
MORRIS P. FIORINA The Decline of Collective Responsibility inAmerican Politics the founding fathers a Though believed in the necessity of establishing gen to one uinely national government, they took great pains design that could not to lightly do things its citizens; what government might do for its citizens was to be limited to the functions of what we know now as the "watchman state." Thus the Founders composed the constitutional litany familiar to every schoolchild: a they created federal system, they distributed and blended powers within and across the federal levels, and they encouraged the occupants of the various posi tions to check and balance each other by structuring incentives so that one of to ficeholder's ambitions would be likely conflict with others'. The resulting system of institutional arrangements predictably hampers efforts to undertake initiatives and favors maintenance of the status major quo. Given the historical record faced by the Founders, their emphasis on con we a straining government is understandable. But face later historical record, one two that shows hundred years of increasing demands for government to act positively. Moreover, developments unforeseen by the Founders increasingly raise the likelihood that the uncoordinated actions of individuals and groups will inflict serious on the nation as a whole. The of the damage by-products industri not on on al and technological revolutions impose physical risks only us, but future as well. Resource and international cartels raise the generations shortages spectre of economic ruin. And the simple proliferation of special interests with their intense, particularistic demands threatens to render us politically in capable of taking actions that might either advance the state of society or pre vent foreseeable deteriorations in that state. -
Partisanship in Perspective
Partisanship in Perspective Pietro S. Nivola ommentators and politicians from both ends of the C spectrum frequently lament the state of American party politics. Our elected leaders are said to have grown exceptionally polarized — a change that, the critics argue, has led to a dysfunctional government. Last June, for example, House Republican leader John Boehner decried what he called the Obama administration’s “harsh” and “hyper-partisan” rhetoric. In Boehner’s view, the president’s hostility toward Republicans is a smokescreen to obscure Obama’s policy failures, and “diminishes the office of the president.” Meanwhile, President Obama himself has complained that Washington is a city in the grip of partisan passions, and so is failing to do the work the American people expect. “I don’t think they want more gridlock,” Obama told Republican members of Congress last year. “I don’t think they want more partisanship; I don’t think they want more obstruc- tion.” In his 2006 book, The Audacity of Hope, Obama yearned for what he called a “time before the fall, a golden age in Washington when, regardless of which party was in power, civility reigned and government worked.” The case against partisan polarization generally consists of three elements. First, there is the claim that polarization has intensified sig- nificantly over the past 30 years. Second, there is the argument that this heightened partisanship imperils sound and durable public policy, perhaps even the very health of the polity. And third, there is the impres- sion that polarized parties are somehow fundamentally alien to our form of government, and that partisans’ behavior would have surprised, even shocked, the founding fathers. -
Extending the Sphere of Representation: the Impact of Fair Representation Voting on the Ideological Spectrum of Congress
November 2013 EXTENDING THE SPHERE OF REPRESENTATION: THE IMPACT OF FAIR REPRESENTATION VOTING ON THE IDEOLOGICAL SPECTRUM OF CONGRESS “Extend the sphere, and you take in a greater variety of parties and interests; you make it less probable that a majority of the whole will have a common motive to invade the rights of other citizens.” - James Madison, Federalist #10 “Some of the best legislators were Democrats from the suburban area who would never have been elected in single-member districts and some of the best legislators on the Republican side were legislators from Chicago districts who would never have been elected under single-member districts.” - Former Illinois state senator and state comptroller Dawn Clark Netsch, describing the impact of fair representation voting in the Illinois House of Representatives “…[It was a] symphony, with not just two instruments playing, but a number of different instruments going at all times." - Former Illinois state representative Howard Katz, describing the Illinois House of Representatives when elected by fair voting from 1870 to 1980 Because instituting fair representation voting for Congress would be a transformative moment in American politics, it is difficult to predict exactly what the impact of the reform would be on the partisan makeup of Congress. The only certainty is that Congress would become more representative of the political viewpoints of the American people. Most significantly, the House of Representatives would shift from representing just two partisan poles on a left-right linear spectrum with an empty void between, to more fully representing the electorate’s three-dimensional character on economic, social, and national security issues. -
Senate Commerce Committee Republican Members: Democratic Members: Thune, John (SD), Chairman Nelson, Bill (FL), Ranking Member Wicker, Roger F
Senate Commerce Committee Republican Members: Democratic Members: Thune, John (SD), Chairman Nelson, Bill (FL), Ranking Member Wicker, Roger F. (MS) Cantwell, Maria (WA) Blunt, Roy (MO) Klobuchar, Amy (MN) Cruz, Ted (TX) Blumenthal, Richard (CT) Fischer, Deb (NE) Schatz, Brian (HI) Moran, Jerry (KS) Markey, Edward J. (MA) Sullivan, Dan (AK) Udall, Tom (NM) Heller, Dean (NV) Peters, Gary C. (MI) Inhofe, James M. (OK) Baldwin, Tammy (WI) Lee, Mike (UT) Duckworth, Tammy (IL) Johnson, Ron (WI) Hassan, Margaret Wood (NH) CaPito, Shelley Moore (WV) Cortez Masto, Catherine (NV) Gardner, Cory (CO) Tester, Jon (Montana) Young, Todd (IN) John Thune CHAIRMAN (56) R-SD elected 2004 United States Senate SD-511 Phone: (202) 224-2321 Director of Scheduling: [email protected] [email protected] Chief of Staff: Brendon Plack [email protected] Telecommunications Legislative Aide: [email protected] Health Legislative Correspondent: [email protected] Senior Policy Advisor Agriculture, Environment [email protected] Committees and Subcommittees: Senate Committee on Agriculture, Nutrition, and Forestry Senate Subcommittee on Commodities, Risk Management and Trade Senate Subcommittee on Livestock, Marketing and Agriculture Security Senate Subcommittee on Rural DeveloPment and Energy Bios Senate Commerce Committee – 115th Congress 1 Senate Committee on Commerce, Science, and Transportation Senate Subcommittee on Aviation OPerations, Safety, and Security Senate Subcommittee on Communications, -
October 14, 2010
University of Mississippi eGrove Daily Mississippian Journalism and New Media, School of 10-14-2010 October 14, 2010 The Daily Mississippian Follow this and additional works at: https://egrove.olemiss.edu/thedmonline Recommended Citation The Daily Mississippian, "October 14, 2010" (2010). Daily Mississippian. 324. https://egrove.olemiss.edu/thedmonline/324 This Newspaper is brought to you for free and open access by the Journalism and New Media, School of at eGrove. It has been accepted for inclusion in Daily Mississippian by an authorized administrator of eGrove. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 1 T HURSDAY , OCTOBER 14, 2010 | VOL . 99, NO . 37 THE DAILY this week MISSISSIPPIAN STUDENT UNION PLAZA T HE STUDENT NEWSPAPER OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MISSISSIPPI | SERVING OLE MISS AND OXFORD SINCE 1911 | WWW . THEDMONLINE . COM C.A.R.E. WALK The C.A.R.E. Walk is an an- nual event hosted by the Panhel- lenic Council. C.A.R.E. stands for Cancer Awareness Research and BILL CLINTON Education. The walk is a two-mile all-female walk through campus. It will begin and end at the Student SPEAKS ON Union Plaza. CAMPUS TODAY 3:30 p.m. - 7 p.m. SYMPOSIUM PORTER L. FORTUNE JR. SYMPOSIUM: CONFERENCE ON THE CIVIL WAR This conference, one of our an- nual series on Civil War topics, marks the beginning of the sesqui- centennial commemoration of the Sectional Crisis. AUSTIN MCAFEE | The Daily Mississippian No registration required; Simeon Wright speaks about the events of the night Emmett Till was abducted in a discussion on Wednes- all sessions are free. -
The Impact of Multi-Party Government on Parliament-Executive Relations
Paper for ASPG Conference 2011 The Executive vs. Parliament, who wins? The impact of multi-party government on parliament-executive relations. Examples from abroad. Abstract: Following the 2010 federal election that did not produce a clear majority, Julia Gillard decided to govern with a minority of seats. This was to be supported by confidence and supply agreements with the Green‟s only delegate in the House of Representatives and three independent MPs. Media comments and the public debate precluding and following this decision showed the electorate‟s uneasiness with this model of government which is more common in continental Europe. This was evident in particular by the fear of handing over power to four kingmakers who effectively represent only a very small number of citizens. This paper deals with common concerns about multi-party and minority-governments, in particular that they are unstable, that there is no clear string of delegation, that they may facilitate a dictatorship of the smaller party, and that they limit the parliament‟s scope to take the executive to account. It addresses the effect multi-party government has on parliament-executive relations by looking at examples from the United Kingdom and Germany and takes account of the mechanisms used in these countries for setting up and maintaining multi-party government while analysing, how these impact on executive-parliament relations. In Britain with its Westminster influence, parliamentarians in the devolved assemblies in Scotland and Wales have grown slowly accustomed to coalition and minority government. In contrast, Britain‟s current coalition government on a national level has reignited public concerns about the unsuitability of multi-party government for Westminster systems. -
Party Unity in Parliamentary Democracies : a Comparative
Party Unity in Parliamentary Democracies: A Comparative Analysis ULRICH SIEBERER The level and causes of party unity are under researched topics in parliamentary democracies, particularly in comparative perspective. This article presents a non formal model explaining party unity in legislative voting as the result of individual legislators’ decisions reacting to the incentives and constraints created by their respective institutional environments. Hypotheses derived from the model are tested against empirical data on party unity in 11 western parliamentary democracies since 1945. On the system level, central party control over nominations and intra parliamentary resources as well as the strength of parliamentary committees with regard to policy decisions are shown to affect party unity as expected by the model. On the level of individual parties, governing parties are less unified than opposition parties and larger parties show higher unity than smaller ones. Both results shed doubt on frequent claims in the literature. Parliamentary voting is the fundamental mechanism for making collectively binding decisions in modern democracies. Formally, these decisions are made by individual deputies with a free mandate only accountable to their voters, though the reality in parliamentary democracies looks different: usually, the members of parliamentary party groups (PPGs) vote together PPGs are the relevant actors in parliamentary business.1 Parts of the literature have reacted to this by treating PPGs as unitary actors, with regard to both policy decisions and coalition formation.2 Party specialists, on the other hand, emphasise the heterogeneity of political parties.3 Given the diversity of interests within parties, party unity in legislative voting cannot simply be assumed, but needs to be explained. -
111Th Congressional House Scorecard.Pdf
Federal NRLC Scorecard - 111th Congress, Combined Sessions U.S. House of Representatives 111th Congress, Combined Sessions 1. Foreign Relations Authorization Act (Office for Global Women's Issues) (06/10/2009, Roll Call No. 328) In testimony before the House Foreign Affairs Committee on April 22, 2009, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton made it clear that the Obama Administration will seek to promote abortion throughout the world. "We are now an administration that will protect the rights of women, including their rights to reproductive health care," Secretary Clinton said. She also said that the Obama Administration believes that "reproductive health includes access to abortion," and she told pro-life Congressman Chris Smith (R- NJ), "You are entitled to advocate . anywhere in the world, and so are we." In June 2009 the House of Representatives took up the Foreign Relations Authorization Act (H.R. 2410), a bill to authorize various State Department activities. The bill contained a section to establish an Office for Global Women's Issues, headed by an ambassador-at-large who will report directly to Secretary Clinton. Given the clear evidence that the Obama Administration State Department is determined to campaign for abortion, NRLC informed House members that NRLC opposed the bill, unless the House added an amendment proposed by Congressman Smith to prohibit the office from engaging in activities to change foreign abortion laws. However, the House Rules Committee -- which is an arm of the leadership of the Democratic majority that controls the House -- refused to allow the House to vote on the Smith Amendment, so NRLC opposed passage of the bill. -
Walk the Party Line: Individual-Level Determinants of Trust of Political Parties
Walk the Party Line: Individual-Level Determinants of Trust of Political Parties William J. Miller Department of Political Science Ohio University Paper Prepared for Presentation at the State of the Parties: 2008 & Beyond Conference I. Introduction In seemingly every post-election analysis, scholars and political commentators set out to debate whether Americans are becoming more partisan. Academic research is compared with public perceptions. All involved attempt to decide if we, as a nation, are becoming more red, blue, or just simply turning purple. In an era where party-lines seem to have drawn individuals within our nation to cheer the failure of an American city to receive the 2016 Summer Olympics and question the awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize to our own president, it goes without question that partisanship is alive and well within our nation. In the immediate aftermath of Barack Obama’s inauguration, America watched as Rush Limbaugh and Michael Steele utilized popular media to run a clandestine campaign against each other to run the Republican Party. We watched as different shades of red emerged based on the camp that self-identified Republicans aligned themselves with. With these events have come questions of political trust. Much research has been conducted in recent years to examine individual-level determinants of support and trust regarding major political institutions and leaders, yet political parties (the major linkage institutions of American politics) have largely been neglected in this regard. Defining trust as the expectation held by citizens that policymakers will do what the citizens want them to do in a predictable way (Hetherington 1978), it is evident that there is a potential for individuals that self-identify in a particular manner to be distrustful of the party they claim allegiance to. -
When Do Partisans Cross the Party Line?
When Do Partisans Cross the Party Line? George Kwaku Ofosu ∗ November 16, 2020 Abstract Partisans rarely vote for opposition party candidates. In contrast to existing work on cross-party voting in developing countries, I argue that two critical constituency-level factors jointly shape a partisan’s likelihood of voting for a candidate from the other party when desirous of more public infrastructure. The first is partisan geography: partisans have an incentive to vote for a similar or better opposition politician when they live side by side with her supporters in a community (i.e., partisan nonsegregated areas) because politicians cannot exclude them from the provided benefits. Second, voters only have an incentive to cross party lines in competitive electoral districts because their vote can be pivotal in selecting and sanctioning an opposition politician. I find support for my hypothesis and proposed explanation using data from a conjoint experiment alongside survey responses of citizens located in a stratified, representative sample of electoral districts in Ghana. The findings help explain seemingly contradictory results in the literature by showing that partisans are willing to cross party lines in specific electoral settings. ∗Assistant Professor, London School of Economics and Political Science. Email: [email protected]. Web: www. georgeofosu.com/. Samuel Kweku Yamoah and Mahmouda Ainoo provided excellent field research assistance. I am grateful to Kojo Asante, Sarah Brierley, Adam Harris, Eric Kramon, Galen Murray, Noah Nathan, Franklin Oduro, Daniel Posner, Andrea Vilán, Michael Wahman, Josef Woldense, and Stephane Wolton for their helpful comments and suggestions. I also thank participants of the Midwest Workshop in Empirical Political Science and Comparative Politics Seminars at UCLA, UCL, Oxford’s Nuffield College, and the Institutions and Political Inequality research unit at Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin (WZB) for helpful feedback and suggestions. -
When Do Partisans Cross the Party Line?
When Do Partisans Cross the Party Line? George Kwaku Ofosu∗ March 30, 2021 Abstract When will partisans cross party lines to elect a potentially better-performing opposition politician? Individuals in developing countries vote for politicians in expectation of public goods. Partisan ge- ography influences voters’ beliefs about politicians’ ability to exclude them from such goods. Since voters believe they are better able to replace poorly performing incumbents in competitive districts, partisans in non-segregated, competitive constituencies are more likely to vote for opposition can- didates than those in other settings. Using a conjoint experiment administered to voters that ran- domized the characteristics of parliamentary candidates in Ghana, I find that voters in competitive, non-segregated districts are the most willing to cross party lines. Additional data on actual public goods distribution supports the mechanism. Data from Ghana’s 2020 parliamentary elections con- firm the external validity of the findings: party switching is highest in this type of district. My results demonstrate the influence of constituency characteristics on electoral accountability. ∗Assistant Professor, London School of Economics and Political Science. Email: [email protected]. Web: www. georgeofosu.com/. Samuel Kweku Yamoah and Mahmouda Ainoo provided excellent field research assistance. I am grateful to Kojo Asante, Sarah Brierley, Danny Choi, Florian Foos, Adam Harris, Eric Kramon, Evan Morier, Galen Mur- ray, Noah Nathan, Franklin Oduro, Daniel Posner, Andrea Vilán, Michael Wahman, Josef Woldense, and Stephane Wolton for their helpful comments and suggestions. I also thank participants of the Midwest Workshop in Empirical Political Sci- ence and Comparative Politics Seminars at UCLA, UCL, Oxford’s Nuffield College, the Institutions and Political Inequality research unit at Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin (WZB), and UW-Madison for helpful feedback and suggestions.