Trowel XIV Was Greatly Appreciated

Trowel

Volume XIV 2013

Edited by

Chris Coffey, Joseph Cully, Bernard Gilhooly & Rowan Lacey

Cover Illustrations: Conor McHale

For enquiries please contact:

The Editors, Trowel

c/o School of Archaeology

Newman Building

University College Dublin

Belfield

Dublin 4

Email: [email protected]

Web: www.trowelucd.com

www.trowelucd.weebly.com

Published in 2013 by

Chris Coffey, Joseph Cully, Bernard Gilhooly & Rowan Lacey

ISSN Number: 0791-1017.

Editors Foreword

Welcome to Trowel Volume XIV, student journal of UCD’s School of Archaeology. We are delighted to feature in this 25th anniversary edition twelve articles from undergraduate and postgraduate students as well as graduate scholars from a variety of interest areas. It was particularly nice to see such a positive response from undergraduates interested in making contributions to the journal this year. The decision to open up to this section of the student body was, in part, to celebrate the 25 years in which Trowel has enjoyed their support and readership, but it was also a recognition that undergraduates are key to the future of archaeological research and Trowel has long endeavoured to provide a platform to that end.

We wish to take this opportunity to express our thanks to the many authors who have given their time and energy to make contributions to this journal. In addition to the authors of the twelve articles, this volume also contains a book review by Mick Corcoran on Áine Foley’s The Royal Manors of Medieval Co. Dublin: Crown and Community (Four Courts Press, 2013). It also features reflections by Cóilín Ó Drisceoil and Dr. Charles Mount, who have written special pieces on aspects of Irish archaeology over the last 25 years. Thanks are also due to Dr. Aidan O’Sullivan, whose long association with the journal is underscored in his formal introduction to this edition.

The editors would also like to extend their gratitude to the staff of the UCD School of Archaeology and a special thank you goes to Conor McDermott for advice freely given to the authors of several incarnations of the journal, not least ourselves. We are also grateful to Prof. Tadhg O’Keeffe whose gracious acceptance to launch Trowel XIV was greatly appreciated.

We are indebted to Eion Bairead, who selflessly gave his time to digitise every back issue of Trowel, facilitating an ease of accessibility to the journal on our website (a process which began during the tenure of Trowel XIII) and to Conor McHale, who has provided the artwork for many earlier editions and who has done a wonderful job with the cover of Trowel XIV.

A special acknowledgement is due to the Institute of Archaeologists of Ireland and The UCD Archaeology Society for their continued support over the years and further thanks are extended also to Valerie Norton of the HII.

The editors are proud to announce that this year also marks the beginning of formal publishing for the journal as Trowel will now be hosted by EBSCO Publishing. This positive departure means that Trowel articles will be accessible to a much wider academic readership than was previously possible and it is hoped that this will impact significantly on the development of Trowel over the ensuing quarter century.

To the many of you that have offered support and goodwill over the past few months, thank you.

Chris, Joseph, Bernard & Rowan

December 2013.

Introduction

Trowel is unique, and has been for decades, both in Irish archaeology, and beyond. Since it was conceived of, and established (by yours truly as it happens), in the Spring of 1987, and first published in 1988, it has been one of the world's few entirely student-driven archaeology journals, edited by students and written - for the most part - by them. Back then it was churned out on coal- burning computers that had green text on a black screen, and was stored on floppy disks that were actually floppy - and you really had to know where to get published copies. Now it is expertly produced using publishing software and ultimately distributed online to an audience all over the world.

Throughout its history though, it has always been about young (for the most part!) archaeologists who were eager to contribute to the debate; to tell stories about the past in the present; to communicate the excitement of archaeology and its extraordinary capacity to explore other worlds and other people's lives. Looking back through past volumes, you can see the names of editors and authors who have since gone on to become some of the leading archaeologists (...excepting yours truly) in Irish archaeology. For most of them, Trowel was their first opportunity to publish, a measure of their eagerness to contribute to their discipline. Indeed at one stage in the early 1990s, an eminent Irish archaeologist commented in print that UCD's Trowel was one of the few venues where scholars were actually asking new questions, rather than simply admiring the richness of Ireland's archaeology.

Of course, Trowel has also been about archaeology internationally, and many papers down through the years have also engaged with the landscapes and material culture of places beyond this small island, and that's as it should be. Who knows what Trowel will be like in another 25 years? Hopefully it will still be about people who are intrigued by our material past and who want to communicate that sense of fascination and curiosity to others. Congratulations to this year's Trowel editors, now who's next?

Aidan O'Sullivan

Senior Lecturer, UCD School of Archaeology P.R.O. UCD Student Archaeology Society (1987/88)

Contents

Opening Pages:

Editors Foreword 1

Introduction by Dr. Aidan O’Sullivan 2

Table of Contents 3

Contributors:

Article Authors 6

Reflections Authors 8

Editors: 9

Articles:

Conflict or Coexistence? An Examination of the Evidence for 10 (9pp)

British Burial in Early Anglo-Saxon England, AD 400-700

Matt Austin

Expanding Landscapes: Remote Access to Medieval Ireland 19 (8pp)

Michael Corcoran

Fish Ponds and Water Features Associated with Moated Sites: 27 (9pp)

Two Neglected Aspects of Medieval Studies in Ireland

Julie O’Brien

Grave Robbers and Secret Keepers: Balancing the Rights of the 36 (5pp)

Living and the Dead in Archaeology

Mark Haughton

Anointed in the Blood of Dragons: Who were the Viking Age Archers 41 (7pp)

Of Ireland and where are they?

Stephen Fox

Tongs and Shafts: An Iron Smelting Experiment 48 (7pp)

Liudas Juodzbalys

To the Skies: Amateur Aerial Archaeology and its Potential Uses 55 (5pp)

Stephen Domican

The Early Medieval Development of the Ecclesiastical Site 60 (8pp)

At Ardmore, Co. Waterford

Trisha Ryan

Fat Ann, Baths and Brothels: Sexual Economies of the Wild West 68 (5pp)

Laura Elizabeth Scharding

Mythology as a Window into the Past: What is the Relevance 74 (8pp)

of Mythology in Archaeological Interpretation?

Owen Connolly

A Bishop’s Court Hidden in Green Hills 82 (6pp)

Niall Inwood

The Lost Context of a Handprint: Digital Mutilation in Cave Art 88 (6pp)

Jane McInerney

Book Review:

The Royal Manors of Medieval Co. Dublin: Crown and Community by Áine Foley 94 (1pp)

Michael Corcoran

Reflections:

The Role of the Internet in Irish Archaeology 95 (5pp)

Charles Mount

Riding the Archaeological Rollercoaster: Reflections on a Career in Irish Archaeology 100 (3pp)

Cóilín Ó Drisceoil

Notes: 103

Contributors

Article Authors:

Matt Austin

Originally from Bristol, Matt is undertaking a PhD at the University of Reading, looking at the development of political power and elite settlement in Early Anglo-Saxon England. His article is a revised version of an essay submitted as part of his MA degree at Cardiff University.

Email: [email protected]

Mick Corcoran

Mick is a PhD student at the School of Archaeology, University College Dublin, and Teagasc Walsh Fellow. He is currently researching the development of medieval and early modern agricultural systems in Ireland.

Email: [email protected]

Julie O’Brien

Originally from France, Julie is currently a second-year student undertaking a Bachelor of Arts in Archaeology and Art History in University College Dublin. Email: [email protected]

Mark Haughton

Mark wrote this article as a final year undergraduate student at UCD, studying archaeology and classics. He is currently pursuing postgraduate study at the university and hopes to complete an MA thesis on gender in the Irish Early Bronze Age.

Email: [email protected]

Stephen Fox

A Masters student from Malahide, Co. Dublin, Stephen’s interests lie in experimental and experiential methodologies with a key focus on ancient and medieval warfare, religion and archaeoastronomy. However, his current thesis specifically explores the nature of Medieval archery in Ireland and the production of Viking Age bows in Dublin and Waterford.

Email: [email protected]

Liudas Juodzbalys

Liudas studied archaeology at IT Sligo between 2007 and 2011. Upon leaving the course, he began to work as a commercial archaeologist, which continues to the present. This is his first published article, but he hopes to make more contributions to the academic world in the near future.

Email: [email protected]

Stephen Domican

Stephen is a second year undergraduate student, currently studying a joint major in Archaeology and Economics at University College Dublin. His research interests include economic history, archaeometallurgy, experimental archaeology, aerial archaeology and anything to do with military history. He also is a regular blogger (these can be found at http://dirtandtaxes.wordpress.com/).

Email: [email protected]

Trisha Ryan

Trisha Ryan from Dromana, Cappoquin, completed her undergraduate degree in history and archaeology in University College Dublin in 2011. She completed her Masters of Arts in Archaeology at UCD in 2012, culminating in a Masters thesis titled 'Ardmore, Co. Waterford; the Morphogenesis of an Ecclesiastical Site' under the supervision of Prof Tadhg O'Keffe on which her Trowel article is based. Her main interests include local history and archaeology, castle studies and early medieval and medieval archaeology and history. She is currently residing and working in Dublin.

Email: [email protected]

Laura Elizabeth Sharding

Laura graduated from the University of Pittsburgh with a B.A. in Anthropology and minor in history. She earned an MA in Historical Archaeology at University College Dublin and is currently undertaking a PhD in Archaeology on the relationships between gender, brothels and boarding houses, asylums; and the cultural associations between them and the working class. Her main interests include urban archaeological dynamics relating to gender, the archaeology of western US expansion, and the institution of the Magdalen Asylum vs. its archaeology in Ireland, the UK and elsewhere.

Email: [email protected]

Owen Connolly

Owen Connolly is from Newcastle, Co. Wicklow. He holds an MA in Archaeology from UCD (2008). Currently he is an English Teacher at Seda College, Dublin.

Email: [email protected]

Niall Inwood

Niall Inwood is from Kilcullen Co. Kildare. At the time of writing his Trowel article he was in the second year of his Bachelors degree, broadening his knowledge of historical archaeology. This paper was fuelled by an interest in his home town and some of the buried archaeological treasures hidden there. Currently, Niall is in the process of completing an MA in prehistoric archaeology at UCD.

Email: [email protected]

Jane McInerney

A UCD Ad Astra academic student, Jane is currently in the third year of her undergraduate degree. She's from Dublin and is doing a joint major in archaeology and classics.

Email: [email protected]

Reflections Authors:

Dr. Charles Mount

Dr. Mount holds an MA and PhD in archaeology, a diploma in EIA and SEA Management, along with an M.B.A in management. He has over 20 years’ experience in Irish archaeology and cultural heritage. He is a project archaeologist with Bord Na Móna and the Irish Concrete Federation, and runs his own company, Dr. Charles Mount Heritage Services. He also runs his own web site, Charles-mount.com and the very popular Charles Mount Blog.

Email: [email protected]

Coilín O’Drisceoil

Coilín holds an M.A. and is a lecturer in archaeology at NUI Maynooth and Director of Kilkenny Archaeology. He has authored a number of papers, including ‘Life and death in the Iron Age at Carrickmines, Co. Dublin’. His research interests include Medieval and Urban archaeology. Kilkenny Archaeology, in association with NUI Maynooth and Kilkenny Borough Council founded the Kilkenny Archaeological Project in 2008 to address the lack of publications from the large number of excavations in and around Kilkenny over the years. Coilín is also a great supporter of the South Eastern Cancer Foundation-Solas Centre (www.solascentre.ie to donate).

Email: [email protected]

Editors

Chris Coffey

Chris completed his undergraduate degree in single major archaeology in 2012 and his MA in archaeology in 2013 at University College Dublin. He is a research assistant for the Irish Stone Axe Project as well as being a founding member of the student-led UCD Experimental Flintknapping group. His interest areas include stone axe studies and GIS.

Email: [email protected]

Joseph Cully

Joseph graduated from Trinity College Dublin with a BA in Drama and Theatre Studies in 2005 and in 2006 he was awarded an MA in Irish Studies from the National University of Ireland, Galway. In 2013 he completed a Higher Diploma in Archaeology at University College Dublin. His interests encompass both cultural and built heritage and include the use and reuse of megalithic monuments, metal weaponry, Ireland in the Viking Age and experimental archaeology.

Email: [email protected]

Bernard Gilhooly

Bernard completed his BA in Archaeology and History in 2011 and his MA in Archaeology in 2012. He is currently undertaking a PhD on the manufacture and use of stone axes in Irish prehistory. His research interests include hunter-gatherer societies, early Irish prehistory, experimental replication and polished/ground stone axes.

Email: [email protected]

Rowan Lacey

Rowan completed his undergraduate (2012) and Masters (2013) degrees at UCD School of Archaeology. During his time there, he was an active member of the Archaeology Society and the Experimental Prehistoric Stoneworking Group. Since completing his MA, Rowan has presented his research at an international conference in Besançon, France. He very much enjoyed being part of the editorial team for Trowel XIV.

Email: [email protected]

TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013

Conﬂict or Coexistence? An Examination of the Evidence for Native Burial in Early Anglo-Saxon England, AD 400-700

Matthew Austin∗ MA, University of Cardiff [email protected]

Abstract

This paper examines the prospect of identifying native graves in early Anglo-Saxon cemeteries. A brief discussion introduces Romano-British funerary customs before four aspects of the burial record are considered: grave orientation, body position, inclusion of Celtic artefacts and incidences of unfurnished burial. Early Medieval scholars have previously considered these aspects of the burial record to various extents, but there has been limited debate since Sally Crawford’s 1997 paper. A reassessment is provided and new evidence is considered from excavations at Wasperton, Warwickshire (Carver et al 2009) and Buckland, Kent (Parﬁtt and Anderson 2012). Whilst the scope is broad, and the remarks are general, it is concluded that there is tangible evidence for a minority of graves in early Anglo-Saxon cemeteries that expressed a different identity in death. Whether we can interpret these as native or not is the subject of the ﬁnal remarks.

I. Introduction style and emulating a broad sense of ethnic identity. The underlying assumption is that de- emetery analysis has long been the cor- viance from Germanic customs might indicate nerstone of early Anglo-Saxon archaeol- the presence of natives. Cogy. Fascinations with the funerary cus- It is often argued that the Anglo-Saxon mi- toms and grave assemblages of England’s Ger- grants imposed their own socio-political sys- manic past extend deep into antiquarian times tem on the indigenous population, particularly (e.g. Douglas 1793; Kemble 1849; Faussett and in terms of burial (Stoodley 1999, 9). What hap- Mayer 1856). What has seen little investiga- pens, then, when, in an otherwise Germanic tion, however, is the native contribution to such cemetery, we find unfurnished burials, or buri- cemeteries. Accordingly, what follows is an als containing objects that could be classified as investigation into the evidence for the expres- Romano-British or native in terms of form and sion of a native identity (i.e. sub-Roman and decoration? Looking at this interesting body of non-Germanic) in death. Such an endeavour is evidence allows us to gauge new insights into reliant on our relative confidence in differenti- the meaning of identity in post-Roman Britain ating broad ethnic groups from Anglo-Saxon and the dynamics of the interactions between funerary remains (e.g. Böhme 1974; Hines 1984; native and migrant. 1992; 1995; 1996; Brugmann 2011). For example, were we to find a female skeleton (osteologi- II. Approach cally or genetically sexed) with a pair of saucer brooches in, let’s say, Sussex, then we could This paper is concerned with the general, be reasonably confident interpreting the indi- rather than the particular, and will consider vidual as expressing a traditional Saxon dress early Anglo-Saxon cemeteries from across Eng- ∗University of Reading

10 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 land. It is therefore acknowledged that any ford does not raise but I feel is important in es- conclusions are provisional as the interactions tablishing the usefulness of her study). Further- between migrants and natives can only be truly more, it should be emphasised that in the con- understood at a regional or even local level text of Britain the migrants came to a (largely) (Baker 2006; Loveluck and Laing 2011, 536). Romanised landscape with semi-Romanised In light of the fact that the historical, literary inhabitants. Cemeteries in the Germanic home- and place name evidence has been recently re- lands, however, had no such factors. For these viewed (Campbell 2011; Hines 2011; Gelling reasons, the current study only considers En- 2011), I will maintain an archaeological focus glish sites, although the international character throughout. Native burials are found in ar- of Anglo-Saxon England is fully acknowledged. eas outside of Anglo-Saxon influence, such as We are simply looking at different geopolitical parts of Oxfordshire (Chambers et al 1987; Sim- landscapes and social systems. monds et al 2011) and the Chilterns regions (Wheeler 1935; Baker 2006), but are notoriously III. Romano-British Burial difficult to identify and date. As the main concern of this paper is identifying evidence of co- Practice existence between migrants and natives, how- From around 300 BC a new burial custom ever, I will only consider Anglo-Saxon cemeter- emerged in Britain, characterised by N-S ies. Such an endeavour merely seeks to discuss aligned crouched inhumations with one or two the evidence and find possible explanations; artefacts (e.g. brooches, rings, pottery) (O’Brien it is clear that the matter will not be resolved 1999, 1-26, 185). 700 years later, at the twilight until genetic and isotopic approaches become of Roman Britain, unfurnished extended inhu- more refined and routine. mation predominated. Orientation was vari- Previous scholarship has often focused on able, but was generally W-E in the lowland one particular aspect of the burial record, such area. A study of 2975 Late Roman extended as Rahtz’s (1978) study of grave orientation burials from 21 cemeteries found that 77.4% or White’s (1988) study of Celtic objects in had their heads to the west, but these results Anglo-Saxon graves. The most authoritative are somewhat skewed by a handful of very reading of the subject in recent years is Craw- large, organised cemeteries (O’Brien 1999, 5-6). ford’s (1997) comparative study of Continental Rarer funerary customs included prone and de- and Anglo-Saxon cemeteries. She identified capitated burial. Whilst burial practice was in broad similarities, such as similar quantities no way uniform, particularly in less Romanised of unfurnished burials, which she used to ar- areas, a broad overview helps to contextualise gue against the presence of natives in early the general changes observable in post-Roman Anglo-Saxon cemeteries. Crawford’s continen- funerary archaeology. In terms of the archaeo- tal sample (1997, 47-59) consisted of five sites logical record, we are essentially seeing a shift from across Northwestern Europe (Frénou- from large numbers of settlements and a small ville, France; Hjemsted, Denmark; Wagenin- number of unfurnished burials in the Late Ro- gen, the Netherlands; Lent, the Netherlands; man period to small numbers of settlements Großkuchen, Germany). It should be noted, and large numbers of furnished cemeteries in though, that Hjemsted is the only site from the early Anglo-Saxon period (Cleary 1993, 58; a region where the Germanic migrants tradi- 2011, 13-14). When we find what are, for all tionally came from, and even the West Danish intents and purposes Romano-British graves migrations are less understood than those of in early Anglo-Saxon cemeteries, it is unsur- the Angles or Saxons (Hines 1993, 87-9). Ceme- prising that we might entertain the notion of teries from the Germanic homelands are most native representation. It is argued in the fol- frequently composed of furnished cremations lowing discussions that this is a valid line of and inhumation is less common (a point Craw- enquiry although it is exceedingly difficult to

11 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 prove with conﬁdence. V. Body Positions

As previously mentioned, crouched burial was IV. Grave Orientation common in the Iron Age and in parts of Britain during the Roman period. Consequently, it The orientation of burials depends on a number could be argued that incidences of this rite of factors (Rahtz 1978, 1). In the post-Roman in early Anglo-Saxon cemeteries might sug- period the majority of burials are oriented in gest a native element maintaining the “old the western sector of the compass, most com- ways” (Faull 1977, 8). A good example of such monly with heads to the west or north (Rose burial is found at Appledown I, Sussex which 1922, 137-8; Faull 1977, 5). However, whilst the had 84 supine and 21 crouched or flexed buri- hundreds of W-E oriented Romano-British and als (Down and Welch 1990, 19). Apart from sub-Roman graves at Cannington Cemetery, Graves 121 and 85, the crouched burials had Somerset might indicate Christian belief or no grave goods. Similar examples can be found burial in alignment with the solar arc (Hawkes at Sleaford, Lincolnshire where there was a dis- 1982, 48-9; Rahtz 1978, 7-9; 2000, 113-21), the crete group of crouched W-E burials with no burials at Berinsfield, Oxfordshire appear to grave goods (Thomas 1887, 385; O’Brien 1999, have been governed by a pre-existing ditch 82). Despite this, there are considerable diffi- (Boyle and Dodd 1995, 124; Crawford 1997, 63; culties with an ethnic explanation for burial Fig. 1). Similarly, the orientation of graves at position and it is possible religious or spiritual Buckland, Kent seems to have been determined factors may have been more important in decid- by the steep slope of the hillside (Parfitt 2012, ing what position one was buried in (Crawford 23). Other cemeteries, such as Sewerby, Hum- 1997, 65). berside, appear to have random orientations Prone and decapitation burials are rarer but it is interesting to note that only women still, and may have acted to mark out deviancy had their heads to the west (Hirst 1985, 28-9). (Harman et al 1981, 164). Burials of this type What is more interesting to our current study are found in Roman cemeteries and their pres- is deviancy from the established orientation of ence in early Anglo-Saxon cemeteries could a cemetery, which was the focus of a detailed indicate continuity of practice. A striking exam- study by Faull (1977). From a consideration ple of prone burial was found in Grave 41/49, of over 5000 graves in northern England, it spatially positioned slightly in the south of was suggested that N-S oriented graves in a the cemetery at Sewerby, Humberside (Hirst predominantly W-E cemetery might indicate 1985, 38-43; Fig. 2). A female skeleton was native burial (Faull 1977, 5-11, 20-3). However, found prone and awkwardly contorted with N-S aligned burials also occur in Continental part of a beehive quern placed on, and slightly cemeteries, so this cannot be argued with any damaging, the sacrum. The prone burial was confidence (Crawford 1997, 63). What con- positioned over the top of a richly furnished founds the problem of orientation is that the supine coffin burial. On account of the appar- orientation of early Anglo-Saxon graves does ent lack of care exercised in the interment, and not seem to have been standardised either. in light of the rarity of such a contorted body Whilst N-S or S-N alignments were most position in early Anglo-Saxon England, the in- common in many of the Germanic homelands, dividual has previously been interpreted as a a considerable proportion of the graves in early sacrificed slave or deviant (Hirst 1985, 38-42; Anglo-Saxon England are W-E (Boddington Crawford 2007, 87). An alternative interpreta- 1990, 179-82, 191-4; Stoodley 1999, 63). It seems, tion would be a native woman, but the rarity then, that very little hard evidence for native of such burials makes it difficult to derive any burial can be gleaned from the study of orien- signifier of ethnicity. What, then, of graves tation. containing native or Celtic objects?

12 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013

VI. Native or Celtic Objects found? A class G penannular was the only fur- nishing in a burial at Wooler, Northumberland, There are a small number of artefacts found which could potentially be interpreted as that in early Anglo-Saxon England which can be of a Briton (Faull 1977, 5). Similarly, a skeleton said to be Celtic or native in terms of form and with one bead and one penannular brooch was decoration. The amount of these objects is lim- found at Melton Hill, Humberside (Meaney ited, however, and out of approximately 30,000 1964, 295; O’Brien 1999, 74). The small ceme- early Anglo-Saxon graves there are around 110 tery at Fimber Church, Humberside has also penannular brooches, 85 hanging bowls and 40 yielded evidence of this burial rite in the form enamelled objects which could be considered of one burial with a single penannular (Meaney culturally “native” (Härke 2007, 58-60). 1964, 288; O’Brien 1999, 74). It is curious that Enamelling is a form of decoration that was these burials have no explicitly Germanic grave typical in Roman times but does not occur in goods. If anything, the strong native tradition the Germanic homelands (Bateson 1981, 19-65; of penannulars might favour a native, rather Härke 2003, 18; Laing 2007, 44; Fig. 3). The than Anglo-Saxon, assignment for these burials most common and well known enamelled ob- (Eagles 1979, 46). jects in Anglo-Saxon England are associated with copper hanging bowls which are pre- VII. Burial Without Grave Goods dominantly found in late 6th and 7th century elite burials (Scull 1985, 119; Brenan 1991, 65- One key body of evidence in the recognition of 74). Their presence in Anglo-Saxon England expressions of native identity is the incidence can be most adequately explained by trade or of unfurnished burials (O’Brien 1999, 60). The native-influenced crafting techniques. Enam- difficulty of interpreting unfurnished burials elled brooches are also found in early Anglo- is made clear by the example of Snape, Suf- Saxon graves, and there is a cluster in 5th folk. This mixed rite cemetery dating to the to early 6th century East Anglia (Scull 1985; 6th century had a series of graves furnished Härke 2003, 18). Scull (1985, 119-22) suggested solely with organic finds, such as leather and that a native enclave was undergoing Angli- textile clothing and bags, which would not usu- cisation and used Germanic dress accessories ally survive under ordinary burial conditions which they decorated in their own way. In (Filmer-Sankey 1992; Filmer-Sankey and Pestell any case, enamelling seems strong evidence 2001; Crawford 1997, 46). This shows that what for a measure of native or Celtic influence, but might be an unfurnished grave to an archaeol- the best evidence comes from the finding of ogist might not have been one in the past How- penannular brooches in otherwise unfurnished ever, it is impossible to tell how widespread graves. a phenomenon the Snape-like organic burials Penannular brooches are often viewed as might have been. Therefore, whilst this point evidence of cross-cultural contact or as attest- is duly noted it would be irrational to ascribe ing the presence of native craftsmen living all unfurnished burials the status of furnished. amongst the Anglo-Saxons. This artefact group Wasperton, Warwickshire is a unique site originated in the Iron Age and was popular insofar as the cemetery, containing 241 buri- in Roman times (Härke 2003, 17-18). Fowler als between the 4th and 7th centuries, and its (1963) produced a typology of penannulars and surrounding landscape, have both been exten- identified groups F, G and H as being the main sively excavated (Hughes and Crawford 1995; “Dark Age” types, although earlier forms ap- Carver et al 2009). Although the suggested pear in early Anglo-Saxon graves as well. If sequence has been criticized (Hamerow 1997, we are to interpret penannulars as possible evi- 37; Scull 2009), the findings at Wasperton con- dence of native craftsmanship, then, what are tribute significant evidence for continuity and we to make of the graves in which they are acculturation in the Late Roman to Anglo-

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Saxon transition. An important group of buri- Keeling 2013). There have also been small-scale als in the south-east corner of the cemetery genetic studies, such as a recent work which continued to practice unfurnished burial in a found compelling, if uncertain, evidence for an Romano-British style into the 6th century, pro- apartheid-like social structure in early Anglo- viding strong evidence for a native component Saxon England (Thomas et al. 2006). Although to the burial practice at the site (Carver et al the study has been heavily criticized (Pattison 2009, ix; Fig. 4). 2008), the idea is at least interesting and a sim- Similarly, 17% of burials (21 out of 114) and ilar system could be well reflected in certain 23% (55 out of 242) of adults were unfurnished cemeteries. Moreover, the 7th century Laws at Berinsfield, Oxfordshire and Sleaford, Lin- of Ine (r.688-726) in Wessex provide different colnshire respectively (Boyle et al 1995, 28-61; wergild amounts (the value of a person, based Crawford 1997, 61-7; Thomas 1887, 389-405; on social status) for Anglo-Saxons and Wealas O’Brien 1999, 82). Furthermore, the 1994 exca- (natives or foreigners), so a distinction based vations at Buckland, Kent saw 26% of burials on ethnicity is plausible (Ward-Perkins 2000, (64 out of 244) lack grave goods (Riddler et al 523-6; Barnwell 2003, 3). 2012, 385-543; Fig. 5). A conservative estimate, based on these examples and other statistical VIII. Conclusion accounts, would see 1 in 10 adults being buried unfurnished. It is hoped that this paper will contribute to Whilst there is a similar incidence of un- wider debates on the nature of Anglo-Saxon furnished burial on the Continent (e.g. Craw- settlement and the socio-political dynamics ford 1997) it should be stressed that we are of migrant-native interaction. Whilst nothing only looking at one population there; not the has been proven with confidence, a modern complex situation of migrant-native interac- reappraisal of the evidence might hopefully tions as in England. Accordingly, a like-for-like incite further investigation. A comparison of comparison is unsuitable. More nuanced in- Romano-British and early Anglo-Saxon burial terpretations need to account for the sizable practices lends an explanation to the striking Romano-British population present at the end number of burials in early Anglo-Saxon Eng- of the Roman period (see Salway 1981, 542-52 land that lack Germanic characteristics. This and Thomas et al 2006 for liberal and conser- phenomenon alone seems, to me, to be rather vative estimates respectively). Whilst it could convincing evidence for some element of na- be argued that unfurnished burials represent tive representation in cemeteries. That native the materially or socially deprived, it seems craftsmen, or at least some of their skills, meth- more likely that these are the graves of indige- ods and craftsmanship survived the Adventus nous Britons. We have every reason to believe Saxonum is evidenced by the occurrence of that natives should form at least a small part Celtic or native objects in early Anglo-Saxon of early Anglo-Saxon society, because short of graves. Where one such object is found in extermination, plague or displacement, there a burial otherwise lacking Germanic charac- is no alternative avenue of explanation. Whilst ter, it seems perfectly reasonable to interpret a large-scale genetic study of ancient DNA has it as more likely expressing a native rather yet to emerge, recent work with modern pop- than a migrant identity. Unfortunately, the ulations as part of the Peoples of the British current state of knowledge is somewhat lim- Isles project (PoBI) has been able to take a long iting. Whilst advances in understanding and view. Although results are currently provision, explanation occur at a considerable rate, we are the project has been able to identify substantial still not in a position to confidently describe amounts of “ancient British” DNA present in the intricacies of the interactions between na- modern genetic material, indicating a degree of tive and migrant, let alone explain them. This coexistence and continuity (Winney et al 2011; will come with time, however, as excavation

14 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 methodologies are refined and isotopic and ge- Didcot. Oxford: Oxford Archaeological netic techniques become more routine. Isotopic Unit, pp. 112-43. provenancing and ancient DNA fingerprinting will eventually allow us to distinguish between [Boyle et al 1995] Boyle, A., Dodd, D., Miles, native, migrant or any fusion of the two. As an D. & Mudd, A. (1995) Two Oxfordshire example, an important genetic study of Viking Anglo-Saxon Cemeteries: Berinsfield and Did- migrations has found compelling evidence for cot. Oxford: Oxford Archaeological Unit. a male-dominated migration and quick assim- ilation in the Western Isles of Scotland com- [Brenan 1991] Brenan, J. (1991) Hanging Bowls pared to a slower, family-based migration in and their Contexts. BAR British Series 220. Orkney and Shetland (Goodacre et al 2005). Oxford: BAR. Perhaps future studies will be able to provide [Brugmann 2011] Brugmann, B. (2011) Mi- such insights into the Adventus Saxonum. Un- gration and Endogenous Change, in til the quality and number of our datasets in- Hamerow, H., Hinton, D.A. & Crawford, S. creases, however, we will have to continue to (eds.) The Oxford Handbook of Anglo-Saxon construct reasonable arguments from the avail- Archaeology. Oxford: Oxford University able evidence. Press, pp. 30-45.

References [Campbell 2011] Campbell, J. (2011) Historical Sources and Archaeology, in Hamerow, [Baker 2006] Baker, J.T. (2006) Cultural Transi- H., Hinton, D.A. & Crawford, S. (eds.) The tion in the Chilterns and Essex Region, 350 Oxford Handbook of Anglo-Saxon Archaeol- AD to 650 AD. Hertfordshire: University ogy. Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. of Hertfordshire Press. 951-67.

[Barnwell 2003] Barnwell, P. (2003) Britons [Carver et al 2009] Carver, M., Hills, C. & and Warriors in Post-Roman South-East Scheschkwitz, J. (2009) Wasperton: A Ro- England. Anglo-Saxon Studies in History man, British and Anglo-Saxon Community and Archaeology 12, pp. 1-8. in Central England. Suffolk: The Boydell Press. [Bateson 1981] Bateson, J.D. (1981) Enamel- working in Iron Age, Roman and Sub-Roman [Chambers et al 1987] Chambers, R.A., Britain. BAR British Series 93. Oxford: BAR. Haddon-Reece, D., Harman, M., Molle- [Boddington 1990] Boddington, A. (1990) son, T.I., Price, J.L. & Wilson, B. (1987) Models of Burial, Settlement and Wor- The Late- and Sub-Roman cemetery at ship: The Final Phase Reviewed, in Queenford Farm, Dorchester-on-Thames, Southworth, E. (ed.) Anglo-Saxon Cemeter- Oxon. Oxoniensia 52, pp. 35-70. ies: a reappraisal. Slough: Alan Sutton, pp. [Cleary 1993] Cleary, S.E. (1993) Approaches 177-99. to the Differences between Late Romano- [Böhme 1974] BÃ˝uhme,H. (1974) Germanische British and Early Anglo-Saxon Archaeol- Grabfunde des 4. Bis 5. Jarhunderts zwischen ogy. Anglo-Saxon Studies in History and Ar- unterer Elbe und Loire (Two Volumes). Mu- chaeology 6, pp. 57-63. nich: C.H. Beck. [Cleary 2011] Cleary, S.E. (2011) The Ending(s) [Boyle and Dodd 1995] Boyle, A. & Dodd, A. of Roman Britain, in Hamerow, H., Hin- (1995) Discussion, in Boyle, A., Dodd, A., ton, D.A. & Crawford, S. (eds.) The Oxford Miles, D. & Mudd, A. (eds) Two Oxford- Handbook of Anglo-Saxon Archaeology. Ox- shire Anglo-Saxon Cemeteries: Berinsﬁeld and ford: Oxford University Press, pp. 13-29.

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[Crawford 1997] Crawford, S. (1997) Britons, [Filmer-Sankey and Pestell 2001] Filmer- Anglo-Saxons and the Germanic Burial Sankey, W & Pestell, T. (2001) Snape Ritual, in Chapman, J. & Hamerow, H. Anglo-Saxon Cemetery: Excavations and (eds.) Migrations and Invasions in Archaeo- Surveys 1824-1992. Ipswich: Suffolk logical Explanation. BAR International Se- County Council. ries 664. Oxford: BAR, pp. 45-72. [Fowler 1963] Fowler, E. (1963) Celtic Metal- [Crawford 2007] Crawford, S. (2007) Compan- work of the Fifth and Sixth Centuries A.D. ions, co-incidences or chattels? Children A Re-appraisal. The Archaeological Journal in the early Anglo-Saxon multiple burial 120, pp. 95-160. ritual, in S. Crawford and G. Shepherd (eds.) Children, Childhood and Society. BAR [Gelling 2011] Gelling, M. (2011) Place-Names International Series 1696. Oxford: Ar- and Archaeology, in Hamerow, H., Hin- chaeopress. pp. 83-92. ton, D.A. & Crawford, S. (eds.). The Ox- ford Handbook of Anglo-Saxon Archaeology. [Douglas 1793] Douglas, J. (1793) Nenia Britan- Oxford: Oxford University Press, pp. 986- nica: or, a Sepulchral History of Great Britain. 1002. London: B & J White. [Goodacre et al 2005] Goodacre, S., Helgason, [Down and Welch 1990] Down, A. & Welch, A., Nicholson, J., Southam, L., Ferguson, M. (1990) Chichester Excavations 7: Apple- L., Hickey, E., Vega, E., StefÃ ˛ansson,K., down and the Mardens. Chichester: Chich- Ward, R. & Sykes, B. (2005) Genetic ev- ester District Council. idence for a family-based Scandinavian [Eagles 1979] Eagles, B.N. (1979) The Anglo- settlement of Shetland and Orkney dur- Saxon Settlement of Humberside. (Two Vol- ing the Viking periods. Heredity 95, pp. umes). BAR British Series 68(i and ii). Ox- 129-35. ford: BAR. [Hamerow 1997] Hamerow, H. (1997) Migra- [Faull 1977] Faull, M. (1977) British survival tion Theory and the Anglo-Saxon “Iden- in Anglo-Saxon Northumbria, in Laing, L. tity Crisis”, in Chapman, J. & Hamerow, (ed.) Studies in Celtic Survival. BAR British H. (eds.) Migrations and Invasions in Ar- Series 37. Oxford: BAR, pp. 1-56. chaeological Explanation. BAR International Series 664. Oxford: BAR, pp. 34-44. [Faussett and Mayer 1856] Faussett, B. & Mayer, J. (1856) Inventorium Sepulchrale: [Härke 2003] Härke, H. (2003) Population re- an Account of some Antiquities dug up at placement or acculturation? An archae- Gilton, Kingstone, Sibertswold, Barfriston, ological perspective on population and Beakesbourne, Chartham, and Crundale, in migration in post-Roman Britain, in Tris- the County of Kent, from A.D. 1757 to A.D. tram, H.L.C. (ed.) The Celtic Englishes III. 1773. London: Privately published (by Heidelberg: Winter, pp. 13-28. Charles Roach Smith). [Härke 2007] Härke, H. (2007) Invisible Bir- [Filmer-Sankey 1992] Filmer-Sankey, W. (1992) tons, Gallo-Romans and Russians: Per- The Snape Anglo-Saxon Cemetery and spectives on Culture Change, in Higham, Ship Burial: Current State of Knowledge, N. (ed.) Britons in Anglo-Saxon England. in Carver, M.O.H. (ed.) The Age of Sutton Suffolk: The Boydell Press, pp. 57-67. Hoo: The Seventh Century in Northwestern Europe. Suffolk: The Boydell Press, pp. 39- [Harman et al 1981] Harman, M., Molleson, 51. T.I. & Price, J.L. (1981) Burials, bodies and

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beheading in Romano-British and Anglo- East Yorkshire. York University Archaeologi- Saxon cemeteries. Bulletin of the British Mu- cal Publications 4. York: University of York. seum of Natural History (Geology) 35(3), pp. 145-88. [Hughes and Crawford 1995] Hughes, G. and Crawford, G. (1995) Excavations at [Hawkes 1982] Hawkes, S.C. (1982) The Ar- Wasperton, Warwickshire, 1980-1985: In- chaeology of Conversion: Cemeteries, in troduction and Part I: The Neolithic and Campbell, J., John, E. & Wormald, P. (eds.) Early Bronze Age. Transactions of the Birm- The Anglo-Saxons. Oxford: Phaidon Press, ingham and Warwickshire Archaeological So- pp. 48-9. ciety 99, pp. 9-46.

[Hines 1984] Hines, J. (1984) The Scandinavian [Keeling 2013] Keeling, J. (2013) What Character of Anglian England in the Pre- makes the British?, Oxford Today Viking Period. BAR British Series 124. Ox- 25(2), pp. 27-8. Available at: http:// ford: BAR. www.oxfordtoday.ox.ac.uk/features/ what-makes-british(Accessed 16 Octo- [Hines 1992] Hines, J. (1992) The Scandinavian ber 2013). Character of Anglian England: an update, in Carver, M.O.H. (ed.) The Age of Sutton [Kemble 1849] Kemble, J.M. (1849) The Saxons Hoo. Suffolk: The Boydell Press, pp. 315- in England. London: Longman. 29. [Laing] Laing, L. (2007) Romano-British Met- [Hines 1993] Hines, J. (1993) Clasps Hektespen- alworking and the Anglo-Saxons, in ner Agraffen. Anglo-Scandinavian Clasps of Higham, N. (ed.) Britons in Anglo-Saxon classes A-C of the 3rd to 6th centuries A.D. Ty- England. Suffolk: The Boydell Press, pp. pology, Diffusion and Function. Stockholm: 42-56. Kungl. Vitterhets Historie och Antikvitets [Longley 1975] Longley, D. (1975) Hanging- Akademien. Bowls Pennanular Brooches and the British Archaeo- [Hines 1995] Hines, J. (1995) Cultural Change Anglo-Saxon Connexion. logical Reports and Social Organisation in Early Ango- 22. Oxford: BAR. Saxon England, in Ausenda, G. (ed.) After [Loveluck and Laing 2011] Loveluck, C. & Empire: Towards an Ethnology of Europe’s Laing, L. (2011) Britons and Anglo-Saxons, Barbarians. Suffolk: The Boydell Press, pp. in Hamerow, H., Hinton, D.A. & Craw- 75-93. ford, S. (eds.) The Oxford Handbook of Anglo-Saxon Archaeology. Oxford: Oxford [Hines 1996] Hines, J. (1996) Britain after University Press, pp. 534-55. Rome: Between Multiculturalism and Monoculturalism, in Graves-Brown, P., [Meaney 1964] Meaney, A. (1964) A Gazetteer Jones, S. & Gamble, C. (eds.) Cultural Iden- of Early Anglo-Saxon Burial Sites. London: tity and Archaeology. London: Routledge, George Allen & Unwin. pp. 256-70. [O’Brien 1999] O’Brien, E. (1999) Post-Roman [Hines 2011] Hines, J. (2011) Literary Sources Britain to Anglo-Saxon England: Burial Prac- and Archaeology, in Hamerow, H., Hin- tices Reviewed. BAR British Series 289. Ox- ton, D.A. & Crawford, S. (eds.) The Oxford ford: BAR. Handbook of Anglo-Saxon Archaeology. Ox- ford: Oxford University Press, pp. 968-85. [Parfitt 2012] Parfitt, K. (2012) Description of the Anglo-Saxon Graves, in Parfitt, K. & [Hirst 1985] Hirst, S.M. (1985) An Anglo- Anderson, T. (eds.) Buckland Anglo-Saxon Saxon Inhumation Cemetery at Sewerby, Cemetery, Dover. Excavations 1994. The

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Archaeology of Canterbury Volume VI. Can- A. (2011) Excavations at Tubney Wood terbury: Canterbury Archaeological Trust, Quarry, 2001-9. Oxoniensia 76, pp. 105-72. pp. 21-42. [Stoodley 1999] Stoodley, N. (1999) The Spindle [Pattison 2008] Pattison, J.E. (2008) Is it neces- and the Spear: A Critical Enquiry into the sary to assume an apartheid-like structure Construction and Meaning of Gender in the in Early Anglo-Saxon England?. Proceed- Early Anglo-Saxon Burial Rite. BAR British ings of the Royal Society 275, pp. 2423-9. Series 288. Oxford: BAR.

[Rahtz 1978] Rahtz, P. (1978) Grave Orientation. [Thomas 1887] Thomas, G. (1887) Excavations The Archaeological Journal 135, pp. 1-14. in an Anglo-Saxon cemetery at Sleaford. Archaeologia 50, pp. 383-406. [Rahtz 2000] Rahtz, P. (2000) Cannington Cemetery. Britannia Monograph Series No. [Thomas et al 2006] Thomas, M.G., Stumpf, 17. London: Society for the Promotion of M.P.H. & Härke, H. (2006) Evidence for Roman Studies. an apartheid-like structure in early Anglo- Saxon England. Proceedings of the Royal [Riddler et al 2012] Riddler, I., Parﬁtt, K., Society 273, pp. 2651-7. Corke, B. & Haith, C. (2012) Part 10: Grave Catalogue, in Parﬁtt, K. & Ander- [Ward-Perkins 2000] Ward-Perkins, B. (2000) son, T. (eds.) Buckland Anglo-Saxon Ceme- Why did the Anglo-Saxons not become tery, Dover. Excavations 1994. The Archaeol- more British?. English Historical Review ogy of Canterbury Volume VI. Canterbury: 115, pp. 513-33. Canterbury Archaeological Trust, pp. 385- 574. [Wheeler 1935] Wheeler, R.E.M. (1935) London and the Saxons. London: Lancaster House. [Rose 1922] Rose, H.J. (1922) Celestial and Ter- restrial Orientation of the Dead. Journal of [White 1988] White, R.H. (1988) Roman and the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Celtic Objects from Anglo-Saxon Graves: a Britain and Ireland 52, pp. 127-40. Catalogue and an Interpretation of their Use. BAR British Series 191. Oxford: BAR. [Salway 1981] Salway, P. (1981) Roman Britain. Oxford: Oxford University Press. [Winney et al 2011] Winney, B., Boumertit, A., Day, T., Davison, D., Echeta, C., Evseeva, [Scull 1985] Scull, C. (1985) Further Evidence I., Hutnik, K., Leslie, S., Nicodemus, from East Anglia for Enamelling on K., Royrvik, E.C., Tonks, S., Yang, X., Early Anglo-Saxon Metalwork. Anglo- Cheshire, J., Longley, P., Mateos, P., Saxon Studies in Archaeology and History Groom, A., Relton, C., Bishop, D.T., Black, 4, pp. 117-124. K., Northwood, E., Parkinson, L., Frayling, [Scull 2009] Scull, C. (2009) [Review of] T.M., Steele, A., Sampson, J.R., King, T., Wasperton: a Roman, British and Anglo- Dixon, R., Middleton, D., Jennings, B., Saxon community in central England. An- Bowden, R., Donnelly, P. & Bodmer, W. tiquity 83(322), pp. 1209-11. (2011) People of the British Isles: preliminary analysis of genotypes and surnames [Simmonds et al 2011] Simmonds, A., in a UK-control population. European Jour- Anderson-Whymark, H. & Norton, nal of Human Genetics 20, p. 203-10.

18 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 Expanding Landscapes: Remote Access to Medieval Ireland

Michael Corcoran∗ MA, University College Dublin [email protected]

Abstract

Increased access to data from airborne laser scanning (ALS) has allowed researchers to get a glimpse of vast relict landscapes and structures that lay hitherto undetected. Through highlighting minute variations in topography, ALS has enabled the identification of new archaeological monuments and the placement of many readily-known sites into a more specific landscape context. The ability to highlight micro-topography across smaller scales has also helped to identify of how these landscapes were utilised, e.g. agricultural practices. This paper will introduce research currently being undertaken by the author into medieval agriculture and settlement and how the use of ALS imagery has facilitated a greater understanding of the scale and form of medieval landscapes. The author will present some preliminary results following a review of such aerial and ALS data covering the local catchment area of the River Suir and its major tributaries. The core methodology of this review will be introduced along with an analysis of the initial findings and the potential implications these findings may have with regard to the state of Irish medieval research.

I. Introduction (Figure 1). The area comprises generally low- lying, gently undulating terrain consisting of a mix of well drained mineral soil and min- he focus of this paper is the contribu- eral alluvium along river floodplains (Fealy & tion of Airborne Laser Scanning (ALS) Green 2009). This area was chosen due to the Tto the study of medieval agriculture and availability of ALS data, which was provided rural settlement of the River Suir and its en- by the Office of Public Works (OPW). The Suir virons. Specifically, it concerns second-hand data was generated in 2008 by TerraImaging ALS data obtained for research purposes. It Ltd. from an ALS survey carried out for the forms part of a broader PhD research project Suir Catchment Flood Risk Assessment and currently being undertaken by the author at Management (CFRAM) Study (Conor Galvin, University College Dublin, in conjunction with Office of Public Works, pers. comm.). and funded by the Teagasc Walsh Fellowship programme. The aim of this broader project I.I. ALS is to create a more detailed picture of the development of agricultural and settlement sys- ALS, also known as LiDAR (Light Detection tems in Ireland across the medieval and early and Ranging, Figure 2), is a topographical sur- modern eras, with particular emphasis on the vey technique that uses regular laser pulses to causes of change in these systems, e.g. climatic determine three-dimensional coordinate data and demographic variation. The study area for a given surface (Davis 2012, 4). These pulses discussed in this paper consists of an area of are emitted from a scanning device that can be roughly 1300km2 following the river Suir and mounted to the underside of an aircraft. Each its major tributaries from its estuary near Wa- laser pulse will typically result in a number terford city in the east to Tipperary town in of echoes or “returns”, which correspond to the west and north to just beyond Templemore the different surfaces the pulse has come in ∗UCD School of Archaeology

19 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 contact with. The first return may relate, for was set to 15◦ and azimuth to 30◦. Additional example, to the top of a tree canopy, while the features of archaeological potential were iden- last return reflects the ground surface. Each tified and recorded in the same manner. For return is recorded as a three-dimensional point the third pass, recorded sites were reviewed in- with x, y and z coordinates. The data resulting dividually, with the above variables altered for from an ALS survey takes the form of a cloud the best visualisation. Basic digitisation was of many thousands or millions of points, de- also carried out at this point. pending on the area being surveyed and the A limited amount of orthophoto imagery desired resolution. This point cloud can be pro- was made available to the author through accessed using Geographic Information Systems cess to the OPW’s Suir Orthophoto Project (also (GIS) in order to separate the various return part of the Suir CFRAM study), and Ordnance types. Generally, the first and last returns are Survey orthophotography was accessed via the used to create a Digital Surface Model (DSM) OSi online viewer (OSi 2013). Bing satellite im- and a Digital Terrain Model (DTM) respectively agery was also heavily used due to the level of (Ibid., 5). The DTM is a particularly useful tool resolution afforded across the study area and for archaeologists as it allows visualisation of their accessibility through GIS software such as the ground beneath vegetation and, depending ArcMap and Quantum GIS. SMR data was ob- on the resolution of the survey, can highlight tained directly from the National Monuments the very low-relief changes in topography that Service’s online portal and was used to pro- are often associated with buried or earthen ar- vide an archaeological context for a review of chaeological features. ALS data (DoAHG 2013). Lastly, historic Ord- nance Survey Ireland mapping was available through a number of online viewing platforms; II. Methodology however, first edition mapping for specific areas was also downloaded from the Geological The ALS data used for this project was pro- Survey of Ireland’s (GSI) Jetstream Interactive vided to the School of Archaeology, UCD, al- Web Data Delivery System (GSI 2013). ready processed to exclude all but the last re- Ultimately, 305 identified features were turns, resulting in a “bare earth” DTM in .ascii deemed to possess significant archaeological text format. The .ascii dataset was converted potential and were grouped into six broad clas- to .las format using LasTools (Isenbgurg) and sifications (see Figure 3). interpolated using a TIN (Triangular Irregular The project explored the potential of iden- Network) to produce a series of digital eleva- tifying new archaeology using a standardised tion models gridded to 0.5m resolution. The display and limited set of variables. The ALS data was studied in three phases by re- methodology employed was chosen due to the viewing each DEM from north to south and size of the study area and the absence of any east to west using Global Mapper and employ- targeting of specific site types or desired out- ing a basic daylight shader. For the first phase, comes at the outset. As such, the figures listed light altitude was set to 45◦ and azimuth to above likely represent a minimum number of 315◦, with vertical exaggeration set to 5. Po- identifiable archaeological features. tential archaeological features were identified based on morphology and landscape context (association with specific landscape features III. Discussion of Findings and already-recorded archaeology). Aerial photography and first edition mapping were also III.I. Overview of Feature Classifications consulted to assess archaeological potential. Micellaneous Earthworks Identified features were recorded as points, which were then saved as a shapefile for sub- A number of sites or areas were identified (22 sequent review. For the second phase, altitude in total) which possessed earthwork features

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of uncertain structure or purpose. In some in- Field Systems/Agricultural Features stances this constituted isolated features such This class comprises two specific sub-categories as penannular enclosure-type features. In other – field boundaries and agricultural ridges. Al- cases larger areas displayed concentrations of though it was impossible to suggest a date for linear or mound-type earthworks in which no most features in either sub-category, a num- specific structure could be identified. ber of examples were identified wherein their contexts may have belied their chronologies. Circular/Curvilinear Features For example, some features identified as field This class by far represents the largest body boundaries consisted of radial earthwork en- of recorded features. Within this class the closures focused on either known ringforts or most abundant feature type was the circular other circular enclosures, suggesting an early or oval enclosure. These were mostly of uni- medieval date (Edwards 1996, 53-6). A number vallate form although a number of multival- of areas displayed signs of relict agricultural late enclosures were also identified. These fea- ridging and several examples of what appeared tures appeared in many sizes and likely rep- to be co-axial strip fields were also identified resented prehistoric enclosures, burial mon- alongside possible early roads and rectangular uments or ringforts. Other sub-categories in- enclosures. cluded mounds and platforms. These, however, were identified more tentatively relying on con- Settlement Areas textual information rather than their morphologies. Features in this broad class were, at times, similar to those recorded as “miscellaneous earth- Rectangle/Rectilinear Features works” but displaying identifiable structures such as plot boundaries, tofts or routeways. Features in this class constitute full rectangular However, a number of more substantial set- or sub-rectangular enclosures. In most cases, tlement areas were identified where multiple these features shared morphological character- settlement indicators were in evidence together. istics with medieval moated sites such as their At the vast majority of these sites, earthwork dimensions and the presence of a bank and ex- features were largely linear or rectilinear and ternal fosse or a possible leat. Others appeared often arranged about a common axis. At some to be smaller enclosures associated with other sites, more radial arrangements of earthworks settlement sites and some further features were were evident. more isolated. Medieval Archaeology Routeway Features These newly-identified features have the poten- A large number (60) of features comprising tial to significantly expand our existing knowl- parallel earthworks were identified. The earth- edge of the archaeological heritage of the Suir works largely consisted of either escarpments valley area. The ALS data has certainly con- or embankments and, in some cases, parallel tributed to the discussion of many aspects relat- depressions/fosses. The sizes of these features ing to the wider research agenda on medieval varied both from site to site and often along agriculture and settlement. It has done so in the course of individual features from c.6m three key areas: transport & communications, in width to in excess of 50m. Length varied settlement and agricultural practice. from site to site from as little as 20m to over 1500m. It is likely that these features represent Transport and Communications disused routeways of varying age and purpose; from medieval roads to prehistoric trackways Routeways are an under-appreciated archae- or ceremonial avenues. ological resource and an under-researched

21 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 monument type. Often they are referred to 005—-). It is possible then that these medieval passively in discussions of other monuments sites provide a chronological context for the rather than being properly explored as the crit- linear features. If they are, in fact, of medieval ical elements of historic landscapes that they date, then this network creates a vivid picture likely were. This lack of research does not only of how people moved through this landscape constitute a missing piece of the puzzle when and how different structure types were inte- attempting to understand these historic land- grated into the broader medieval settlement scapes, but also affects the interpretation of scheme. other relatively better-researched sites. An example of the central importance of roadways in Settlement medieval Ireland may be seen at Thomastown The ALS survey has potentially significantly Demesne, Co. Tipperary. expanded knowledge of medieval settlement The three townlands of Thomastown within the Suir valley. Once again, the sug- Demesne display an important and impressive gested interpretations of identified features archaeological landscape, with no fewer than were based upon general morphologies, di- 29 recorded archaeological monuments. These mensions and landscape contexts. Using these include ring barrows, ringforts, moated sites, criteria, a number of rectangular earthwork en- field systems and various sites recorded as “enclosures were identified that displayed some closure”. A number of new sites of archae- diagnostic characteristics of medieval moated ological potential were identified using ALS sites such as a broad fosse, entrance causeway data. These consisted of circular/curvilinear and association with a possible leat feature. 26 features, rectilinear features and agricultural such sites were identified by the author and ridging. A number of linear features were remain to be further investigated. If their inter- also identified that were likely pre-1837 field pretation as moated sites is accurate, then this boundaries. However, there were quite a few potentially represents an increase of 45% in the that took the form of parallel earthen embank- number of such sites recorded within the study ments, on average 10m in width. Stretches of area. A striking characteristic of the majority of such features can be found scattered across these 26 possible moated sites were their prox- the landscape and they tend, for the most imity – i.e. within 1km (or a few fields) – to part, to run under existing and 19th century either a medieval tower house, road/holloway field boundaries and other modern features or substantial water course. This may have im- (although some may have been fossilised as plications regarding the traditional suggestion modern field boundaries themselves). These that moated sites were generally isolated, situ- linear features appear to respect, and in places ated near the edges of manorial lands (Baker focus upon, known archaeological monuments, 2009, 6; Barry 2000, 116-117). which may suggest their use as routeways. Dat- As illustrated above, there were 33 sites ing, as always, is problematic. There is a group identified in the study area that displayed of these possible roads to the north of Thomas- indications of settlement nucleation of vary- town Demesne South that appears to be re- ing density. Six of these – Ardmayle West & lated to a number of medieval sites (Plate 1). Farneybridge in North Co. Tipperary; and For example, a settlement comprising three Rochestown, Bannixtown, Kilmore and Kil- moated sites and a field system (TS068-007—-, common More North in South Co. Tipper- TS068-007001-, TS068-007002-, TS068-007004-) ary – showed characteristic signs of deserted is bisected by three roads which more or less medieval settlements such as rectangular plot follow the course of the enclosures, curving boundaries, holloways, field systems, proxim- around them. From here, a broad linear feature ity to waterways and the presence of a fortified runs west intermittently between a tower house dwelling (O’Connor 1998, 47). These character- (TS068-032001-) and a ringwork castle (TS068- istics are present at four of the six sites with

22 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 the exception of Kilcommon More North and tion close to a moated site, might suggest a Kilmore which lack evidence for a fortified medieval origin. Several other examples of dwelling. Kilcommon More North is, however, similarly-sized agricultural ridges were identi- associated with former demesne lands and it fied throughout the survey area. These exam- is possible that this site represents settlement ples tend, for the most part, to disrespect mod- activity on the edge of the former Caher estate. ern landscape features, suggesting an early At Kilmore, a network of linear earthworks, date. The low survival rate and low-profile platforms, holloways and rectangular enclo- of surviving examples of early ridging may sures on the bank of the Brackford River sits be due to a suggested preference in Ireland at the centre of a group of four circular enclo- for flat ploughing (Ibid.). It may also be note- sures, three of which were previously recorded worthy to mention that there are examples of as ringforts and one subsequently identified ridge-and-furrow in England where slight dif- from the ALS imagery (Plate 2). Further to ferences in practice have precluded the fossili- the north are what appear to be relict field sation of ridges and reverse-S selions. For ex- boundaries orientated toward the area of earth- ample in East Anglia, stetch ridge-and-furrow works. The site lies within an area marked on was practiced, whereby ridges were ploughed first edition maps as “Old Deer Park” which over rather that maintained (Martin 2007, 123). suggests that, like Kilcommon More North, Kil- This may have particular resonances with the more may have been the site of settlement on example of two-phase cross-ploughing visible demesne fringes. at Monalumpera. It must be noted that absence of evidence for large-scale ridge-and-furrow Agricultural Practice could be due to a bias in the landscape (the area is largely river floodplain, which may not One of the foci for discussion of agricultural have been conducive either to the practice of practices in medieval Ireland concerns the oc- English style ridge-and-furrow or its survival currence of ridge-and-furrow cultivation in where practiced), or possibly a result of the reverse-S selions, typical of the English mid- broad-brush approach to visualising the data lands throughout the medieval period. It has that was adopted for the project. been frequently assumed that this form of arable farming was introduced into Ireland by the Anglo-Normans in the late 12th cen- III.II. Other Findings tury, if not earlier by the Cistercians. While medieval ridge-and-furrow has become fos- Perhaps one of the most advantageous aspects silised in the modern landscape in areas across of the use of ALS in archaeology is its ability to England, examples from the Irish landscape afford a greater understanding of the landscape are scarce, though more and more evidence setting of a recorded site or monument. This for this practice has been discovered in recent immediately became evident during the Suir years (O’Sullivan & Downey 2007, 35). No cor- project. When studying landscapes through rugated landscapes of broad reverse-S selions aerial imagery, the variation in colour, texture were discovered during the ALS survey; how- and pattern that reflects variation in land use ever, several sites were identified that displayed can sometimes generate a sense of discontinu- signs of agricultural ridging that would seem ity from one area to another. This, in turn, can to be of at least a similar scale to that seen enhance the apparent isolation of archaeologi- in England. For example, at Monalumpera, cal monuments. Using ALS, on the other hand, Co. Tipperary, two distinct phases of agri- a relatively undifferentiated image of a given cultural ridging were identified crossing each landscape can reinforce the continuity between other (Plate 3). The substantial dimensions areas. In this way, sites previously seen as of the individual ridges (12-17m in width by isolated may be placed within a more active up to 100m in length), along with their loca- context and new connections between differ-

23 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 ent sites may be identified. This expanding of IV. Conclusion archaeological landscapes can be seen at sites such as Kilmeaden, Co. Waterford. Here, a There are a number of preliminary conclusions recognised historic settlement on the banks of that can be drawn from the data generated by the R. Dawn can be seen as part of a wider land- the Suir ALS survey. Firstly, it is clear that scape stretching east to the R. Suir. A series of routeway features – roads, tracks, holloways, linear earthwork features – possibly represent- etc. – are an insufficiently understood and ap- ing a road – run from the settlement toward a preciated resource for archaeological research. recorded 17th century house (WA008-049—-), They are generally treated as passive entities while other earthworks running perpendicu- linking archaeological features together rather lar may represent field systems. At Kilmurry, than as active monuments in their own right. Co. Kilkenny, a medieval tower house (KK046- Secondly, the moated site, typically associated 028—-) appears to be the focus for a wider set- with an image of isolation on the frontier, may tlement landscape. A church (KK043-038001-) have been far more integrated into the set- and a holy well (KK043-037001-) are recorded tled landscape than so far thought. It seems to the northeast and north respectively. How- that they are not only more numerous but ever, ALS imagery has brought to light an area also that they existed in compact communities, of linear earthworks and enclosures in the field within easy reach of local economic centres and directly south of the tower house, and a possi- routeways. Thirdly, while medieval ridge-and- ble holloway to the east. A rectangular earth- furrow organised in reverse-S selions, typical work enclosure – likely a moated site – can of the English midlands, may occur in certain also be seen 500m east southeast of the tower areas of the country, no examples were found house. during the survey. Agricultural ridging on a similar scale to the medieval English type was, however, identified at a number of sites. III.III. Next Steps If these are representative of the wider land- As a result of this project, a number of areas scape, then this would suggest the use of an have been identified that merit more in-depth alternative system of ploughing to that prac- analysis as part of the broader study into me- ticed in the English midlands, such as flat or dieval agriculture and settlement. Different stetch ploughing. techniques of visualisation are being explored It must be stated that there are disadvan- with respect to these areas. These techniques tages to using second-hand data, and some include local relief modelling, principal com- significant caveats to be aware of. The great- ponent analysis, composite hill shading and est of these is the absence of control over data sky view factor analysis. Preliminary results processing. A LiDAR survey may be commis- are quite interesting, as can be seen from the sioned for any number of reasons – flood risk example of Ardmayle West, South Tipperary assessment, woodland management, archaeo- (see Plate 4). Work is also underway to con- logical prospection, etc. – and the manner in struct an algorithm to automatically identify which the raw data is processed, for example local relief characteristics associated with spe- the algorithms used for filtering and interpola- cific archaeological feature types. It is intended tion, can depend on its intended use. The use to use the Suir LiDAR data as a testing ground. of inappropriate filtering or classification algo- Finally, in order to appropriately report the rithms can adversely affect the visibility of ar- large volume of newly-identified archaeolog- chaeological topography (Opitz 2013, 20). Sec- ical monuments to the National Monuments ondly, without direct control over the raw data, Service (NMS), electronic, cloud-based solu- the appearance of errors such as stripping arte- tions are being devised as an alternative to the facts (unintended consequences of the filtering report form traditionally used by the NMS. of return signals) cannot be controlled. Such

24 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 errors can potentially be misinterpreted as ar- laser scanning in archaeological survey. Swin- chaeology or other landscape features (Crutch- don, English Heritage. ley & Crow 2009, 26). For example, at Mon- alumpera, spots of high elevation along field [Davis 2012] Davis, O. 2012. Processing and boundaries give the impression of tree lining, Working with LiDAR Data in ArcGIS: A whereas in fact they are artefacts of the filter- Practical Guide for Archaeologists. Aberyst- ing process. The process of reviewing the ALS wyth, Royal Commission on the Ancient data was inherently subjective and, while in- and Historical Monuments of Wales. put from various specialist researchers was wel- [Edwards 1996] Edwards, Nancy. 1996. The Ar- comed and regularly received, it was largely chaeology of Early Medieval Ireland. London, restricted to the expertise of a single researcher, Routledge. the author. While ALS has been available for quite [Fealy and Green 2009] Fealy, R. & Green, S. some time, its use as an archaeological survey (eds.). 2009. Teagasc/EPA Soils and Subsoils technique is quite recent (Davis 2012, 40). The mapping project: Final report. Dublin, Envi- potentially large number of new archaeologi- ronmental Protection Agency. cal sites that can and are being detected using second-hand ALS data raises some interesting [Martin 2007] Martin, E. 2007. “Wheare most questions. For example, as the current pro- Inclosures be”: The Making of the East cedure for the reporting of new monuments Anglian Landscape. In M. Gardiner & S. utilises a printed report form for each mon- Rippon (eds) Medieval Landscapes: Land- ument (National Monuments Service 2012), scape History after Hoskins, Volume 2. should an alternative be developed that caters Bollington, Windgather Press. for larger volumes of information and digital format of ALS data? What are the eth- [O’Connor 1998] O’Connor, K. D. 1998. The Ar- ical and legal ramifications of the discovery chaeology of Medieval Rural Settlement in of large numbers of new monuments on pre- Ireland. Discovery Programme Monograph 3. viously “clear” private land holdings? Also, Dublin, Royal Irish Academy / Discovery with a significant portion of the Irish landscape Programme. already mapped using ALS for a variety of [Opitz 2013] Opitz, R. S. 2013. An overview of non-archaeological purposes, how should this airborne and terrestrial laser scanning in resource be exploited for future research? archaeology. In Rachel S. Opitz & David C. Cowley (eds.) Interpreting Archaeologi- References cal Topography: Lasers, 3D Data, Observa- tion, Visualisation and Applications. Oxford, [Baker 2009] Baker, C. 2009. Tullykane, Co. Oxbow. Meath: a medieval rural settlement. In C. Corlett & M. Potterton (eds.) Rural set- [O’Sullivan and Downey 2007] O’Sullivan, tlement in medieval Ireland in the light of Muiris and Downey, Liam. 2007. Know recent excavations. Research Papers in Irish your monuments: Fieldscapes - Anglo- Archaeology 1. Dublin, Wordwell. Norman Footprints. In Archaeology Ireland 21 (82). 32 - 35. [Barry 2000] Barry, T. 2000. Rural Settlement in Medieval Ireland. In T. Barry (ed.) A His- Electronic resources: tory of Settlement in Ireland. London, Rout- ledge. [OSI 2013] Ordnance Survey Ireland Public Map Viewer available at: [Crutchley and Crow] Crutchley, S. & Crow, P. http://maps.osi.ie/publicviewer/ 2009. The Light Fantastic: Using airborne #V1,591271,743300,0,10

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[GSI 2013] Geological Survey of Ireland Jet- [DoAHG 2013] National Monuments stream Interactive Web Data Delivery Service, Archaeological Survey of System available at: https://jetstream. Ireland online database available gsi.ie/iwdds/ at: http://webgis.archaeology.ie/ NationalMonuments/FlexViewer/

26 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 Fishponds and Water Features Associated with Moated Sites: Two Neglected Aspects of Medieval Studies in Ireland.

Julie O’Brien∗ Undergraduate, University College Dublin [email protected]

Abstract

The lack of conclusive archaeological evidence for fishponds in Anglo-Norman Ireland (Murphy and O’Conor 2006, 55; Murphy and Potterton 2010, 396) has yet to be addressed. Was fish farming part of Anglo-Norman life in Ireland? If so, what was the nature of fish management activities? Are fishponds as few as the archaeological and historical record suggest or has their morphology yet to be conclusively identified in the landscape? The academic literature on fishponds in France and England is reviewed before the potential of an archaeological investigation in Ireland is discussed. By using a variety of archaeological approaches, a greater understanding of fish management practices and insightful details regarding the society in Anglo-Norman Ireland can be gained. Furthermore, a study of fishponds and other watery features associated with moated sites would allow scholars to rethink the function of these rectangular earthworks and would encourage the exploration of new interpretative paths. Tentative suggestions are offered to support this argument. Fishponds are rapidly disappearing in the landscape (Aston 1988, 4) and the wealth of information they hold may be lost if they do not receive archaeological attention.

I. Introduction In order to address these important questions, focus was placed onto the watery features of moated sites. These rectangular earth- oo little is known about Anglo-Norman works constitute a relevant place to start since fish management in Ireland. To date, they are not only believed to have been con- Tthere is no conclusive archaeological ev- structed in Ireland between the 13th and the idence for fishponds (Murphy and O’Conor 14th centuries (see Empey 1982-3; Glasscock 2006, 55; Murphy and Potterton 2010, 396), 1970, 164; Barry 1999, 93; O’Conor 2000, 92; while only a limited amount of historical doc- O’Keeffe 2000a, 75) but are also often associ- uments, relating to 13th and 14th century ex- ated with fishponds in France and in England amples, have been found (O’Conor 1998, 34; (Jean Le Patourel 1973, 109-129; Bur 1981, 97). Murphy and Potterton 2010, 396). This is sur- This article outlines fishpond investigation in prising, as they were a very common feature France and England before discussing the sig- of the French and English landscapes from the nificance of an archaeological approach in Ire- 11th to the 15th centuries (Aston 1988, 3; Be- land. Tentative suggestions are then offered narrous 2009, 551). Was fish farming part of for the study of fishponds within the watery Anglo-Norman life? If so, what was the nature landscapes of moated sites. Finally, two exam- of fish management activities? Are fishponds ples associated with moated sites are presented in Anglo-Norman Ireland as few as the archae- and discussed. Highly indebted to Professor ological and historical record suggest or has O’Keeffe’s paper “Were there designed land- their morphology yet to be conclusively identi- scapes in medieval Ireland?” (2004), this paper fied in the landscape? ∗UCD School of Archaeology

27 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 addresses Taylor’s (1978, 8) and Barry’s (1977, further scholarly attention. 91) suggestion that fishponds associated with moated sites have social and economic func- II.II. Historical Sources tions and supports Murphy and O’Conor’s (2006, 56) invitation to identify fishponds in Primary source documents on the construction the Anglo-Norman rural landscape. and maintenance of medieval fishponds provide information of varying nature, from elu- sive references to descriptive accounts (Benar- II. Fishpond Investigation in rous 2009, 205-206). Steane (1988, 40-45) tells us France and England that, while fishpond evidence in the 12th century Pipe Rolls is rather scanty, the Calendars II.I. Current State of Research of Close Rolls are more informative and reveal that timber was used for the construction of Mick Aston’s Medieval Fish, Fisheries and Fish- royal fishponds (e.g. Calendar of Close Rolls ponds in England (1988) remains the single 1268-72, 525) and that large quantities of wood most authoritative publication on the subject, were also used for their repair (e.g. Calendar providing details on morphology, siting and of Close Rolls 1268-72, 329). Household ac- distribution, while also offering insightful in- counts provide information regarding the type terpretations. Notable contributions include of fish aristocratic families consumed; pike, Christopher Dyer’s ground-breaking article bream, perch and trench are among the most (1988), which laid the foundation for our under- common species (Dyer 1988, 30-2). Historical standing of the medieval consumption of fresh- agricultural writings, although often regarded water fish and Mick Aston’s paper (1988a), as the product of a dilettante elite (Hoffmann et which offers excellent arguments for the dating al. 2010, 353-4), may provide crucial engineer- of fishponds retaining islands. Archaeologi- ing details. Some of these descriptions are ex- cal investigation in England has therefore been tremely helpful and parallels are found in the very successful. Nevertheless, the major pub- archaeological record. For instance, “Practical” lication in this field is now twenty-five years (1903, 79-80) tells us that once the threshold of old. foulness is reached, fishponds need to be emp- English academic research on fish farming tied and left untouched before being refilled. encouraged regional studies in France, which This statement is supported by environmental developed from the 1980s onwards. Histori- evidence from the medieval fishpond deposits cal research include Benoît’s (1992) ethno his- from Owston Abbey in Leicestershire, which torical publication on the Dombes fishponds, suggests that the ponds were “cleared every Stauner’s (2005) study of the fishponds in the few years” (Shackley et al 1988, 307). east of the Berry Province as well as Alet, Angéliaume-Descamps and Briane’s (2011) in- II.III. Archaeological Investigation terpretations of the uses of the Armagnac and Ségala fishponds. Several studies also com- Excavation and landscape investigation has bined historical and archaeological research shown that fishponds are either dammed or (e.g. Barbé 1990 and 1992; Delétang 1995; Be- dug into the subsoil. The use of the local narrous 2009). However, publications which topography results in irregularly shaped ex- are strictly archaeological are extremely rare amples, but linear fishponds are also found (Benarrous 2009, 51). One example is Liegard from the 12th century onwards (Chambers and and Fourvel’s paper (2004), which describes the Gray 1988, 122). Their size is also highly vari- techniques involved in the construction of two able but it appears that lesser lords in England post-medieval dams uncovered during rescue possessed smaller fishponds (Alexander 2011, excavations. Therefore, archaeological inves- 4). They usually require a specific geology in- tigation in France remains limited and awaits cluding heavy clays, which prevents leaking,

28 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 and alkaline water, which provides more food tems. They are found within deer parks (Dyer for the fish (Chambers and Gray 1988, 119). 1988, 27) and in association with rabbit warrens The water may originate from small streams or (Beresford and St Joseph 1979, 69). It must also from spring water (ibid.). Found in association be remembered that fishponds were also build with moated sites, manor complexes, monaster- during the Roman and post-medieval periods. ies, granges and castles (Dyer, 1988, 27), they For instance, the Rathcline fishpond (LF017- may be built as single entities or as part of a 009005-) in County Longford was built in the group. Their construction always involved very late 17th century (O’Brien 2012). specific engineering skills and careful manage- Indeed, dating constitutes one of the most ment; complex fishpond systems would have challenging tasks. Secure dating may be diffi- had tanks for rearing, breeding, storing and cult to obtain since substantial timber planks fattening fish (Chambers and Gray 1988, 115). are needed for dendrochronological analysis and environmental samples are not always suited for radiocarbon dating and isotope anal- II.IV. Problems Encountered ysis. Could fishpond morphology offer alter- Latin words used in medieval texts, such as native means of investigation? Unfortunately, stagnum, vivarium and servatorium (Steane single and irregularly shaped examples are too 1988, 39; Murphy and O’Conor 2006, 55), do arbitrary to be dated by their shape (Cham- not possess a fixed meaning. The word stag- bers and Gray 1988, 123) and a typology based num can refer to a fishpond but it more ac- on the most standardised group of fishponds curately coincides with a structure associated should only emerge from securely dated ex- with slowly flowing water (Steane 1988, 39). amples. Furthermore, fish farming may be Vivarium and servatorium do not specifically the result of a complex succession of human refer to a fishpond but more broadly to a com- activities. For instance, the origins of some plex where animals, such as rabbits, are kept. post-medieval fishponds may indeed go back The word gurges is generally used to define to the medieval period (Breen 2007, 174-6), but fish weirs but there is the possibility that they their unstable and ephemeral nature may re- refer to a broad structural term and perhaps sult in inextricable palimpsests. In addition, equally apply to fishponds. Finally, it may be the archaeological remains visible today may suggested that words associated with fishing not correspond to the evidence recorded in his- and fishing rights, normally associated with torical documents and may constitute a later lake, river and estuary fishing, could indeed feature. Therefore, fishpond morphology has refer to privately owned fishponds. limited potential and secure dating may be difficult to acquire. It may be suggested that Further difficulties are also encountered in dating evidence can also be retrieved during the field; fishponds may resemble other land- excavation, as stratigraphical sequences may scape features, such as millponds (Murphy and demonstrate the contemporaneous construc- O’Conor 2006, 56), flax ponds (Frazer 2009, tion of a fishpond and its associated site. 110), moats, moated sites, ponds for watering stock, sheep dips or duck decoy ponds (Tay- lor 1978, 5). A landscape investigation must III. Fishpond Investigation in be conscious of the difficulties regarding their Ireland identification and need to seek telling signs, such as engineering details, the surrounding III.I. Significance landscapes as well as likely re-constructions and re-cuttings. In addition, fishponds were Although fish constituted an important part built to meet various needs; some may have of the medieval diet (Dyer 1988, 28), little is only been used as fish stews, while others were known about the nature of fish farming activ- intended as complex breeding and rearing sys- ities in Ireland. The medieval documentary

29 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 sources in Ireland contain limited references in late medieval France, the lower and middle to fishponds, let alone evidence for ownership, classes also played a major role in the develop- construction and maintenance (Murphy and ment, usage and tenure of fishponds. Scholars O’Conor 2006, 55). There is therefore much to in France and England have equally enriched be hoped from archaeological investigation. our understanding of the political picture of the The archaeological and historical studies time. Steane (1988, 49-50) has suggested that undertaken by scholars in France and England one of the possible explanations for the decline may constitute an interesting point of entry. An in royal fishpond construction in 14th and 15th understanding of fish management may rise century England was the centralisation of royal from comparative studies as Kieran O’Conor power. The increasing concentration of the elite (1998, 43) has demonstrated by suggesting that consumers of fresh-water fish in the vicinity the absence of fishponds may be interpreted as of London transformed a formerly dispersed a “greater exploitation of river, lake and sea fish system of food supply into a more localised on the manors of Anglo-Norman-controlled resource and meant the disuse of many fish- parts of medieval Ireland in comparison to Eng- ponds isolated from the royal residence. Did land”. Indeed, an economic perspective may fresh-water fish have a political and a social sig- perhaps explain the absence of fishponds in nificance in Ireland? Were certain fish species the landscape; such interpretative paths have favoured, and why? An examination of the proven useful to scholars in the past. It has social and political contexts associated with for instance been demonstrated that the com- fishponds may begin with a study of the me- bined management of agricultural and aquatic dieval landscape, which is further discussed resources may be profitable to the land owner below. by way of compensating for the lack of nutri- Finally, it may be argued that archaeology ents and improving the productivity of poor offers a meaningful diversity of approaches. soils (Hoffmann et al. 2010, 372-3). Excavated Two examples may be provided to illustrate examples would provide details regarding their this argument. On the one hand, material cul- engineering and the extent of their efficiency; ture studies dealing with fishing implements this includes water source and capacity, types would enrich and broaden academic research. of leats and sluices utilised and construction On the other hand, the extensive studies on fish methods used for dams. As mentioned above, weirs (O’Sullivan 2001; McErlean et al. 2002) environmental analysis may yield important may also be correlated with the potential evi- information regarding use and management dence for fishponds. Indeed, the fisheries of the strategies. Pond silt may inform about fishing River Suir are described as having fishing mills, techniques, while fish species exploited may dams, weirs, nets and fishing pools (Went 1956, be hinted through the retrieval of fish bones 199-202); a number of fishponds and fish weirs (Chambers and Gray 1988, 125-6). However, it could therefore constitute an integrant part of may also be necessary to explore less pragmatic fisheries, as is the case in England. avenues as social and political factors may have An archaeological approach would greatly also played an important role in defining fish contribute to our fairly limited knowledge of management activities in Ireland. fish farming in Ireland. Although not limited Social perspectives have been discussed by to these three aspects, a study of the sites and scholars in France and England over the last landscapes associated with fish management forty years or so and have greatly improved the activities would shed light onto the economic, way we perceive and understand medieval soci- political and social contexts in which fishponds eties. Dyer (1988, 30) interprets fish farming as may have existed. indicative of seigneurial or lordly demand for the privileged consumption of fresh-water fish. Benarrous (2009, 554) has demonstrated that

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III.II. Moated Sites and their Water late the visitor’s experience. Matthew Johnson Features:Tentative Suggestions (2002, 47) has expressed similar thoughts in regards to the watery landscapes of castles, Moated sites have often been interpreted as while Everson (1998, 32-33) has stressed the defensive/defensible structures (Barry 1977, mythical and romantic connotations associated 103 and 1987, 84; O’Conor 1998, 58; Le Pa- with watery features during the medieval pe- tourel 1978, 47), which were built as a means riod. Indeed, the aesthetic and social value to prevent raids and petty theft (Barry 1987, of watery features, such as fishponds, in the 84). However, the idea that the construction of landscape of castles is now being accepted by a moat may be a symbolic gesture as well as academics overseas (Creighton 2002, Liddiard a defensive one is increasingly encountered in 2000). Their echoing presence on moated sites academic publications in England (Creighton may not be accidental and some lords may be 2002, 195). (re)creating the landscape aesthetics designed As mentioned above, fishponds are com- in castles in order to assert or reassure their monly associated with moated sites and may social status. This perspective is supported by be, found on the interior (O’Keeffe 2004, 54), the long held belief that moated sites were the constitute a peripheral feature or be attached to product of a second wave of Anglo-Norman the moat itself (Taylor 1978, 5). Their poaching settlers (O’Keeffe 2000a, 73) and that most of and their destruction, which is attested in the them were inhabited by minor lords of English, historical documents (e.g. Patent Rolls 1334-8, Welsh and Flemish origins. Considering that 372; Patent Rolls 1405-8, 64), may allow us to no fishpond is known to have been built in Ire- rethink the defensive role of the moat. It has land before the Anglo-Norman period, would been argued that water acted as a defensive its presence on a moated site give clues as re- obstacle against military or private assaults gards to the debated (O’Conor 2000, O’Keeffe (Barry 1987, 93; Le Patourel 1978, 47). The im- 2000b) ethnicity of the builders? mediate access to water has even been said to Each moated site needs to be seen as a sin- induce a feeling of security by providing means gle entity. It is doubtful that they all fulfilled to extinguish potential fires (Le Patourel 1978, the exact same function, as the political, so- 47). However, it is accepted that the protec- cial, cultural, economic and even geographical tion they offer is quite slim and that it would contexts must have constituted important fac- have been easy to tamper with these defensive tors. The validity of the defensive function of structures (ibid.). Indeed, in the case of fish- at least some moated sites needs to be ques- ponds which adjoined a moat, why enclose tioned. Ballinvinny South represents a case in cattle within defensive features which contain point; this moated site did not yield conclusive prized fresh-water fish? Furthermore, consider- evidence for defensive features in its design ing the financial and human effort required for (Cotter 2009, 57). Although no fishpond has the creation of a moated site (O’Keeffe 2000a, yet conclusively been associated with a moated 73), it seems even more surprising to find ex- site in Ireland, it must also be noted that a pos- amples built outside, rather than inside a moat sible fishing net weight was found in the moat seemingly intended as defensive/defensible. fill of the site at Rigsdale (Sweetman 1981, 201). Indeed, the design of a watery feature can be interpreted as a symbolic gesture. Water III.III. Two Fishpond Examples in the Irish may act as a social barrier between the farm- Archaeological Record stead and its surrounding landscape. Once the construction of a moated site is completed, the The following examples have been selected contrived access to the interior and the enclos- from the list of fishponds and ponds recorded ing of space create a “choreography” of move- by the National Monuments Service. Their ment which allows the proprietor to manipu- proximity to moated sites means they represent

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good candidates for Anglo-Norman fishpond IV. Conclusion evidence in Ireland. The problem, however, resides in their dating, which is currently un- The story one can tell of medieval fish manage- available. ment must be led by a mindful and informed Clashduff fishpond (TS049-044—-), County archaeological investigation. It would inform Tipperary: this fishpond, which is only us on the nature of fish farming activities in recorded on the first edition of Ordnance Sur- Ireland by conclusively identifying fishponds vey maps (1840), is about 150 meters from the in the landscape. A range of evidence for their moated site in the same townland (TS049-045— social, political and economic contexts is ex- -) and could be contemporary with its construc- pected from various research methods, such as tion. Although this rectangular earthwork is excavation and material culture studies. Addi- recorded as a moated site by Barry (1977, 198) tionally, the potential of a landscape approach and by the National Monuments Service (Far- in regards to the watery features associated relly 2011), its leveling in the mid-20th century with moated sites is outstanding, as it would prevents conclusive identification. In addition, allow scholars to rethink the functions of these this fishpond may be a later addition, since rectangular earthworks. moated sites are thought to have been occupied Moated sites only represent one part of this as late as the 16th century (Empey 1982-3). neglected aspect of medieval studies in Ire- Richfield fishpond, County Wexford: associ- land. A variety of sites and landscapes, such as ated with the moated site (WX046-052001), this monastic centers, are likely to contain the phys- unclassified fishpond is located within the en- ical remains of fish farming. Fish management closure and is noted as an “inner water-filled may not involve the construction of fishponds, moat” (Moore 2013). The land was owned but their presence in Anglo-Norman Ireland by the Devreux family from the 13th century can only be ruled out once conclusive research (ibid.) but the tower house still visible on the has been carried out. Fishponds have been interior suggests a long term occupation of the shown to be rapidly disappearing, as they are site. Barry (1977, 226) documented the moated often being leveled or reused (Aston 1988, 4). site and the surviving masonry but did not Invaluable information may be lost if the need mention the fishpond, which was perhaps dry for their investigation is disregarded. at the time of his visit. As with the Clashduff example, this fishpond may be the result of post-Anglo-Norman activity. References Reliable dating evidence can only be retrieved through excavation. Further moated [Alet et al 2011] Alet, B., Angéliaume- sites are associated with ponds, which have Descamps, A., Briane, G. (2011) Les not as yet been identified as fishponds. étangs médiévaux de Midi Pyrénées This include: Garrynagree, County Tipperary (Armagnac et Ségala): De nouveaux us- (TS049-027—-), Ballycomisk, County Tipperary ages entre intensification ou préservation. (TS061-098—-), Barrowhouse, County Laois In: C. Beck, J.-M. Derex and Sajaloli (LA020-005—-), Carriganagh, County Tipper- (eds.) Usages et espaces communautaires ary (TS068-119—-), Newtown, Clonbeg Parish, dans les zones humides. Actes de la journée County Tipperary (TS074-003—-) and Lecar- d’étude 2010. Groupe d’histoire des zones row Pond, Frenchpark Barony Aughrim West humides. ED, County Roscommon (RO010-093—-). [Alexander 2011] Alexander, M. (2011) Intro- duction to Heritage Assets: Animal Man- agement. Available at: http://goo.gl/ qN2DGg (Accessed 11 August 2013)

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[Aston 1988] Aston, M. (1988) Medieval fish, agro-piscicole. Paris: Comité des Travaux fisheries and fishponds - forethoughts. In: Historiques et Scientifiques. M. Aston (ed.) Medieval Fish, Fisheries and [Beresford and St Joseph 1979] Beresford, M. Fishponds in England, Part i. BAR British Se- W. and St Joseph J. K. S. (1979) Medieval ries 182(i). Oxford: British Archaeological England: An aerial survey. Cambridge: Reports, pp. 1-6. Cambridge University Press. [Aston 1988a] Aston, M. (1988a) Aspects of fishpond construction and maintenance [Bur 1981] Bur, M. (1981) Research on the me- in the 16th and 17th centuries. In: M. As- dieval fortified house in eastern France: ton (ed.) Medieval Fish, Fisheries and Fish- the moated sites of the Champagne. In: F. ponds in England, Part i. BAR British Series A. Aberg and A. E. Brown (eds.) Medieval 182(i). Oxford: British Archaeological Re- Moated Sites in North-West Europe. BAR ports, pp. 187-202. International Series 121. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports, pp. 87-101. [Barbé 1990] Barbé, H. (1990) L’aménagement des étangs du Berry (XIIIéme-XVIIIéme [Calendar of Close Rolls 1268-72] Calendar of siécles), Cahiers d’Archéologie et d’Histoire Close Rolls (1268-72) Close Rolls of The Reign du Berry, 101, pp. 43-48. of Henri III Printed Under The superinten- dence of The Deputy Keeper of The Records [Barbé 1992] Barbé, H. (1992) Approche his- A.D. 1268 âA¸S1272˘ . Volume 14. London: torique et archéologique des étangs du Berry Public Record Office. dans les paroisses de Noziéres et Orcenais aux XIIIéme-XVIIIéme siécles: mémoire de [Cotter 2009] Cotter, E. (2009) The medieval MaÃ˝otrise “Histoire”. Tours: Université moated site at Ballinvinny South, Co. FranÃ˘goisRabelais. Cork. In: C. Corlett and M. Potterton (eds.) Rural settlement in medieval Ireland in the [Barry 1977] Barry, T. B. (1977) Medieval moated light of recent archaeological excavations. Re- sites of the South-eastern Ireland: counties search papers in Irish archaeology No. 1. Carlow, Kilkenny, Tipperary and Wexford. Dublin: Wordwell, pp. 49-58. BAR British Series 35. Oxford: British Ar- chaeological Reports. [Creighton 2002] Creighton, O. H. (2002) Cas- tles and Landscapes: Power, Community and [Barry 1999] Barry, T. B. (1999) The Archaeology Fortification in Medieval England. London: of Medieval Ireland. London: Routledge. Equinox Publishing. [Benarrous 2009] Benarrous, R. (2009) La [Delétang 1995] Delétang, H. (1995) La Ferté- Grande Brenne aux périodes préindus- Beauharnais (Loir-et-Cher): un vivier ` trielles (Indre): Contribution l’histoire du chÃćteau et sa bonde des XIVéme des paysages, des étangs et des rela- et XVéme siécles. Bulletin du Groupe de tions société/milieux dans une zone hu- Recherches Archéologiques et Historiques de mide continentale. Approches historique, Sologne, 17 (3-4), pp. 175-184. archéologique et paléo-environnementale. Uni- versité Panthéon-Sorbonne - Paris [Dyer 1988] Dyer, C. (1988) The Consumption I. PhD thesis available at: http: of Fresh-water Fish in Medieval England. tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/docs/00/ In: M. Aston (ed.) Medieval Fish, Fish- 57/58/10/PDF/Texte_uniquement.pdf eries and Fishponds in England, Part i. BAR (Accessed 10 August 2013). British Series 182(i). Oxford: British Ar- chaeological Reports, pp. 27-38. [Benoît 1992] Benoît, C. (1992) Les étangs de la Dombes au Moyen Âge, XIIIéme-XVéme sié- [Empey 1982-3] Empey, C. A. (1982-3) “Me- cles: Approche ethnohistorique d’un systéme dieval Knocktopher: a study in manorial

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settlement - part I”, Old Kilkenny Review, moated sites. In: F. A. Aberg (ed.) Medieval 2 (4), pp. 329-342. Moated Sites. London: Council for British Archaeology Research Report No. 17, pp. [Everson 1998] Everson, P. (1998) “Delightfully 46-55. surrounded with woods and ponds”: field evidence for medieval gardens in Eng- [Liddiard 2005] Liddiard, R. (2005) Castles in land. In: P. Pattison (ed.) There by Design. context: power, symbolism and landscape, Field Archaeology in Parks and Gardens. BAR 1066-1500. Bollington: Windgather Press. British Series 267. Oxford: British Archae- [Liegard and Fourvel 2004] Liegard, S. and ological Report, pp. 32-38. Fourvel, A. (2004) Étude de deux digues [Farrelly 2011] Farrelly, J. (2011) TS049- d’étangs “en terre” recoupées par le tracé 044—- Class: Fish-pond. Town- de la Route Centre Europe/Atlantique land: CLASHDUFF. Available at: Pierrefitte-sur-Loire` et Coulanges (Allier), http://www.webgis.archaeology.ie/ Revue Archéologique du Centre de la France, NationalMonuments/FlexViewer/ (Ac- 43, pp. 209-222. cessed 19 September 2013) [McErlean et al 2002] McErlean, T., McConkey, [Frazer 2009] Frazer, W. O. (2009) A Medieval R., Forsythe, W. (2002) Strangford Lough: Farmstead at Killegland, Ashbourne, Co. An Archaeological Survey of the Maritime Meath. In: C. Corlett and M. Potterton Cultural Landscape. Northern Ireland Ar- (eds.) Rural settlement in medieval Ireland in chaeological Monograph no.6. Belfast: the light of recent archaeological excavations. The Blackstaff Press. Research papers in Irish Archaeology, no. 1. [Moore 2013] Moore, M. (2013) WX046- Dublin: Wordwell, pp. 109-123. 052001 Class: Moated site. Town- [Glasscock 1970] Glasscock, R. E. (1970) land: RICHFIELD. Available at: Moated sites and deserted boroughs http://www.webgis.archaeology. and villages: two neglected aspects of ie/NationalMonuments/FlexViewer/ Anglo-Norman settlement in Ireland. In: (Accessed 07 October 2013) N. Stephens, R. E. Glasscock (eds.) Irish [Murphy and O’Conor 2006] Murphy, M. and Geographical Studies. Belfast: Queen’s O’Conor, K. (2006) ’Castles and Deer University of Belfast, pp. 162-177. Parks in Anglo-Norman Ireland’, Eolas: [Hoffmann 2010] Hoffmann, R. C. and Wini- The Journal of the American Society of Irish warter, V. (2010) ’Making Land and Water Medieval Studies, 1, pp. 53-70. Meet: Cycling of nutrients between fields [Murphy and Potterton 2010] Murphy, M. and ponds in Pre-Modern Europe’, Agri- and Potterton, M. (2010) The Dublin region cultural History, 84 (3), pp. 352-380. in the Middle Ages: Settlement, land-use and [Johnson 2002] Johnson, M. (2002) Behind the economy. Dublin: Four Courts Press. Castle Gate: From Medieval to Renaissance. [O’Brien 2012] O’Brien, C. (2012) LF017- London: Routledge. 009005- Class: Fish-pond. Town- [Le Patourel 1973] Le Patourel, H. E. J. (1973) land: RATHCLINE. Available at: The moated sites of Yorkshire. Society for http://www.webgis.archaeology.ie/ Medieval Archaeology Monograph series 5. NationalMonuments/FlexViewer/ (Ac- London: Society for Medieval Archaeol- cessed 07 October 2013) ogy. [O’ Conor 1998] O’Conor, K. (1998) The Archae- [Le Patourel 1978] Le Patourel, H. E. J. and ology of Medieval Rural Settlement in Ireland. Roberts, B. K. (1978) The significance of Dublin: The Royal Irish Academy.

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[O’Conor 2000] O’Conor, K. (2000) “The eth- [Stauner 2005] Stauner, V. (2005) Les étangs de nicity of Irish moated sites”, Ruralia III, l’Est du Berry du Moyen ÃCge´ `l’époque pp. 92-102. moderne: formation d’un paysage ou mise en valeur d’un milieu naturel? In: J. [O’Keeffe 2000a] O’Keeffe, T. (2000) Medieval M. Derex (ed.) La Production des ÃL’tangs Ireland: An Archaeology. Stroud: Tempus. du Moyen ÃCge´ l’ÃL’poque` Contemporaine. [O’Keeffe 2000b] O’Keeffe, T. (2000a) “Ethnic- Actes de la journée d’étude 2005. Groupe ity and moated settlements in medieval d’histoire des zones humides. Ireland: a review of current thinking”, Me- [Steane 1988] Steane, J. M. (1988) The Royal dieval Settlement Research Group Annual Re- Fishponds of Medieval Ireland. In: M. As- port 15, pp. 21-25. ton (ed.) Medieval Fish, Fisheries and Fish- [O’Keeffe 2004] O’Keeffe, T. (2004) “Were ponds in England, Part i. BAR British Series there Designed Landscapes in Medieval 182(i). Oxford: British Archaeological Re- Ireland”, Landscapes, 2, pp. 52-68. ports, pp. 39-68.

[Patent Rolls 1334-8] Patent Rolls (1334-8) Cal- [Sweetman 1981] Sweetman, P. D. (1981) “Ex- endar of the Patent Rolls Preserved in The cavations of a Medieval Moated Site at Public Record Ofﬁce. Prepared Under The Su- Rigsdale, County Cork, 1977-78”, Proceed- perintendence of The Deputy Keeper of The ing of the Royal Irish Academy, Section C: Records. Edward III A.D. 1334-1338. Lon- Archaeology, Celtic Studies, History, Lin- don: Eyre and Spottiswoode. guistics, Literature, 81C, pp. 193-205.

[Patent Rolls 1405-8] Patent Rolls (1405-8) Cal- [Taylor 1978] Taylor, C. C. (1978) Moated sites: endar of the Patent Rolls Preserved in The their definition, form and classification. Public Record Office. Prepared Under The Su- In: F. A. Aberg (ed.) Medieval Moated Sites. perintendence of The Deputy Keeper of The London: Council for British Archaeology Records. Edward IV A.D. 1405-1408. Lon- Research Report No. 17, pp. 5-13. don: Public Record Office.

[“Practical” 1903] “Practical” (1903) Fish Farm- Acknowledgments ing for Pleasure and Profit. London: Burling- ton Publishing. I would like to express my sincerest gratitude [Roberts 1988] Roberts, B. K. (1988) The Re- to Karen Dempsey for her generous help and discovery of Fishponds. In: M. Aston (ed.) guidance in the writing of this paper. Her en- Medieval Fish, Fisheries and Fishponds in couragement and her constructive criticism are England, Part i. BAR British Series 182(i). highly appreciated. For advice and support, I Oxford: British Archaeological Reports, am grateful to Dr Steve Davis. I wish to thank pp. 9-16. Bairbre Mullee for her helpful discussion. I am indebted to her for the idea of the following [Shackley et al 1988] Shackley, M., Hayne, J. problematic “Are fishponds in Anglo-Norman and Wainwright N. (1988) Environmental Ireland as few as the archaeological and histor- Analysis of Medieval Fishpond Deposits ical records suggest or has their morphology at Owston Abbey, Leicestershire. In: M. yet to be conclusively identified in the land- Aston (ed.) Medieval Fish, Fisheries and Fish- scape?”. Sincere thanks to the editors for their ponds in England, Part i. BAR British Series forbearance and for encouraging undergradu- 182(i). Oxford: British Archaeological Re- ate contributions. Any errors or omissions are ports, pp. 301-308. my own.

35 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 Grave Robbers and Secret Keepers: Balancing the Rights of the Living and the Dead in Archaeology

Mark Haughton∗ Undergraduate, University College Dublin [email protected]

Abstract

Much of the literature pertaining to the ethics of the excavation of human remains has, in reality, little to do with ethics and a far greater concern with the proper negotiation between archaeologists, others claiming to represent the dead and the wider public. This discourse has fostered an understanding that has led to a more sensitive and effective discipline. However, discussions of who should rightly represent the interests of the dead presuppose that it is right for anyone to do so. This paper refocuses the debate on the ethics of excavation, arguing that no one is truly capable of speaking for the dead and that, consequently, any archaeological investigation must balance the rights of the living and the dead. We cannot presume that it is somehow possible to project the “rational will” of the dead into the present day, as Bahn and Paterson have done [1986], but we can often assume that the dead wish to be left alone [Bahn 1984, 137]. It is established that exhumation can harm the dead [Scarre 2008], however, the harm that the dead can cause the living has not previously been examined. I argue that the expectation of the dead not to be disturbed is a selfish one, which, if respected absolutely, would impoverish our own understanding of our origins and our place in existence. The morality of exhumation, then, is rooted in balancing these two harms. Best practice guidelines already urge archaeologists to avoid excavations without clearly defined scientific goals. This paper contributes an explicit ethical basis to these guidelines. In some cases the dead’s expectation of eternal rest is an imposition upon the living which we are not obliged to bear. The dead must give up their secrets, but we, in turn, must ensure that no unnecessary harm is done to them.

I. Introduction that it is right for anyone to do so. This article refocuses the debate on the uch of the literature pertaining to the ethics surrounding the treatment of human re- ethics of the excavation of human mains, arguing that no one is truly capable of Mremains has, in reality, little to do speaking for the dead and that, consequently, with ethics and a far greater concern with any archaeological investigation must balance the proper negotiation between archaeologists, the rights of the living and the dead. those claiming to represent the dead, and the wider public (e.g. Parker-Pearson 1999; Jones and Harris 1998; Brothwell 2004). This dis- II. In Search of a Moral course has fostered an understanding that has Archaeology led to a more sensitive and effective discipline. However, discussions of who should rightly Since the 1980’s, archaeologists around the represent the interests of the dead presuppose world have increasingly come into conﬂict with ∗UCD School of Archaeology

36 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 groups claiming to represent the dead. In re- However, to argue subsequently that an indi- sponse, the discipline has often developed sym- vidual can be completely removed from their pathetic approaches to such groups that have social context and adopt the morals of another, resulted in an archaeology more likely to serve while remaining essentially the same person, descendant communities and the wider public. is a non sequitur. In Ireland, this kind of confrontation has not In reality, it is often self-interest that drives yet occurred, but there is still cause to reflect people to make representation on behalf of the on the morality of our profession. dead. Whether that be the archaeologist seek- Archaeology is a discipline that is moti- ing to further their own knowledge of the past vated by concern for humanity, be that the and to preserve global heritage, or the descen- specific stories of humanity in the past or the dant community seeking to take ownership of general understanding of our origins. It is, their self-identity in the face of a perceived at- thus, natural that we should seek to ensure our tack. For the recently deceased, descendant endeavours are on solid moral footing. The communities may indeed be better equipped debate concerning the morality of exhumation to identify the wishes of the dead, but given is obviously one in which we can only hear that societies and attitudes change over time it from the living excavators and descendants, is not clear how far into the past this accuracy rather than from the subjects of the exhuma- can be expected to hold. tion themselves. To that end it is necessary to Groups that seek to represent the dead first ask the question, is it possible for anyone couch their claims in language that seems to to advocate on behalf of those dead whom we argue for the interest of the dead. This may have never met? be the archaeologist bringing an individual’s story to public attention, in a sense breathing life back into the long deceased, or it may be III. Who May Speak for the Dead? other communities seeking to give the dead the treatment they think that individual would As archaeologists, we may conceive of our role have wanted, or to take control of their own as one of advocacy, of speaking on behalf of cultural heritage. Ultimately, however, these people who were often given no voice in their are projections of what that group sees as ra- own lives (e.g. Giles 2009). While this con- tional for the dead to have wanted, hence their ception is certainly noble, it is important to claims appeal to what the living themselves recognise that our wishes are not necessarily see as valuable. those of the dead and that in giving voice to the This argument is not an attempt to label dead we serve our own desire for knowledge these advocates as insincere. Rather, highlight- as much as we serve a role of advocacy. ing what motivates these groups demonstrates Bahn and Paterson (1986) argue that true two elements of the discussion that must be respect for the dead involves respecting the recognised. Firstly, that it is not possible to judgements they would have made had they know what the dead want beyond a supposi- been alive today. This argument, however, pre- tion that they should be left alone (Bahn 1984). supposes that there is some objective way of Secondly, that living communities have gen- knowing these judgements. Given there is le- uine benefits to gain from the dead (Jones and gitimate disagreement amongst living people Harris 1998). Unmasking the true intent will as to how to treat the dead, this clearly can- allow us to better weigh these claims later in not be true. Furthermore, Bahn and Paterson’s the discussion. argument relies on the assumption that individuals are socially constituted; that is to say, the reason why the dead would not agree to exhumation for scientific purposes is because they did not live in an archaeological world.

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IV. Do the Dead have Rights? the power to define the essence of their existence. If this is the case, it stands to reason that Let us next turn to the rights of the dead. For if excavation, where it would have been abhor- the dead have no rights we need only weigh the rent and feared, can also cause a harm to the competing claims of descendant communities dead that we must take account of. and archaeologists. O’Sullivan has attempted to outline the V. Balancing the Rights of the rights of the dead by arguing that hu- Living and the Dead man remains retain a “residual humanity” that deserves some kind of “residual rights” If we accept that archaeology can harm the (O’Sullivan 2001, 126). However, he claims dead, we must attempt to balance the rights of that these “residual rights” are unlikely to be the dead with the needs of the living. Cox has violated by a scientific analysis with clearly de- argued that the moral action must be to pri- fined research goals (O’Sullivan 2001). Given oritise the needs of the living, while allowing that O’Sullivan never explains exactly what for the wishes of the dead as much as is prac- these residual rights entail and from whence ticable (Cox 1997). While certainly seeming a they are derived, it is easy to brush past them. praiseworthy goal, this argument presupposes His justification actually rests on the claim that that the rights of the living are more important a majority of survey respondents agree that ex- than those of the dead, a supposition which cavation is acceptable when the circumstances demands examination. demand it or where the potential for the ad- Rather than trying to shirk the ethical vancement of scientific knowledge is great dilemma by constructing it otherwise, we (O’Sullivan 2001, 130). At its heart, however, should take the argument at its strongest. Let this is not a moral argument, it is a pragmatic us accept that past people do have a right to pri- one. Excavation in the defined circumstances vacy which we encroach upon with excavation will not upset the living, thus O’Sullivan as- (after Bahn 1984), and that this encroachment sumes it is morally legitimate. has the potential to actually do them harm In response to his own bold challenge to (after Scarre 2008). Even accepting these ar- the morality of archaeological excavation (Bahn guments it is not clear that the dead have a 1984), Bahn and Paterson argued that the well- bulletproof case for being left alone. We cannot being of the dead is unalterable and that, con- say simply because we have established that sequently, their feelings carry no prima facie our actions can cause harm that they are prima moral weight (Bahn and Paterson 1986). facie immoral. It is possible for the expecta- However, Geoffrey Scarre has shown that tion of eternal rest to be a burden too onerous so-called “Cambridge”, or relational, changes for the dead to place upon the living. For can happen to the dead, such that their well- this expectation is a selfish one, which, if re- being is alterable and archaeology may cause spected absolutely, would impoverish our own them harm (Scarre 2008, 192-196). It is not understanding of our origins and our place in necessary for an individual to be aware of existence (Bahn and Paterson 1986). these relational changes in order for them to If archaeologists are grave robbers, then the be harmed. For instance, using a body in a dead are secret keepers. They hold informa- provocative and inflammatory museum dis- tion which will allow us to better understand play has an effect upon that person because ourselves, and is available to us only by intrud- whatever they strived for in life is eclipsed in ing upon their privacy. It is not immoral for humanity’s collective memory by the details us to do so in these circumstances. By way of of their display. Given that identity is rela- example, the child of an adopted parent would tionally constructed we must be aware that in not be morally wrong for searching through “re-introducing” the dead to the world we have the private drawers of their parent in search

38 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 of information about their origins, if they had them, and that future generations would like exhausted all other routes of discovery. those remains to be accessible and preserved. It is telling that communities throughout As the harm done to the dead is relational, human history have used the remains of the it is a harm that can be controlled by limiting dead for their own purposes. Charnel deposits, the types of display human remains can be for instance, attest to the willingness, even of placed in and engaging only in research that fully believing Christian communities, to dis- seeks to answer speciﬁc questions of the past. turb the remains of the dead. This disturbance is motivated by a concern for the needs of the onclusion living – in this case to ensure the supply of VI. C burial plots on cherished land for subsequent Given our excavations and analyses can harm deaths. What this has in common with archae- the dead, we should only engage in such re- ological enquiry is the perceived acceptability search after careful consideration of the com- of the disturbance of the dead to furnish the peting rights claims. Our analyses must aim to desires of the living. Of course this tells us do more than satisfy our curiosity and should nothing of the morality of these actions. How- instead be aimed at coming to understand our- ever, let us consider the effect upon archaeolo- selves and our species better. Clear research gists or Christians seeking burial if the wishes goals are thus not just pragmatically but ethi- of the dead were heeded absolutely. In both cally required. cases, something vitally important to their un- Beyond this, how we seek to balance the derstanding of self-identity is kept from the competing rights claims of the living and the living. It is clear, therefore, that the dead are dead is still difﬁcult and probably requires case- capable of harming the living. by-case analyses of the likely harms caused by We must also remember that we exist at excavation, the degree to which these harms just one point on a continuum of time. Ar- can be mitigated through curation with “regard chaeologists may look to the antiquarian ex- for the aspirations” of the dead (Cox 1997, 10), cavations of earlier centuries with a degree of and the likely harms caused by not excavating. regret as past standards of preservation and In practice this may mean that museum stores recording may leave crucial questions unan- should be built in such a way as to facilitate swerable. In part, this is a moral claim on the storage of human remains in proximity to our behalf. The information we would have the area in which they were buried, and, rather liked to garner from those remains has been than storing bones in separate plastic bags in a lost. To hurriedly rebury all human remains drawer, that storage of human remains should in the National Museum’s store is thus clearly be arranged in a manner similar to how that not an answer to the moral question, for it is individual was laid out in death. also important to preserve and store human We should also remain mindful of the rela- remains so the information is still available to tional nature of the harm we cause, for this is future generations. Preservation-by-record is instructional as to how we might mitigate the not enough, as we know from experience that harm to those of the dead whom we place on the highest recording standards of our day will display. It would be of minimum impact on surely be superseded and new analytical tech- the functioning of a museum, for instance, to nologies and techniques will become available. change the body displayed in a reconstructed We must therefore balance all of these compet- Bronze Age cist grave every six or twelve ing concerns. The task is certainly made harder months. This simple action would ensure that by our inability to actually hear the contentions no one individual had to bear the brunt of of the past and the future, but we can reason- public scrutiny for eternity. ably infer that the dead would like to be left in Suggestions such as these require as their a condition as close to that in which we found point of departure a respect for the dead be-

39 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 yond seeing them as bones at our disposal. [Giles 2009] Giles, M. (2009) Iron Age bog bod- Where this respect leads us will be different in ies of north-western Europe. Representing each situation, but it will always be critical to the dead, Archaeological Dialogues, 16, pp. bear in mind in building an archaeology that 75-101. serves humanity past, present, and future. [Jones and Harris 1998] Jones, D.G. and Har- ris, R. J. (1998) Archaeological human re- References mains: scientiﬁc, cultural, and ethical con- Current Anthropology [Bahn 1984] Bahn, P.G. (1984) Do Not Disturb? siderations. 39(2), pp. Archaeology and the rights of the dead, 253-264. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 3(2), pp. 127- [O’Sullivan 2001] O’Sullivan, J. (2001) Ethics 139. and the archaeology of human remains. [Bahn 1986] Bahn, P.G. and Paterson, R.W. Journal of Irish Archaeology 10, pp. 121-51. (1986) The Last Rights: more on archaeol- [Parker-Pearson 1999] Parker-Pearson, M. ogy and the dead, Oxford Journal of Archae- (1999) The Archaeology of Death and Burial. ology 5(3), pp. 255-271. Stroud: Sutton. [Brothwell 2004] Brothwell, D. (2004) Bring out your dead: people, pots and politics, [Scarre 2008] Scarre, G. (2008) Can archaeol- Antiquity 78, pp. 414-418. ogy harm the dead?. In Scarre, C. and Scarre, G. (eds.) The Ethics of Archaeology: [Cox 1997] Cox, M. (1997) Crypt Archaeology philosophical perspectives on archaeological after Spitalﬁelds: dealing with our recent practice. Cambridge: Cambridge Univer- dead, Antiquity 71, pp. 8-10. sity Press, pp. 181-198.

40 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 Anointed in the Blood of Dragons: Who were the Viking-Age Archers of Ireland and Where are They?

Stephen Fox∗ MA, University College Dublin [email protected]

Abstract

The bows and hundreds of arrowheads uncovered from the Dublin and Waterford excavations are testament to a speciﬁc military function for archery in Viking warfare. However, unlike the many swords, axes and spears uncovered from ’warrior-burials’, there is interestingly no evidence for the deposition of archery material or indeed the presence in graves of ’Viking-archers’ at all. Using archaeological and historical evidence, this paper will reassess the nature of Viking age archery in Ireland and will explore how a bow of this kind may have been produced. Further discussion of key concepts include the various possible reasons behind the deposition of weapons in graves, Viking religious attitudes towards archery as a mode of combat, and the differences of materiality between bows and other weapon types that may explain the lack of archery material in warrior-burials. This paper addresses the very nature of Viking Age warfare and its relationship with archery, but ultimately questions the actual concept of the ’the archer’ which for the Vikings, in conclusion, may not have yet existed.

I. Introduction is a captivating one, it has somewhat skewed the academic perception of archery during this here is arguably no age which better con- time. Furthermore, as medieval archery in jures imagery of weaponry and warfare Ireland has been given little or no attention Tthen that of the Vikings. Armed to the since Halpin (2008), there is currently a gen- teeth and clad in mail, the Norsemen who first eral lack of understanding among none-archery came to Ireland in the late eighth century were specialists of the structure and production of no doubt a force to be reckoned with, and the Viking age bows in Ireland. This paper thus vision of wielded shields and swords left flick- aims to correct this image of the Viking archer ering in our imagination is a crimsoned one. and how his bow was made. However, in do- Amid this picture stands the archer, who’s ing so we are presented with a rather curious figure, nocking his arrow, drawing back his anomaly. While the archaeological and histori- bow and releasing it to find its target, has cal evidence discussed illustrates the cultural indelibly left its mark in both archaeology significance and military importance of Viking and modern popular-culture. In 1958, the archery in Ireland, from the consistent absence one-handed Tony Curtis orders a volley of ar- of archery material in warrior-burials, there ap- rows over the walls of Aella’s Castle, while in pears to be no evidence of dedicated archers the midst of a shield-wall scrum in the His- from this time at all. It certainly begs the ques- tory Channel’s ’Vikings’, Ragnar calls upon his tion: who were the real archers of Viking Age bowman to shoot through the gap in defence, Ireland and better yet, where are they? sending his enemy to the sand, clutching his chest. While this image of the Viking archer ∗UCD School of Archaeology

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II. The Bows row was cast c60,000 years ago (Backwell et al 2008, 1577). Due to their organic nature, bows are generally quite rare in the archaeological record and III. Making the Bow the eight fragments from Dublin (Halpin 2008, 50), the six fragments (with one complete bow) How then was such a bow made? Through from Waterfod (Halpin 1997) along with the analysing the material evidence and recon- Ballinderry bow from Co. Westmeath (Henken structing each production phase, we can imag- 1935-7) are some of the only physical examples ine a craftsman, and the bow he is about to of medieval Irish bows to date. make. Deep in a particularly dense part of the The bow fragments from Dublin and Water- forest, where the Yew trees are starved of wa- ford are all known as ’self bows’, meaning they ter and light, forcing them to grow high and are carved from the same piece of wood, un- thick with little or no branches, the craftsman like a ’composite’ which is made from multiple fells the tree he thinks is best for his bow. He materials such as glue, horn and sinew. observes how many bows he can attempt from They have a relative tree ring date of thirty one trunk, splits, and then quarters it using years and though ranging from 10th to 13th wedges. It is from one of these quarters that a century in date and Viking/Hiberno-Norse single bow will be constructed. By examining and Anglo-Norman in type, they all clearly the tree ring direction on the cross sections of share a common Scandinavian origin in style. the bows from Dublin and Waterford, we can Like most Scandinavian styles, the Dublin see that each bow stave was shaped from ei- and Waterford bows are mostly made from ther a halved or quartered cleft. Halving and Yew - Taxus Baccata (Johnson and More 2006, quartering with wedges is common through- 22). The efficiency of a Yew bow comes from out the world. It is visible on the bow of Ötzi, the unique way the tree grows, forming two the 5,000 year old Iceman from the Alps of organic layers: a creamy white sapwood and Northern Italy (Fowler 2000, 209), and it was a vibrant amber heartwood which combined, used to form the longbows at the battles of creates a laminating effect. While the extremely Agincourt and Crecy (Hitchen 2000, 43; Loades hard and dense inner heartwood gives the bow 2013, 15). Wooden wedges and heavy mallets strength (forming the belly), the highly flexible are also known from excavated medieval sites outer sapwood (facing the target) adds an elas- in Dublin as well as many clefted timbers for ticity that prevents the rigid heartwood from plank production (O’Sullivan 1993, 84). snapping. By using the two layers, one needs Depending on how strong the maker wants to only shoot a bow of yew to truly relish both the bow to be, he can leave the wood to sea- its power and suppleness, adding a unique son. This is simply letting the wood completely spring and fluidity to an arrow’s release. dry to prevent further warping after the crafts- Contrary to what may be assumed, a bow man has finished shaping the bow. Periodically is far more than "simplistically a bent stick" turning the wood to his eye, he uses a carpen- (Hitchen 2000, 42). Whether fashioned from ter’s axe to chop along the sides of the stave, composite materials or made from a solid piece creating a straight billet with which he can of wood, a bow is a sophisticated weapon work from. that requires skill in production and use. The Unlike the English Longbow, a later me- bows from Dublin and Waterford are the result dieval descendent, there seems to have been no of both embodied skill learned kinesthetically consistency in bow length during the Viking over time and the knowledge of one’s environ- age. Indeed this would have been difficult for ment and materials within it; a knowledge not Viking age craftsmen as they did not use nu- conceived of at a random point in time, but one meric measurements, perhaps relying instead that has been in development since the first ar- on scale lengths based on relative body mea-

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surements, as seen with the old Icelandic word emy in a rain of fire, or set alight the rigging ’faomr’˘ (fad-myr). This was a measurement of an enemy ship (Halpin 2008, 115). denoting a length of two yards, meaning "out- Augmenting the archaeological evidence stretched arms" or "an embrace" (Zoëga 1910, are the vivid historical sources in which the 121), from which we get the modern word, kinds of arrows and bows mentioned above ’fathom’. The length of a bow for example, come to life. The 12th century text Co- could have been based either on the length gadh Gaedhle re Gallaibh (Todd 1867, 159-61), of bow-maker’s ’fathom’ or that of the archer vividly describes the ’Bogada Blathi Blabuidi’ himself. - the ’polished, yellow shining bows’ at the When the billet is made, the bow is then Battle of Clontarf, 1014 (’yellow’ being the tapered from the centre out to each limb, using typical colour of polished Yew); the arrows tools such as the drawknives, planes, knives of which are forever immortalised as ’sharp, and files on display in the Dublin Museum or swift, bloody, crimsoned, bounding, barbed, similar to those from the Mästermyr tool chest, wounding, piercing, murderous’ and so poi- found in Gotland, Sweden (Ardwidson 1999, soned’, that they must have been ’anointed 37). and browned in the blood of dragons’. When the outline shape of the bow has been Such references are comparable to Scandi- formed, the craftsman cuts out the ’nocks’, navian examples: one of which describes the where the string is attached and his bow is bows of the 8th century Battle of Bravalla be- ready for tillering. Here the bend of each limb tween the Danes and the Swedes (Davidson is slowly achieved by gradually scraping away 1996, 242), the arrows from which were said small shavings towards each tip; repeatedly to have split shields, penetrated helmets and checking the bend. This is continued until burst breastplates. With bows of such force and the bow reaches its desired shape at full draw arrows of such lethality and tactical efficiency, length. He takes the string, braces his bow and and of a society as fond of displaying military it’s ready to shoot. prowess as the Vikings, one would expect to find the wielder of this "wounding" weapon displayed as such in his grave. This however, IV. Viking Archery is interestingly not the case. While the number of bow finds from Ireland is small, the presence and wide use of archery V. Identifying the Archers during this time is evident from the hundreds of arrowheads also found in Waterford and As with the longbow men of Henry VIII’s flag Dublin (Halpin 1997, 51). The bow had been ship the Mary Rose (Rule 1982, 181-3), in order widely used in Ireland throughout the Ne- to verify an individual as an archer, archery olithic and early Bronze-Age. However, there material must be identifiable within the same seems to have been a decline in archery be- context as human remains. Added to this are tween 1500BC and the early Christian period the visible stresses on skeletal remains of re- (ibid 1997, 51). The reintroduction of the bow is peatedly drawing a heavy bow, such as in the thus credited to the Vikings, whose application twisted spines of the Mary Rose archers (Strick- of it on the battlefield had a devastating effect land & Hardy 2005, 54) and indeed, perhaps on the Irish. Such devastation is clear from on the male skeletons from Waterford, where the types of arrowheads found in Dublin and osteoarthritis is concentrated in the right shoul- Waterford such as the most common ’bodkin ders and left elbows of males (Power 1997, 783). tip’, forged to pierce through chainmail (Hap- What makes the Viking Archers of Ireland such lin 2008, 118); or the incendiary arrowhead, an enigma is that within warrior-burials such shaped with a long stem on which a flammable as those from Ship-Street Gate and South-Great material could be wrapped, to shower the en- George’s Street, Dublin for example, each grave

43 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 includes various daggers, knives, axes and was an effective weapon; one made and han- spears (Simpson 2005, 11). However, unlike dled with skill and great care. What is it then the sword, which accounts for almost half of about the bow that would make a Viking war- the extant weaponry from sites around Dublin, rior choose any other weapon over it in his archery equipment is almost completely ex- own grave, or that of his fallen comrade? cluded from deposition, accounting for less Assuming that the ritual deposition of than 5% in all burials (Halpin 2008, 3). It’s weapons in warrior-graves is connected to re- no surprise then that the Viking has become ligious belief in an afterlife, a warrior’s wish so synonymous with the sword, an intrigu- to gain entry into Valhalla for example, the de- ing characterisation considering that although positional choice of weaponry must therefore archery material accounts for less than 5% in be a reflection of the respective society’s stan- burials, it is the most frequently represented dards of acceptable and honourable methods weapon in the overall record, accounting for of combat. 90% in settlement finds (Halpin 2008, 3). The Such attitudes towards methods of killing question is thus, if archery was so widely used an opponent are often contained in Viking and effective in battle, why then is it so often sagas and religious texts. In the Icelandic Po- excluded from warrior burials? etic Edda, the mischievous Loki in the midst We cannot of course neglect the fact that of battle chooses not to attack Baldr (son of due to the organic nature of the bow, there is Odin) directly, as Baldr is a god and invulnera- a huge bias in recovery. For instance, while ble to Loki. Instead, Loki tricks Baldr’s blind spearheads, axe-heads and arrowheads tend brother Höorˇ by directing Höor’sˇ bow towards to survive, their respective handles and shafts his brother Baldr, killing him with an arrow do not. Hence, if a bow (made completely made form mistletoe. This perhaps emphasises of wood) was also included in these assem- a Viking perspective of archery as an unchal- blages, it too would not have survived. In lenging, sinister and thus dishonourable way most Viking graves however, the very presence of killing an opponent; of a kind possibly un- of archery at all is often only inferred from becoming to those who dine with heroes in the a single arrowhead find. And although this afterlife and thus, one unlikely to be displayed seldom occurs, it can often be unclear as to in a burial. whether an arrowhead was depositional or was in fact the cause of death, as was the case of the warrior from Orkney (Graham-Campbell and VII. The Sword &The Bow Batey 1998, 118-19). Either way, based on the If we consider some of the differences in mate- collective evidence from Ireland, England and riality between bows and other weapons nor- Scandinavia as Hadley (2008 271-3) suggested, mally included in warrior-burials, we may be- it is more likely that the inclusion of archery- gin to understand the implications behind the material in graves was simply not common in omission of a bow, over any other weapon. Viking warrior burial practice. The question is, The sword for example, is often recognised why? as a weapon of status, of ceremonial importance and power. Hadely (2008, 271-8) for VI. Attitudes to Archery example, talked about the sword as defining masculinity and interpreted Viking weapon- The evidence discussed suggests that archery display as an assertion of the ruthlessness of was militarily popular among Scandinavians their warlike religious beliefs. Taking with from long before the Vikings ever arrived in this Hodder’s ’Dependence Theory’ (2012, 30) Ireland to well after the 13th century. We have for example, we could assume that a warrior also observed from the archaeological and his- may build a living connection with his sword torical evidence that the bow for the Vikings which triggers memories when he sees or uses

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it. The warrior and the sword may become From the ninth century on, Norse laws intertwined where, if he dies, so too may the required warriors to be armed with an axe, sword; hence its inclusion in a warrior burial. shield, sword and spear (Hardy 1992, 28), A common fact however, which modern while also requiring them to bring a bow and archers learn quickly, is that after a while, a arrows to the muster as part of their equipment. bow will inevitably break; it is part of its nature. However, as Halpin (2008, 40) mentioned, from If the wood on a sword, axe or spear breaks, it the existing historical sources there appears may be replaced. With a bow, its function relies to be no evidence for Vikings ever deploying solely on the entirety of its structure, if a part archers in actual ’units.’ Rather, they would of it breaks or cracks, the whole bow is beyond use the bow on the outset of battle, before en- repair and must be discarded. Therefore, un- gaging the enemy in melee combat. In fact, the like a sword which could potentially last years word ’archer’ originally has its roots in the old before breaking or dropping from the hands French word: Archier (Oxford Dictionary of of its fallen owner, a soldier could go through English 2010), while the earliest visual repre- many bows in his life-time and may not own sentation of archers actually being deployed in one long enough to invest as much meaning in units is from the Bayeux tapestry, depicting the it, as he may a sword. Norman invasion of Britain, in 1066; perhaps The sword also stays with the wielder dur- bringing with them the concept of the archer ing combat. It could conceivably carry a death as well as the word. Indeed, William the Con- count and a shared history with its handler. Ar- queror himself remarked that his enemies had rows on the other hand, tend to break, and are yet to appreciate the value of massed archery often lost when loosed. Perhaps the disposable in units (Harrison and Embleton 1993, 14). quality of the bow and the consumable nature of the arrows creates a sense of estrangement IX. Conclusion between warrior and weapon, making it difficult to define himself by it and thus display it “So who were the men that left so many arrow- as such in a grave. heads in Irish soil?” Ultimately, it seems they were soldiers who VIII. The Viking Archer? were not tied to just one weapon type, but were seasoned artisans of war, capable of han- Neither can we neglect the data. If we return to dling bows as well as other weapons for vari- the chart on weapon finds from Dublin, we are ous forms of interpersonal combat. reminded that while archery material amounts They were craftsmen of the battlefield, who, to less than 5% of extant weaponry in graves, just like our bow-maker, could choose from a it accounts for a staggering 90% in settlement variety of tools and skills to tackle the task at sites (Halpin 2008, 3). Of the large amount hand. There is no doubt that the Norsemen of arrowheads uncovered, many are multipur- who settled in Ireland were skilled and sea- pose, non-military and even specifically for soned in archery. For the Viking warrior how- hunting (Halpin 1997, 54). Warriors simply ever, the image and characterisation of one’s may not have wanted to distinguish themselves self specifically as an ’archer’ was not a popu- in graves by a weapon that is so regularly used lar one and was perhaps a premature concept by ordinary people, choosing instead, weapons at the time. Their skill and innovation however, more synonymous with their profession, such had nonetheless sown the seeds for this infa- as the sword, axe or spear. mous and long lived class to come. Though The difficulty however in identifying the used pragmatically at the beginning of a bat- ’Viking Age archer’ as separate from other war- tle, it seems the natural place for the Viking rior classes, is perhaps because the concept of warrior was not at a distance, picking off the the ’archer’ had not yet been developed. enemy like later skirmishers did, but was right

45 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 in the sweat and blood of the ﬁght, where he [Halpin 2008] Halpin, A. (2008) Weapons and could look his opponent in the eye and test his Warfare in Viking and Medieval Dublin. worthiness of the mead of Valhalla. Dublin: National Museum of Ireland. [Hardy 1992] Hardy, R. (1992) Longbow: A So- References cial and Military History. Somerset: J. H. Haynes and Co. Ltd. [Arwidson and Berg 1999] Arwidson, G. and [Harrison 1993] Harrison, M. and Embleton, Berg, G. (1999) The Mästermyr Find A G. (1993)Anglo-Saxon Thegn 449 - 1066 AD. Viking Tool Chest From Gotland. Lompoc: Britain: Osprey. Larson. [Hencken 1935-7] Hencken. H. O’N. (1935-7) [Backwell et al 2008] Backwell. L, d’Errico. F ’Ballinderry Crannóg no. 1’. Proceedings of and Wadley, L. (2008) ’Middle Stone Age the Royal Irish Academy. 43C, 103-238. bone tools from the Howieson’s Poorts Layers, Sibudu Cave, South Africa’. Jour- [Hitchin 2000] Hitchin, P. (2000) ’The Bowman Agincourt nal of Archaeological Science. 35, 1566 - 1580. and the Bow’. In Curry, A. (ed.) 1415 Henry V, Sir Thomas Erpingham and [Davidson 1996] Davidson, H. E. (ed.) (1996) the triumph of the English Archers. Glouces- The History of the Danes, Books I-IX tershire: Tempus. By Saxo Grammaticus. Cambridge: D. S. [Hodder 2012] Hodder, I. (2012) Entangled: The Brewer. Archaeology of the Relationships between Hu- mans and Things. London: Blackwell [Fowler 2000] Fowler, B. (2000) Iceman Uncov- ering the Life and times of A Prehistoric [Johnson and More 2006] Johnson, O. and Man Found in an Alpine Glacier. London: More, D. (2006) Collins Tree Guide: The Macmillan Most Complete Field Guide to the Trees of Britain and Ireland. London: Collins. [Graham-Campbell and Batey 1998] Graham- [Loades 2013] Loades, M. (2013) The Longbow. Campbell, J. and Batey, C.E. (1998) Vikings Osprey: Oxford. in Scotland, an Archaeological Survey. Edinburgh: University Press. [O’Sullivan 1993] O’Sullivan, A. (1993) ’The Wooden Waterfronts: a Study of their Con- [Hadley 2008] Hadley, M. D. (2008) ’Warriors, struction, Carpentry and Use of Trees and Heroes and Companions: Negotiating Woodlands’. In. Halpin, A. (ed.) The Port Masculinity in Viking-Age England’. In of Medieval Dublin Archaeological Excava- Crawford, S. and Hamerow, H. (eds.) An- tions at the Civic Ofﬁces, Winetavern Street, glo Saxon Studies in Archaeology. Oxford Dublin, 1993. Dublin: Four Courts Press. University: School of Archaeology. [Oxford Dictionary of English 2010] Oxford [Halpin 1997] Halpin, A. (1997) Archery Ma- Dictionary of English (2010) 3rd Edition. terial. In: Barry, T., Cleary, R. M., and Oxford: University Press. Hurley, M. F. (eds.) Late Viking Age And [Power 1997] Power, C. [1997] ’Skeletal Re- Medieval Waterford. Waterford: Waterford mains’ In: Barry, T., Cleary, R. M., and Corporation. Hurley, M. F. (eds.) Late Viking Age And Medieval Waterford. Waterford: Waterford [Halpin 1997] Halpin (1997) Military Archery Corporation. in Medieval Ireland: Archaeology and History. Medieval Europe. Brugge. Conference Vol [Rule 1984] Rule, M. (1984) The Mary Rose. 11. London: Ring Publications.

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[Simpson 2005] Simpson, L. (2005). “Viking Grandfather for all his support; no-one can top warrior burials in Dublin: is this the Long- the gift of and education which I will always fort?”. In Duffy, S. (ed.) Medieval Dublin VI be grateful for. I would like say a special thank Proceedings of the Friends of Medieval Dublin you to my supervisor Dr. Alan Peatﬁeld for the Symposium 2004. Dublin: Four Courts unwavering support and guidance he has given Press. me over the years. I would also like to thank Dr. Andrew Halpin, for his support an permission [Strickland and Hardy 2005] Strickland, M. in my examination of the bow fragments and and Hardy, R. (2005) The Great War- archery material from the National Museum bow: From Agincourt to the Mary Rose. of Ireland. I would like to thank Dr. Aidan Gloucestershire: Sutton Publishing. O’Sullivan and Dr. Robert Sands for all their [Todd 1867] Todd, J.H. (1867) Cogadh Gaedhel re help with my MA thesis, most of the work from Gallaibh. London: Longmans, Green and which formed this paper, and to Angela McA- Dyer. teer for all her support during my Undergrad and MA years. I would like to thank Profes- [Zoëga 1910] Zoëga, G. T. (1910) A Concise Dic- sional traditional Bowyers Mikke Reinikainen tionary of Old Icelandic. London: University and Mike Henderson for all their advise and Press. teaching in the art of traditional bow-making, as well as a kind and much deserved thanks to X. Acknowledgments my family, and especially to my mother Emer Fox and my partner Elisa D’Arcangelo, with First I would like to thank my father, who whom their many hours of discussions, pa- thought me how to work with wood and who’s tience and assignment proof reading have no skills would not have given me the ability nor doubt left them as familiar with Viking Age the conﬁdence I have thus far in Experimental Archaeology and Bow Production as I am. archaeology. I would also like to thank my

47 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 Tongs and Shafts: An Iron Smelting Experiment

Liudas Juodzbalys∗ MA, Institute of Technology, Sligo [email protected]

Abstract

From the first copper ingots produced around 7000 years ago (Vandkilde 2007) to the first composite metals used in the modern space industry, the discovery, manufacture and use of metals has revolutionised human behaviour and economical development. Since the mid-18th century Industrial Revolution, many traditional methods of metal processing were phased-out, improved upon or simply forgotten. Metallurgy as skill and a craft often had greater significance to the people of the past. Whilst the ceremonial and status symbology relating to non-precious metals such as copper, bronze and iron has long faded away in modern societies, some indigenous tribes around the world still practice the art of metal making and utilise metal implements as practical, magical and liminal objects (Kusimba 1996 and Njoku 1991). This article encompasses a wide range of aspects associated with metal production and emphasises the physical processes of iron smelting techniques and the experiences of those involved in the experimental work which included the production of bellows, gathering iron ore, clay extraction, construction of the furnace and the smelting process. The latter will be discussed in light of current and past academic, anthropological and experimental research with emphasis and comparison to and of author’s own results and findings.

I. Introduction digenous tribes around the world still see and practice the art of metal making and utilisation he discovery, manufacture and use of metal implements as not only practical but of metals have revolutionised human also magical and certainly liminal (Kusimba Tbehaviour and economic development. 1996 and Njoku 1991). Ever since the ﬁrst copper ingots were pro- A crucial step within the art of metal produced around 7000 years ago (Vandkilde 2007) duction is the procurement of raw materials to the composite metals used in the modern and the initial preparation-the smelting pro- space industry, metals have made the world go cess. round. This article encompasses a wide range of Metal production is a long and complicated aspects associated with metal production, but process, often much underappreciated. With the emphasis is on the physical processes of the coming of the Industrial Revolution in the iron smelting techniques and the experiences mid-18th century, many traditional methods of of those involved. The chief focus of the arti- metal processing were phased-out, improved cle is the experimental work carried out which upon or simply forgotten. Metallurgy as a skill involved the production of bellows, gathering and a craft often had greater signiﬁcance to of iron ore, extraction of clay, construction of the people of the past. Whilst the ceremonial a bloomery furnace and the smelting process. and status symbology relating to non-precious The latter will be discussed in light of current metals such as copper, bronze and iron has and past academic, anthropological and exper- long faded away in modern societies, some in- imental research with emphasis and compar- ∗

48 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 ison to and of the author’s own results and Britain but differs in Ireland throughout the findings. Iron Age and into the Medieval period (Jack- son et al 1988; Dowd and Fairburn 2005). In Ire- land, recent excavations have revealed much ev- II. History and Archaeology idence for iron smelting, although only briefly summarised in excavation reports. Some of the earliest evidence of iron production and use is generally accredited to the Hit- A recent published example of an iron tite civilisation. Here iron was worked, but not bloomery was discovered at Farranastack, Co. always necessarily produced prior to 1200 BC, Kerry and dates to the Medieval Period (Dowd as indicated by scholarly research and transla- and Fairburn 2005). Morphologically, the fur- tions of ancient texts (Popham 2001, 279). An nace at Farranastack does not differ much from article written in 1985 by J.D. Muhly et al (67- that described by Jackson et al (1988); however 84) contains a fine compilation of translated a significant gap in time periods is noticeable, passages suggesting the use of extra-terrestrial i.e. Later Iron Age to Medieval. The furnace iron by the Hittites. Phrases such as “iron from itself was set in an oval pit, measuring approx- the sky”, “iron of the sky” and “black iron” imately 1.6m in diameter and was 12cm deep are thought to be in direct reference to extra- (ibid 116). Evidence which suggests that this terrestrial iron (ibid 74-75). The processing of pit was utilised for iron smelting in a form of meteoric iron does not leave a literal archaeo- a shaft furnace comes from the depositions of logical trace, as it does not require smelting or slag recovered during the excavations. Exam- extraction. Because of this, the tools used by ples of amorphous slag, generally associated a bronze-smith may suffice in the production with smelting and tap slag were analysed to of functional utilitarian and ceremonial items. confirm that the furnace was of shaft-type and One way of extrapolating the correctness of the most likely had an in-built run off channel information provided by the ancient texts is (ibid). Due to reasonably poor preservation through metallurgical analysis. High propor- of the pit however, no evidence of the actual tions of cobalt and nickel in ancient artefacts dimensions of the shaft itself were discussed would be a good indicator of extra-terrestrial and the conclusions were based on excavated iron, as terrestrial iron generally contains less examples from Britain. Suggestive evidence than 4% nickel (Photos 1989, 405). A blade of for shaft-furnace utilisation in Ireland comes iron found in Ur contained as much as 10.9% mostly from indirect archaeological materials, nickel in its composition, suggesting a non- such as slag finds and bloom finds; the most re- earthly origin of raw material (Muhly et al cent being those found at Carrigmurrish Cave, 1985, 75; Moorey 1982, 29). Brother’s Cave and Dungarvan, all in Co. Wa- In 1988 two Romano-British iron work- terford (ibid 118-119). ing sites were identified and excavated in A substantial number of iron working sites Northamptonshire, UK. Jackson et al (1988) were found at Lowapark, Co. Mayo in 2007. identified the smelting furnaces, or bloomeries, The site yielded hundreds of kilogrammes of as those of shaft type. The furnaces ap- material associated with iron working, but peared sub-circular in plan with protruding none with iron extraction and smelting (Gille- slag-tapping channels. The latter were lined spie and Kerrigan 2010, 207-223). Angela Wal- with clay (ibid 281). The thicknesses of the fur- lace (2010, 220) remarks that infrastructure gen- nace walls varied between 20cm and 30cm, and erally related to iron smelting is almost always were constructed of clay bricks, assumed to be destroyed as part of the process itself or due bonded when still wet. No evidence for the to weathering and denudation and is therefore use of bellows or tuyeres had been discovered. difficult to identify. The above-described furnace type seem- Bellows and tuyeres were and are essen- ingly dominates the scene of iron smelting in tial parts of the apparatus associated with iron

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smelting, and thus should represent a vital part step following the preliminary research was of the archaeological record. This however is the sourcing of raw materials and of course painfully untrue in regards to bellows. Due helping hands. On the 14th March 2012 four to the nature of their construction, which com- individuals set out to Sliabh an Iarainn (the prises the use of mainly organic materials, such Iron Mountain), Co. Leitrim, an iron ore mine as timber, leather, textiles and (natural) adhe- dating to the 1840’s. Upon successfully locat- sives; bellows do not survive in the archaeologi- ing suitable ore (haematite) deposits, 45 kg of cal record (Scott 1983, 59; Pleiner 2006, 131-133). iron ore was manually transported down the Gillespie and Kerrigan (2010, 208) state that; mountain and back to the smelting site in Co. “Except for one example made of leather and Mayo. wood from the smithy at the Russian Belaya Prior to the above described event, the au- Vezha-Sarkel . . . , early medieval bellows do thor and two helpers set out to prospect for not survive in Europe.” On the other hand, suitable clay for the shaft and tuyere produc- tuyeres, or nozzles which link the bellows to tion. A suitable vein of high quality riverine the furnace itself appear quite frequently in as- clay was discovered in the Yellow River, Co. sociation with iron processing sites. Examples Mayo in February 2012, and an abundant quan- found in 2007 as part of the N5 Charlestown tity (approximately 350 kg) was extracted and by-pass were associated with iron processing transported by hand to smelt location. and not production (Gillespie and Kerrigan As a result of various constraints commer- 2010). Negative evidence for tuyeres occasion- cially produced hardwood charcoal and birch ally crops up also, as outlined by McMahon et logs were purchased in an effort to conduct the al (2002, 92): “Small, linear, slot-shaped feature experiment successfully. within the charcoal spread (F27), with an east- Having procured the basic raw materials, it west orientation, could possibly have been the was time to produce a means of forced draft; setting for the nozzle of a bellows.” The fact the bellows. Mr. Juodzbalys was commis- that the feature described above is a charcoal sioned to design, construct and test the bellows. spread suggests a processing event as opposed The construction of the bellows was in three to production; however, one may work on a phases: i) Model ii) Bellows iii) Testing and safe assumption that if tuyeres were used for Improvement. metal processing they were also used for pro- It was decided to use fan type bellows, tear- duction. drop in shape. There was to be two sets of fans To successfully produce iron a list of raw of equal dimensions. A single set was to be materials and apparatus is essential. Iron ore 50cm long, 30cm wide at the widest point and must be gathered. This generally occurs in rock 15cm wide at the narrowest point. The depth outcrops in the form of limonite (Fe2O3H2O) (i.e. the range of inﬂation) of the fan was to be and haematite (Fe2O3), the latter being the a maximum of 35 cm. A plastic 1:1 scale work- most common (Hodges 2000, 81). Similarly, ing model was produced. Upon testing, it was veins of suitable clay must be found and ex- decided that a fan depth of 35cm was too great, tracted, fuel in the form of ﬁrewood and char- and it was therefore reduced to 30cm. The coal must be prepared, bellows built. Once all valves appeared to be adequate. After much the preparation is complete the experience of testing the valves failed and the whole appara- metal production is to be had. tus was in need of de-construction, re-design and re-build. Eventually satisfying results were III. The Experiment obtained, which was crucial for the overall success of the experiment. Having examined much experimental and ar- On the morning of 16th of March 2012, the chaeological research the author set out to pre- author began the smelting by opening a small pare for the upcoming experiment. The initial 2m by 2m cutting with a shallow (35cm) circu-

50 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 lar (50cm in diameter) cut roughly in the cen- it as much as possible so as to gain maximum tre. A second, 1m by 1m cutting was opened structural support. Total internal and external nearby, where split birch logs were stacked heights of c. 85cm and c. 60cm respectively neatly and layered with broken up pieces of were reached. The inner diameter measured c. iron ore. This was lit and kept burning for 30cm; total inner height above tuyere level was approximately 13 hours to roast the ore. 50cm. In total an estimated 200kg of clay and By noon four workers (including the au- 10kg of horse manure were used. The sand thor) were present on-site. At this time the and straw content was estimated by examining kneading, mixing and rolling of clay was be- the consistency of the mixture. A fire was kept gun. To achieve the correct moisture content burning inside the furnace for approximately and binding properties, differing quantities 10 hours. (roughly measured by consistency of the mix- On the morning of the 17th of March 2012, ture) of horse-manure, horse hair and straw the furnace was cleaned out, large cracks were were added. The process involved the knead- filled with fresh clay and the bellows were ating of clay by foot-stomping and hand rolling. tached to the tuyere using a leather sleeve. The The resulting “cake” weighed c. 25 kg. At this ore roasting pit was emptied and the ore was point the “cake” was cut into sections of vary- reduced to peanut-sized particles using a ham- ing size and was further moulded using hands. mer. Naturally formed charcoal logs were ex- The process of clay mixing and kneading was tracted from the base of the roasting pit and repeated twice more, whilst slowly building up processed in a similar manner. Once reduced the base of the furnace and lining the circular in size, the ore and the charcoal were separated pit to a thickness of c. 5cm to 7cm and a total in to 500g charges. depth of c. 25cm below ground level. Meanwhile the furnace was being pre- By the afternoon the furnace was raised to heated using timber logs and initially with the c. 15cm above ground level with a wall thick- slow introduction of charcoal. The bellows ness between 17cm and 20cm. At this point, were being pumped during the whole process. a round log, c. 15cm in diameter was placed At 11.20 a.m. the first charge of charcoal was longitudinally on the S side of the structure, in- introduced followed by a charge of ore at 12.03 truding into the wall to create a round-arched p.m. The furnace was then charged in alter- opening. nating layers of ore and charcoal for the next A tuyere, measuring c. 35cm in length seven hours without any interruption to the was inserted at a right angle to the log, on forced draft (See Plates 1 and 2). Following the E side of the furnace. This was angled seven hours of intensive labour a 20cm bloom inwards toward the interior of the furnace at weighing 4.5 kg was extracted using custom approx. 15 degrees. The tuyere was set to made bloom tongs (See Plate 3) and by tip- protrude approximately 3.5cm from the inner ping the furnace, rendering the experiment a wall of the furnace and approximately 10cm technical success. from the outer. At this point it was noticed that the whole structure began to sag under IV. Results,Experiences and its own weight. It was decided to add sand Conclusions and increase the quantities of straw, manure and horse-hair in the clay mixture. A fire was As mentioned above, a solid bloom measuring set inside and outside of the structure using roughly 20cm in diameter composed of iron, straw and kindling in an attempt to dry out slag, charcoal and vitrified clay was extracted and consolidate the structure. Sod was piled successfully following the smelting operation. up around the base to provide further support. To achieve this approximately 4.5 kg bloom, During the building process a constant 10 kg of charcoal and 6 kg of iron ore were flame was kept going inside the furnace to dry smelted in a shaft maintaining an average tem-

51 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 perature of 1069◦C for a total of seven hours. physical boundary such as a ridge, gully or This task involved seven individuals preparing stream. The liminality is further deepened by charges, maintaining the furnace and pumping the rules associated with the forge. Practices the bellows. Labour for the entire project was such as the wearing of red clothing is forbid- carried out by a total of 22 individuals measur- den, women in menstruation are forbidden, as ing in at an impressive 5 hrs. 23 min. of input are children and non-specialists (ibid, 392-395). per person. People possessed by various illnesses and spir- Unfortunately, whilst impressive for such a its often come to the smith to be purified; it small scale project, the figures do not portray is believed that their knowledge of purifying the human, cognitive and social experiences. metal amounts to that of purifying body and To summarise in simple terms, it is a remark- mind. Similar customs were and are practiced able feeling to successfully transform what is today in Igboland, modern Nigeria (Njolku essentially stone into metal. The project at- 1991, 210-213). tracted over thirty people on the day of the Such connotations may be loosely applied smelt; the event lives in modern social mem- to early metal extractors and producers. As ory and the experiences of those involved and said above and supported by Budd and Tay- spectating is being passed on to others. One lor (1995), the role of a smith within a society may only imagine how such an event would may have been more than industrial. It is likely have reverberated through society and the im- that the knowledge of bronze and iron pro- plications it may have had. This would best be duction and technology may have been passed discussed in a modern-indigenous context and on through kinship. It is also likely that the loosely applied to the past societies who learnt smiths were a marginal and a liminal group, to utilise such technology. Some of the best who passed on their skills through formulaic examples come from modern African cultures, ritual, especially in absence of written instruc- especially those of Swahili of Kenya and Igbo tion. This in itself would suggest the highly of Nigeria. Here the population numbers and ritualised nature of metal making (ibid, 139- the essential way of life resemble those of the 40). Their status within society was obviously later prehistoric societies of the Old World. In above, or at least different to that of others, as modern Swahili society iron smiths (smelters) indicated by abundant hoarding and later val- are seen not only as industrial workers, but uation placed on weaponry (Muhly et al 1985, as necessary investors to the spiritual and re- 67-8). Just like the African smiths, the smiths ligious life of the community. In his study of of early metal-working societies may have held Kenyan metallurgy Kusimba (1996) identifies strong spiritual positions within communities. a number of roles fulfilled by the blacksmith It is nonsensical to think that laboriously pro- and his forge. As stated, they are not merely duced items be deposited into a liminal context producers of goods, but are also seen as me- such as rivers, lakes or bogs without significant diators between the spiritual realms, healers, monetary or similar contribution to the manu- peacemakers and body-modifiers. Their sta- facturer. It is also correct to assume that such tus within society can alter according to local rituals may have in fact been carried out by the economic, religious, traditional and supersti- smiths themselves, as part of the fulfilment of tious idiosyncrasies. That is, a smith may be their spiritual and/or shamanic role within the respected, welcome and adorned but may also community (Budd and Taylor 1995, 138-141). be despised, feared and segregated. This in In summary, the iron smelting experiment itself is underlined through the physical seg- carried out on and prepared prior to the 17th of regation from the rest of the community. The March 2012 was a success in technical and ex- smith’s forge occupies a liminal position within periential terms. Unfortunately a single smelt the landscape. It is usually set well away from is insufficient to provide extensive data and to the main village area and is separated by a richly enhance our knowledge of pre-modern

52 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 metallurgy, but it is certainly a glimpse into [Moorey 1982] Moorey, P.R.S. 1982. The Archae- the lives of those from the past. It is said that ological Evidence for Metallurgy and Related a single grain of sand may tip the scales, and Technologies in Mesopotamia, c. 5500-2100 so one small experiment adds to the overall B.C. Iraq 44(1), 13-38. basket of knowledge and understanding. [Muhly et al 1985] Muhly, J.D., Maddin, R., Stech, T. and Ozgen, E. 1985. Iron in Ana- References tolia and the nature of Hittite Iron Indus- try. Anatolian Studies 35, 67-84. [Budd et al 1995] Budd, P. and Taylor, T. 1995. The Faerie Smith Meets the Bronze Indus- [Njoku 1991] Njoku, O.N. 1991. Magic, Reli- try: Magic versus Science in the Interpre- gion and Iron Technology in Precolonial tation of Pre-historic Metal Making. World North-Western Igboland. Journal of Reli- Archaeology. 27 (1), 133-143. gion in Africa. 21 (3), 194-215. [Dowd and Fairburn 2005] Dowd, M. A. and [Photos 1989] Photos, E. 1989. The Question Fairburn, N. 2005. Excavations at Farranas- of Meteoritic versus Smelted Nickel-Rich tack, Co. Kerry: Evidence for the Use of Iron: Archaeological Evidence and Exper- Shaft Furnaces in Medieval Iron Produc- imental Results. World Archaeology 20(3), tion. The Journal of Irish Archaeology 14, 115- Archaeometallurgy, 403-421. 121. [Pleiner 2006] Pleiner, R. 2006. Iron in Archae- [Gillespie and Kerrigan 2010] Gillespie, R. F. ology: Early European Blacksmiths. Arche- and Kerrigan, A. 2010. Of Troughs and Tuy- ologicky Ustav Av Cr: Praha (Prague). eres: Archaeology of the N5 Charlestown By- pass. National Roads Authority; Dublin. [Popham 2001] Popham, M. 2001. The Col- lapse of the Aegean Civilisation at the [Hodges 2000] Hodges, H. 2000. Artifacts: An Introduction to Early Materials and Technol- End of the Late Bronze Age. In Cunliffe, B. (ed.) The Oxford Illustrated History of Prehis- ogy. Gerald Duckworth: London. toric Europe, 277. Oxford University Press: [Jackson et al 1988] Jackson, D. A., Tylecote, R. Oxford. F. and MacRobert, E. S. 1988. Two New Romano-British Iron-Working Sites in North- [Scott 1983] Scott, B. G. 1983. An Early Irish hamptonshire: A New Type of Furnace? Bri- Law Tract on the Balcksmith’s Forge. The tannia 19, 275-298. Journal of Irish Archaeology 1, 59-62.

[Kusimba 1996] Kusimba, C.M. 1996. The So- [Vandkilde 2007] Vandkilde, H. 2007. Culture cial Context of Iron Forging on the Kenya and Change in Central European Prehistory: Coast. Africa: Journal of the International 6th to 1st Millenium BC. Aarhus University African Institute. 66 (3), 386-410. Press: Aarhus University, Denmark.

[McMahon et al 2002] McMahon, M., Collins, [Wallace and Anguilano 2010] Wallace, A. B., Buckley, L. and Butler, V. 2002. Early and Anguilano, L. 2010. Metallurgical Medieval Settlement and Burial outside residues from Lowpark, Co. Mayo: ex- the Enclosed Town: Evidence from Ar- tracted from specialist reports by Angela chaeological Excavations at Bride Street, Wallace and Lorna Anguilano (Appendix Dublin. Proceedings of the Royal Irish VIIIa and VIIIb) in Gillespie, R. F. and Academy. Section C: Archaeology, Celtic Kerrigan, A. (eds.) Of Troughs and Tuyeres: Studies, history, Linguistics, Literature Archaeology of the N5 Charlestown Bypass 102(4), 67-135. 220-221. NRA; Dublin.

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V. Acknowledgments Halpin, Mr. Ben Waldron and Mr.Chris Read. I would like to thank the Editors of Trowel for The author would like to thank all and many making this article accessible to all and my fam- who made the experiment and the article come ily for their patience during the experimental together, namely Mssrs. Andrew, Kieran, Mar- stage. tin and Joe Stuart, Mr. Linas Juodzbalys, Mr.

54 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 To the Skies: Amateur Aerial Archaeology and its Potential Uses

Stephen Domican∗ Undergraduate, University College Dublin [email protected]

Abstract

Google Earth is an immensely powerful tool, with a wide variety of applications. It is particularly useful for new or amateur archaeologists, both as a low cost method of searching for new archaeological sites and as a training tool for those whose access to ﬁeld excavations or other forms of archaeological training may be limited due to a lack of experience or funding. Some of Google Earth’s potential uses will be demonstrated through a sample survey conducted covering an area of 400 square kilometres along the Kildare/Wicklow border as well as discussing some of the things learnt from conducting this survey. Some suggestions as to how the national monuments service can assist the public in this endeavour (by creating a guide on how to conduct an aerial survey) and what topographical features those conducting the survey need to look out for will also be considered.

I. Introduction large group of people and especially from the online community rather than from traditional employees or suppliers“. Getting involved in oogle Earth has in the past few years aerial archaeology is also an excellent training made aerial archaeology much more ac- tool for those interested in learning more about Gcessible to the public, allowing people archaeology. It allows them to contribute to ar- to participate in the search for new archaeo- chaeology in a useful manner while learning logical sites. Although having several disad- important skills. As evidence of this, a sample vantages such as varying image quality, a lack aerial survey has been conducted that demon- of an infrared channel and the merging of the strates some of the potential uses for crowd red, green and blue visible colour spectrum, sourced aerial archaeology along with some which prevent the user from using these light of the things learnt from conducting this sur- spectrums to make small changes in the earth’s vey, as well as making the suggestion that the surface more visible and make the search for ar- National monuments service consider the cre- chaeology easier (Kaimaris et al, 2011) ; Google ation of an online guide on, not only how to Earth’s main advantage is that it’s free (if using conduct an aerial survey but what topograph- the free edition as opposed to Google Earth ical features to look out for when conducting Pro) and it is readily available to anyone with one. internet access. Because of this there is a great potential to harness the power of Google Earth and the internet to outsource aerial archaeo- II. Google Earth as a Training logical tasks to the general public, a task also Tool known as “crowdsourcing”, which is defined by the Merriam-Webster dictionary as “the Since field work and other voluntary work are practice of obtaining needed services, ideas, often difficult to find, aerial archaeology offers or content by soliciting contributions from a an excellent way to be of use while learning ∗UCD School of Archaeology

55 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 skills useful to the discipline. as an interesting and useful method of training The range of skills the discovered by the for anyone interested in archaeology in general. author while conducting the aerial survey are varied and include knowledge of the classiﬁca- III. Valley of the Khans Project tion of archaeological sites in Ireland (e.g. ring ditches, henges etc.) including what they look as an Example of Crowdsourcing like, what they were used for, how frequently Aerial Archaeology and where they are usually found; how to identify the different archaeological sites from An interesting example which shows the po- an aerial perspective; how to report a poten- tential of using the internet to crowdsource a tial archaeological site to the proper authori- project is the National Geographic’s “Valley ties (while properly recording and submitting of the Khans” project (National Geographic, the relevant information to them); geographic 2013). The project involves members of the skills, including learning the different types public searching through online satellite im- of geographic co-ordinate systems (Universal agery of Mongolia in search of Genghis Khans Transverse Mercator, Irish Transverse Merca- tomb, in order to assist a team of archaeolo- tor etc.) and how to convert them as needed; gists on the ground while they search the area. how to record and manage data from an aerial As of June 2013 the project had 71,000 online survey and common building practices and explorers processing over 92,000 image tiles. other natural phenomenon that can result in Key to their success is the simplicity of the on- false ﬁndings (e.g. fairy rings and concrete line interface, with users being asked to tag construction pits creating ring shaped features potential sites by what they thought they may that might be interpreted as sites). be (road, river, ancient structure, modern structure and other site were the available tags) so Conducting an Aerial survey also serves as that the ground team could locate and investi- an introduction to the practice and theory of gate the more promising sites. This is one of aerial archaeology (what time of year is usually the more prominent examples of crowdsourc- best to view crop marks, what crops produce ing and internet technology being combined the best marks, why soil marks are created, to harness the power of public enthusiasm in oblique versus vertical imagery, shadow marks order to accomplish a large task in a short time. etc.), as well as leading on to further potential areas of specialisation such as landscape archaeology, infra-red imagery, aerial photog- IV. Aerial Survey of kildare/Naas raphy taken by plane, as well as helping to Border develop computer literacy and skills in areas that are of potential use to budding archae- As an example of the potential use of crowd- ologists such as data management. It is the sourced aerial surveying, a survey was con- author’s opinion that it allows people to de- ducted of an area of 400 Km2 along the Kil- velop these skills in a cost effective manner that dare/Wicklow border, which covered the Uni- does not necessitate potentially expensive and versal Transverse Mercator coordinates 650-670 prohibitive formal training. Eastings and 5880-5900 Northings in grid U29. As well as being a training tool, aerial ar- The reason for selecting this area was due to chaeology also allows those who lack experi- previously successful searches for new sites in ence to get involved in archaeology in a vari- the area using a randomised search pattern. ety of useful ways; from the discovery of new In order to show how accessible aerial archae- sites, ensuring the preservation of previous ology can be and how much potential there sites, to uncovering new information on pre- is for crowdsourcing, the survey was under- viously known sites. For these reasons, the taken using Google Earth, since the software author would recommend aerial archaeology is low cost, readily accessible and well known.

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Based on the experience of a previous aerial an excel file listing the grid they were found survey (Kennedy, 2011), a grid was created in in, the probability (colour) of the find and any order ensure each area is thoroughly covered. other relevant information. The possible classi- The decision was made not to show any known fication, rough measurements of the site using sites from the National Monuments Service list, Google Earth’s ruler tool and the date of the as this has the potential to bias the search by image/images were used to locate the potential resulting in more time and effort being spent site. on searching areas known to already contain Overall the aerial survey shows the poten- sites (as was also observed by Kennedy, ibid, tial of Google Earth. Although often hindered pp. 1285). The Universal Transverse Merca- due to poor image resolution, higher quality tor grid was displayed using a free download- images are gradually becoming available on able modification, called a “worldwide UTM Google Earth and over time, this should no grid-lines layer” available from http://www. longer be as big a problem. The results show nearby.org.uk/google.html#10 that displays that if one person is capable of surveying such UTM grid lines in Google Earth. The grid was a large area, it would be possible to cover vast then drawn using the Google Earth path tool areas of land in a quick and cost effective man- by creating various 20 kilometre path lines at ner, if we used the power of internet crowd- intervals along the box to create 400 boxes of 1 sourcing to enable large groups of people to square kilometre. simultaneously survey an area. Crowdsourc- ing could also be a solution to the issue of how The vertical column was labelled from A- to manage all the data that would result from T and the horizontal row was labelled 1-20, such a survey. Although it is time consuming using the placemark tool to create a referenc- for one person to measure and record each ing code in order to properly label each grid entry (and make sure each site has not been (e.g. the northernmost row was labelled A1, already listed and recorded by the National A2, A3 etc.). Each potential find in an area was monuments service or whatever organisation then labelled with this grid code along with lists known monuments in the area), it could an additional number showing which item it quickly be achieved by a small group collabo- was in the area (eg the 3rd potential find in rating on a project, in a similar manner to how grid I5 would be I5(3) etc.). Each was then the Valley of the Khans project was able to use marked using the placemark tool and were crowdsourcing by getting the public to locate colour coded depending on the probability of and categorise each potential site they found. it being a site (black being highly likely; red, This could be used by the National monuments likely; orange, medium probability and yellow service or any other organisation interested in having the lowest potential). Identifying po- conducting an aerial survey as a cost effective tential sites was a rather subjective task, with and efficient method of conducting an aerial most sites being identified by practice and an survey. instinctual feel for what may or may not be a site (a problem exasperated by the lack of readily available training on the matter), along with V. Review of the Survey and some basic guides on what topographical fea- Recommendations tures to look for (Condif, 1997; Riley 1987). As many of the sites had satellite imagery taken The main difficulty found in conducting this of them at different dates, most of the areas survey was in not being able to find a guide- required multiple viewings, each of the same book on how to properly conduct an aerial area at a different point in time. The survey survey and so a lot of time was spent in devel- returned 831 potential sites, some which may oping a method to do so. Without information already be listed in the National monuments on what topographical features to keep an eye database. These results were transferred into out for while searching aerially, the researcher

57 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 must rely on experience and intuition, mak- an online, aerial archaeology guide would be a ing it difficult to identify potential sites. This cost effective way of dealing with this because resulted in a large number of low probabil- by encouraging aerial archaeology in the pub- ity finds. Managing the data was also a chal- lic, you help to create a group that values the lenge as it has resulted in hundreds of potential use of aerial archaeology, is more interested sites that need to be assessed and catalogued. in championing its cause and would be more While the National Monuments Service does willing and able to get involved. An online list known sites, the results have to be indi- guide will help to promote best standards and vidually converted into ITM (Irish Transverse to train the public in how to properly conduct Mercator) and entered manually in order to aerial archaeological research and reconnais- find the location on the National Monuments sance. By a simple, user friendly interface, the Service map, a very slow and time consum- valley of the Khan’s project was successfully ing process. It is for these reasons that the able to train members of the public in how to author would suggest as a low cost solution, identify potential archaeological sites, using a the creation of an online guidebook covering game where users were scored on how many how to conduct an aerial survey, the basic prin- sites they were correctly able to identify. This ciples of aerial archaeology and what to look provides both a fun and educational method out for when searching for sites in Ireland. By of teaching the public what topographical fea- creating a standardised method, the National tures to look out for while conducting an aerial Monuments Service would be able to get a bet- survey. Crowdsourcing enables the public to ter picture of where in the country has been both assist the work of the Archaeological Sur- searched and where has not. By having a list of vey of Ireland, both in managing existing sites the types of sites and their topographical fea- by surveying their condition, ensuring no harm tures, they would also be able to make sure the comes to them and by discovering new ones. results received from the public are of a higher Evidence of this potential has been shown by quality, all the while increasing the public’s both the Valley of the Khans project and the knowledge and awareness of Irish archaeology. Google Earth survey. This will also allow the public to engage in archaeology in a constructive manner and allow VI. Summary the National monuments service to utilise the public’s enthusiasm for the subject in a man- Google Earth and other forms of open access ner that is both cost effective and requires little aerial archaeology offer an excellent tool for man power to maintain once set up online. anyone interested in learning more about ar- Lambeck (2008, pp. 14) outlined the Key chaeology while contributing to our under- priorities for aerial archaeology, established by standing of the past in a positive manner. the Heritage council as follows: 1. “Establish a With the potential afforded by the internet and steering group to champion the value of aerial crowdsourcing, we now have the capability to archaeology and develop initiatives to progress survey vast areas of land at low cost that would the work identified in the report” 2. “Provide not have been possible in the past. an online guide and improve access to existing sources of aerial photography and remote sensing” 3. “Do more to define and promote References best practice standards and provide training” [Condif 1997] Condif, T. (1997) Ireland’s Archae- 4. “Reinforce and supplement the work of the ology from the Air. Dublin: Town house and Archaeological Survey of Ireland to enhance Country house. the capture of existing data and undertake new reconnaissance” [Kaimaris et al 2011] Kaimaris, D. & Geor- It is the author’s belief that the creation of goula, O. & Patias, P. & Styliandis, E.

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(2011) Comparative analysis on the archae- (Accessed Earth, in Vigato, A. (ed.) Journal of Cultural 29 October 2013) Heritage, 12. France: Elsevier Masson SAS, pp. 263-269. [National Geographic 2013] National [Kennedy et al 2011] Kennedy, D. & Bishop, Geographic (2013). National Ge- MC. (2011) Google Earth and the archae- ographic. Available at: (Accessed 06 June & Rehren, T. & Hunt, C. (eds.) Journal of 2013) Archaeological Science 38. Oxford: Elseview limited, pp. 1284-1293. [Nearby.org.uk 2013] Nearby.org.uk (2013). Nearby.org.uk. Available at: chaeology in Ireland: A Review for the Her- (Accessed 29 October 2013) itage Council. Dublin: The Heritage Coun- cil. [Riley 1987] Riley, DN. (1987) Air Photography [Merriam-Webster 2013] Merriam-Webster And Archaeology. Philadelphia: University (2013). Merriam-Webster. Available at: of Pennsylvania press.

59 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 The Early Medieval Development of the Ecclesiastical Site at Ardmore, Co. Waterford

Trisha Ryan∗ MA, University College Dublin [email protected]

Abstract

The village of Ardmore is located on the coast between the major towns of Youghal, Co. Cork and Dungarvan, Co. Waterford. An ecclesiastical centre south west of the village consists of a 12th century round tower, a Romanesque cathedral and an early medieval oratory; the latter regarded as the burial place of the founder and pre-Patrician saint, Declan. The main focus of this paper will be a landscape study of the ecclesiastical centre of Ardmore to determine its development in the early medieval period and question the potential existence of a “monastic town”. The ecclesiastical centre and the surrounding landscape will be examined by adapting Swans (1983 and 1985) spatial modules to discover early ecclesiastical sites in which he used a combination of aerial photography, modern streetscapes and townland boundaries from historic maps to try to identify vallum. These boundaries were typically circular enclosures and could vary in size from 90-500 meters in diameter. In most instances only one or two enclosures are found and vary rarely three (O’Sullivan et al 2008, 122). This study will be enhanced through the additional use of satellite imagery and will be examined through GIS (Geographical Information Systems) to accurately locate the possible extent of the ecclesiastical complex during the early medieval period. The second part of this paper will use the evidence above to question the potential existence of a “monastic city”, a concept put forward by Doherty (1980, 1982, 1983), in order to determine the extent of the ecclesiastical site at Ardmore.

I. Introduction a focus of study on the phasing of the 12th century Romanesque cathedral at the centre of the ecclesiastical site (Smith 1972; McNab 1987; his article will explore the evidence to O’Keeffe 1992 and Harbison 1995). The only suggest a more complex ecclesiastical site record of monastic enclosures at Ardmore is at Ardmore, Co. Waterford than previ- T from the Archaeological Inventory of Co. Wa- ously thought (Figure 1). This will be exe- terford by Moore (1990) in which he identifies cuted through field and landscape survey of part of a large enclosure north west of the main the area and the monuments, in conjunction ecclesiastical centre (2011). However, the full with a desktop survey of maps and satellite im- extent of the early monastic site has never been agery. The area of Ardmore became a topic of properly examined. This research has identi- interested for many historians and archaeolo- fied the possible extent of the early monastic gists in the 20th century. These include Ussher site and aims to discuss its development in (1903), Westropp (1903), and Waterford histo- the early medieval period up to the 12th cen- rian Reverend Patrick Power (1898, 1925 and tury. To this end it will explore how Ardmore 1931) who is also credited for the translation ties in with the “monastic town” debate as dis- and publication of hagiography of St. Declan; cussed by Binchy (1965), Doherty (1980, 1982, The Life of St. Declan (1914). The next phase of 1983), Swan (1983 and 1985), Graham (1977; publications came in the late 20th century with ∗UCD School of Archaeology

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1979; 1987a; 1987b and 1989), Swift (1998) and the cathedral and the oratory were constructed Valante (1998). on much lower ground than the later Round Tower. As a result much of the early medieval topography is completely lost. This suggests II. The Establishment a significant time lapse between the earliest phase and the later construction of the Round The exact date for the establishment of Ard- Tower and expansion of the church into the more is difficult to determine. St. Patrick is cathedral in the 12th century (O’Keeffe 1992, traditionally credited with the conversion of 75). Therefore, it is very difficult to detect any the Irish people to Christianity following his ar- earlier ecclesiastical remains and also the exact rival in 432 AD; however, St. Declan, is one of layout. It is also possible that the earliest phase four pre-patrician saints associated with Mun- of activity may have been in the townland of ster who were thought to have come before Dysert west of the village. Today, there are the St. Patrick (Ó’Riain-Raedel 1998, 19). The ar- remains of a 19th century well and an undated chaeological evidence demonstrates that very church at Dysert, However, as of yet, there is no few churches and monuments are dedicated evidence of early medieval activity in this area, to St. Patrick in Waterford and many parts with the only suggestion coming from “The of Munster, which provides strong evidence Life of St. Declan, where Dysert is regarded as that by the 5th century AD much of this area St. Declan’s place of solitude and prayer. was already converted, and thus Patrick had no reason to be in Munster (Power 1931, 7-8). It is therefore impossible to establish an exact III. Development date but it is likely that Ardmore may have first been established in the 5th century, and then, Following on the establishment of the ecclesi- just like many other ecclesiastical sites, began astical site at Ardmore, the site grewin impor- to take shape around the 6th and 7th century. tance and additional enclosures were required The centre of the ecclesiastical site was the (Figure 5). The second enclosure, which was focus of ritual and is often the place where the most likely the expansion of the inner enclo- founder saint was buried (O’Sullivan et al 2008, sure by the 7th or 8th century, can be defined 123); this is also seen at Ardmore. Although by the present wall to the west, which matches there are no definite markings of the earliest up with the townland boundary between Far- enclosure, and therefore the earliest phase of rengarrett and Ardocheasty at the north west. activity is difficult to determine, it is argued This can be seen in the modern street map, and here that it focused around St. Declan’s oratory, from the 6 inch 1841 (Figure 2) and 25 inch the 12th century Romanesque cathedral, whose 1902 Ordnance Survey (Figure 3) maps. This earliest phase is an early medieval church and enclosure continues around to the south east, the 12th century Round Tower. The earliest where there is a slight curve owing to field phase proposed here is thought to be the same patterns radiating outwards, and encompasses area that is marked on the 1841 6 inch Ord- the present day graveyard. This identification nance Survey map (Figure 2 and 3). In the 19th concurs with Swan’s (1983 and 1985) spatial century this was expanded to the south for a theory that the boundaries of earlier ecclesias- graveyard, and today is the townland bound- tical sites were maintained in later formations ary between Monea and Glebe. This, being the of townland and field boundaries by adopting earliest place of activity, may have contained curvilinear features. early wooden churches and monuments that Much of the ecclesiastical remains that can have since been lost, leaving no traces today be seen today are contained within the western (Figure 4). part of this enclosure; the eastern section ap- It was not until later that there was a need pears to be devoid of any ecclesiastical remains for further enclosures. Both the first phase of today. The lack of archaeological remains in

61 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 this proposed enclosure may suggest a smaller suggested that it is in fact the base of a termon enclosure to contain these monuments, similar cross for the north edge of the ecclesiastical to the enclosure suggested at the beginning enclosure. It is possible that when the area of the early medieval period above, but, the went into decline in the 12th century the cross landscape evidence of the radiating field pat- was lost, and the base functioned as a bullaun- tern to the south east is too strong to ignore. stone. More importantly, the original location The remains that we see today were the most corresponds with the north tip of the main important, being located on higher ground as enclosure, and thus marks its entrance point. the valley drops directly east of the enclosure Both Hughes (1966, 148) and Herity (1995, 42- today, and explains why these have remained 43) discussed the importance of high crosses to and the others have not. distinguish areas of increased sanctity within A section of the third enclosure is visibly an ecclesiastical enclosure, and their use as ter- marked on the landscape by an ecclesiastical mon crosses, or boundary markers. This is enclosure (WA040-008023-) to the north west reflected in the 9th century Gospel book, the of the cathedral. This is most likely the sec- Book of Mulling. Interestingly, Power (1937, ond enclosure to the expanded inner enclosure 78 and 1952, 40) notes a place called “Cross- outlined in the previous paragraph, and most ford” at Ardmore, which translates to “Ford likely the outer enclosure for the whole site. of the (termon?) Cross”; suggesting that this This was identified as an earthen bank with an may indicate additional termon crosses in the outer fosse by Moore (1990, 164). Moore sug- area, possibly marking the boundary of the gested that this is part of a D-shaped enclosure ecclesiastical enclosure; unfortunately, there is that measures 180m north to south, and 150m no indication of where this place or the crosses east to west. Moore, in his field report, sug- are today. The cross therefore could have been gested that this D-shaped enclosure matched used to delineate that one was entering an in- the east wall of the modern graveyard instead creased area of sanctity, possibly to distinguish of extending down the valley as proposed here the newly identified outer enclosure from the (Moore 1990, 164). The suggestion made in main enclosure. By combining landscape evi- this paper is that the enclosure is much bigger dence with satellite imagery, and modern maps and is circular and not D-shaped. Moore (1990, with the location of key archaeological features, 164) used the modern south wall to define his as carried out here, it is reasonable to pro- enclosure of the ecclesiastical site, however this pose that the ecclesiastical site at Ardmore was research has identified that the wall was built much larger and more complex than previously in the 19th century and is therefore not an in- though. dication of the early medieval boundaries. Further archaeological evidence for the IV. The “Monastic Town”Debate boundary of the ecclesiastical site, that ties at Ardmore in with the expanded inner enclosures, is the original location of a cross base (WA040-017— The existence of the proposed enclosures raises ). The monument was not found during this the question as to how Ardmore, as an eccle- research but is reported to now be located out- siastical site, ties in with the “monastic town” side Monea House, north of the main ecclesi- debate. Again, the cross is essential in this ar- astical site, but its original location was across gument. It is generally accepted that by the 8th from St. Paul’s Church, north of the inner en- century, trade would have occurred on or near closure. This has commonly been thought to ecclesiastical sites (Comber 2001, 82), and possi- be a bullaun stone (Crozier and Rea 1940, 106), bly as part of holy days and festivals (Edwards but Westropp (1903, 375) and Power (1925, 18) 2008, 295). It is therefore probable that what suggested that it would have originally been has been identified as a termon cross, and an a plinth fora standing cross. Moore however; entry point into the ecclesiastical centre, could

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also have functioned as a “market cross” for óe- the 10th century where it is briefly mentioned nach, or fairs, to take place (Doherty 1982, 303). in a manuscript from a monastery at Tallaght, The original location of the cross at the edge of Co. Dublin (Gwynn and Purton 1911, 142-143). the inner ecclesiastical enclosure fits the crite- Remains for a monastery, thought to have been ria for a market or termon cross and thus may a house of canons of St. Augustine, could be have been a place for people to gather Further seen west of the cathedral in the 18th century evidence for this is that just north of where the where a farmhouse is now located. The re- original location of the cross was, is the main mains were a cluster of five houses west of cross roads of the village of Ardmore which the Round Tower which may also have had may have had its origins in the early medieval a subterranean passageway to the ecclesiasti- period and also may have had a termon cross cal site, however this has never been explored at this location that has since been lost. (Mulcahy 1989, 9). If this is in fact the location Another suggestion made by Doherty (1983, of a monastery it is very likely that early me- 59), which may provide evidence for a “proto” dieval remains lie beneath it. Further to this, town is that he suggested that the presence of directly north of the dwelling there is evidence “Ferann” in a placename can indicate “hinter” of banks, possible outlining a square building, or “service” lands that would have been occu- appearing on the satellite imagery. Most impor- pied by the manaig, who were lay-people and tantly is that the dwelling and the banks from families serving those on the ecclesiastical site. the satellite imagery neatly fit in between the This would not have been uncommon with two proposed enclosures as outlined by this re- many churches, large and small having out- search and therefore strengthens the argument farms for supplies (Hurley 1982, 324). At Ard- that these were related to the ecclesiastical site. more, the townland west of the ecclesiastical Also, as already mentioned, Dysert, which com- site is “Farrangarret”, the Irish being “Fearann monly translates to “hermitage” (Power 1952, Ghearóird” which Power (1952, 41) translates 41), was the place of retreat for St. Declan, as “Garrett”s Farm”. The translation of this pla- suggesting that the ecclesiastical site was vis- cename suggests that it had its origins in the ited by enough people; either by clergy or lay early medieval period and may explain why people, for the saint to require a place of soli- it takes a curvilinear shape at the north-west. tude and prayer similar to St. Kevin’s Bed at Although no excavations have taken place in Glendalough. this area, studies by Ryan (1988) at Nendrum When examining the surrounding land- and Movilla Abbey in Co. Down produced scape of Ardmore it is evident that people were evidence for craft activity such as metal and coming to the area owing to the survival of glass working outside the main ecclesiastical part of an ancient roadway north of Ardmore complex. If this was occurring at Ardmore, this (WA083-036—-), “The Rian Bó Padraig”. This is the location where it is likely to be found. is believed to be the ancient highway of the De- There is also a small pocket of this townland cies linking Ardmore, Lismore and Cashel and to the northwest which may also suggest that people were most likely using this roadway as this townland was much bigger at one stage. a means to get to Ardmore for pilgrimage in As such, the question arises as to who the early medieval period. In early Christian would have been using these lands as service times there would have been a series of roads lands? If it was lay-people this would sug- from provincial capitals, and in the case of gest further evidence for a “town”, however, Munster, these would have been coming from if it was monks serving the area of Ardmore Cashel (Power 1905, 111). The remains of the it is possible that there would have been a road north of Ardmore possibly at some stage monastery at Ardmore. There is only one piece connected the the Rian Bó Padraig as mention of historical evidence for the existence of a in The Life of St. Declan (Power 1905, 127). monastery at Ardmore and this dates to before This route was most likely used by people to

63 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 get to Ardmore in the early medieval period; V. Conclusion however a large portion of it became lost once following a decline in the 12th century. Today This article therefore demonstrates that the ec- the route is very difficult to track and can only clesiastical site at Ardmore was far more com- be pieced together by scant remains north of plex than previously thought. This is high- Ardmore. It is also possible, due to its location lighted through landscape and archaeological between the cities and major trading ports of evidence which suggests the presence of at Waterford and Cork, that Ardmore could have least two major enclosures around the ecclesi- been a place that pilgrims visited went before astical site. The presence of the oratory demon- departing to Compostella or Rome (Ó’Cadhla strates that Ardmore was an important place 2002, 7). for veneration and pilgrimage; with a focus on This raises the question as to why people the relics of St. Declan. This is supported by were coming to Ardmore. The answer is may the Rian Bó Phadraig, which also notes its con- lie in the presence of the oratory at the centre nections to other important ecclesiastical cen- of the ecclesiastical site creating a cult of relics. tres in Munster. This concurs with Doherty’s Veneration of relics in Christianity began in (1985, 55) suggestion that complex enclosures the 3rd century in Rome for St. Peter and St. were necessary to delineate areas of sanctity Paul and spread throughout Europe. The cult and was required at Ardmore, as it was a place of relics became increasingly popular from the of veneration and pilgrimage. These enclosures 8th century due to an overwhelming need for were possibly established around the 8th cen- people to have a physical association with their tury, at the same time as the construction of founder saints. The cult of the relics, specif- the oratory (Petrie 1970, 357). It is difficult to ically corporal relics (Lucas 1896, 6), helped determine if Ardmore was a “monastic” or a to create a physical link between the founder “proto” town but the possible existence of a saints, their people and the landscape (Thacher monastery suggests that the main inhabitants 2002, 1-3). The construction of the oratory in were clergy. The evidence against the existent the 8th century firmly established Ardmore of a “town” in the early medieval period lies as the place that St. Declan created; it is a in the fact that Ardmore was not established physical symbol of where the saint established as a village until a revival of pilgrimage in the his monastery, where he was laid to rest and 18th century, with the focus east of the village would always remain. If it is believed that at Dysert. To date there is no firm archaeolog- the saint’s grandfather or ancestor was buried ical or landscape evidence to suggest a lay or in or near the oratory, as suggested by the monastic community at Ardmore prior to the presence of a ogham stone (WA040-008005-) 18th century. Therefore, there is much more to (Fitzgerald 1860, 50), it may be suggested that be discovered about the early medieval period veneration in or around the area of the oratory at Ardmore and how it contributes to the con- dates back to pagan times and was thus the version of the Irish people to Christianity and reason why that particular spot was chosen for possibly to the monastic town debate. the burial place of the saint and the construction of his oratory (Fitzgerald 1855, 231). It was References the construction of this oratory that resulted in increasing numbers of pilgrims coming to [Binchy 1962] Binchy, D.A. (1962). The Passing Ardmore and thus the ecclesiastical enclosures of the Old Order. In Proceedings of the In- were required to control people and to protect ternational Congress of Celtic Studies held in the relics of St. Declan. Dublin 6-10 July 1959. Dublin: The Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies. [Comber 2001] Comber, Michelle (2001). Trade and Communication Networks in Early

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Historic Ireland. The Journal of Irish Archae- Journal of Historical Geography, 5 (2): 111- ology, 10: 73-92. 125.

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[McNab 1987] McNab, S. L. (1987). The Ro- [Power 1925] Power, Patrick, Canon (1925). manesque Sculptures of Ardmore Cathe- Ardmore - Deaglain: A Popular Guide to the dral, Co. Waterford. The Journal of the Royal Holy City. Dublin: Catholic Trust Society. Society of Antiquaries of Ireland. 117: 50-68. [Power 1931] Power, Patrick, Canon (1931). [Moore 1990] Moore, Michael (1990). Archae- Ardmore; Its Founder and Early Christian ological Inventory of County Waterford. Memorials. Dublin: Catholic Trust Society. Dublin: The Stationery Ofﬁce. [Power 1937] Power, P (1937). Waterford and [Moore 2011] Moore, Michael (2011). Na- Lismore: A Compendious History of the tional Monuments Service. Available United Diocese. Cork: Cork University at: http://webgis.archaeology.ie/ Press. NationalMonuments/FlexViewer/ (Ac- [Power 1952] Power, Patrick, Canon (1952). cessed on 7th June 2012). The Place-Names of the Decies. Cork: Cork [Mulcahy 1989] Mulcahy, Michael (1989). Far- University Press. rangarret Complex, Ardmore. Ardmore [Ryan 1988] Ryan, Michael (1988). Fine metal- Journal, 6: 9-16. working and early Irish monasteries: the archaeological evidence. In Bradley, John [Ó’Cadhla 2002] Ó’Cadhla, Stiofán (2002). The ed. Settlement and Society in Medieval Ire- Holy Well Tradition: The Pattern of St. De- land. Kilkenny; Boethus. clan, Ardmore, County Waterford, 1800-2000. Dublin: Four Courts Press. [Smith 1972] Smith, J.T. (1972). Ardmore Cathedral. The Journal of the Royal Society [O’Keeffe 1992] O’Keeffe, Tadhg (1992). Ro- of Antiquaries of Ireland, 102 (1): 1-13. manesque Architecture and Sculpture at Ardmore. In Nolan, William and Power, P. [Swan 1983] Swan, Leo (1983). Monastic Proto- Thomas eds. Waterford; History and Society: Towns in Early Medieval Ireland: The Ev- interdisciplinary essays on the history of an idence of Aerial Photography, Plan Analy- Irish county. Dublin: Geography Publica- sis and Survey. In: Reeves-Smith, Terence tions. and Hamond, Fred eds. Landscape Archae- ology in Ireland. Oxford: BAR. [Ó’Riain-Raedel 1998] Ó Riain-Raedel, Dag- mar (1998). The Question of the “pre- [Swan 1985] Swan, Leo (1985). Enclosed Eccle- Patrician” Saints of Munster. In Monk, siastical Sites and Their Relevance to Set- Michael and Sheehan, John eds. Early Me- tlement Patterns of the First Millennium dieval Munster: Archaeology, History and A.D. In: Clarke, H.B. and Simms, Anngret Society. Cork: Cork University Press eds. The Comparative history of urban origins in non-Roman Europe: Ireland, Wales, [O’Sullivan 2008] O’Sullivan, A., McCormick, Denmark, Germany, Poland and Russia from F., Kerr, T. and Harney, L. (2008) Early the ninth to the thirteenth century. Oxford: Medieval Ireland; Archaeological Excavations BAR. 1930-2004. [Swift 1998] Swift, Catherine (1998). Forts and [Power 1905] Power, P (1905). The “Rian Bó Fields; A Study of “Monastic Towns” in Phádruig“ (The Ancient Highway of the Seventh and Eight Century Ireland. The Decies). The Journal of the Royal Society of Journal of Irish Archaeology, 9: 105-125. the Antiquaries of Ireland. 35 (2): 110-129. [Thacher 2002] Thacher, Alan (2002). Loca [Power 1914] Power, P. (1914). Life of St. Declan Sancturum: The Signiﬁcance of the Place of Ardmore and Life of St. Mochuda of Lis- in the Study of the Saints. In: Thacher, more. London: Irish Text Society. Alan and Sharpe, Richards eds. Local

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67 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 Fat Ann, Baths and Brothels: Sexual Economies of the Wild West

Laura Elizabeth Scharding∗ PhD, University College Dublin [email protected]

Abstract

Whoredom in the Wild West has created a plethora of pseudo-historical “memorabilia”, artifacts that have become part of popular culture. Brothel tokens are part and parcel of the “Wild West” image portrayed by the media and western novels. Strong sexual economies were prevalent in most western towns due to their unusually high male population ratios and are always present in mediums that portray western American life including reenacted historical western American towns such as Tombstone, Arizona. Brothel tokens in their material culture role may provide insight into, not only a controversial area of female occupational history, but also how these women portrayed themselves as a specialized commodity and advertised their services. Also labeled brass checks and love tokens, brothel tokens came in many shapes and sizes. Most brothel tokens have been shown by numismatics to be hoaxes sold to green horns interested in Western culture. A select few however, are the real artifact and a fascinating relic from the days of shootouts, bandits, cowboys and hurdy-gurdy girls of the Wild West.

I. Introduction brothel token that dates to the early twentieth century Australian Goldﬁelds heyday (Adams ound among numismatic collections are and Frances 2003, 48). In another instance the licentious tokens either depicting or ref- Museum of London last year as part of a tem- Ferencing erotic acts. Some have pictures porary exhibit housed the only known spintria, while others have cheeky slogans and establish- a possible brothel token, to be found in Britain ment or madam names inscribed. In circulation (Fig. 1). These two museum exhibits are part during the heyday of Gold rushes and Cattle of an effort to educate the public regarding Towns, brothel tokens or “love tokens” have be- the material culture of the sex trade and the come part of the coin collector’s domain. Many economic role it played in society as a viable fakes and replicas abound to the point that occupation. controversy has developed as to whether they While it is known that brothel tokens were existed at all in the American West. Finding used worldwide, historically their origin is authentic tokens is akin to looking for a nee- murky. The spintria (Fig. 1) thought for years dle in a haystack. Historically, brothel tokens to be the precursor to the brothel token, may did exist, most date to the late 19th-early 20th have served another purpose. This assumption century and very little information is available is well understood for on the front of spintria regarding the role they played in society. are depicted various sexual acts while on the In an attempt to make this unique item back numerals are written ranging from I-XVI more accessible to the public as part of occu- (Fishburn 2007, 226). Most spintria are dated pational and sexual material cultural heritage, to the reign of Domitian (81-96 AD) and it has museums are incorporating them into displays been postulated the tokens were made in re- such as that of the Kalgoorlie Goldﬁelds Mu- sponse to Tiberius’s law that coins bearing the seum in Australia. Found in an exhibition ded- head of Augustus could not be taken into a icated to women’s occupations, is a solitary ∗UCD School of Archaeology

68 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 privy or a brothel (Talvacchia 1999, 62). What- or proprietors more control over prostitutes in ever their actual purpose, spintrias’ assumed their employ (Ditmore 2006, 69). In order for use and function, resulted in the idea of simi- women to collect cash money owed to them lar tokens for use as legal tender to purchase for services rendered, brothel tokens had to sex in 13th century England (Mitchiner and be handed in to the madam who then paid Skinner 1984, 134). their wages, minus any fees owed for room Three brothel token typologies are dis- and board. Such a system prevented prosti- cussed in this paper: fantasy tokens, tokens tutes from leaving until payday. Additionally, depicting monetary worth and those with at this time, proper coinage was in short sup- women’s busts shown on the front. The scope ply on the frontier where it had to be brought of the article is limited and does not include by coach or wagon from back East (Coin Mine). modern brothel tokens or those of the later Many merchants operated on credit or tokens, 20th century, both of which are now legal ten- then reimbursed when the claim stuck gold or der in Nevada. Other countries are mentioned the cattle drive was successful. Cripple Creek, but only to provide context and point out simi- Colorado, in a red light distinct that stretched larities. five miles long, was rumored to employ girls, each of whose individual turnover equaled up II. Fat Ann &Shady Milts Silk to fifty tokens a night (Mackell 2004, 3, Noel 2005, 197). Garter and the American Wild Many brothel tokens were used for adver- West tising, similar to business cards (Adams and Frances 2003, 49). In the West forms of ad- Brothel tokens come in many shapes, sizes and vertising would have been limited. Newspa- materials. Variations include oval shaped coins, pers may not have been an option due to le- buttons and business cards, however this ar- gality problems; additionally most newspapers ticle focuses on those that can be categorized if they mention prostitutes at all, focused on as a coin type (Mackell 2004, 3). The popu- them for salacious reasons. Prostitutes prom- lar “Wild West” brass checks are roughly the enaded the streets dressed in their finest to size and shape of an American fifty-cent piece attract clients but a token could be slipped into or dollar gambling tokens (44.44mm). Most a pocket and kept for future reference (Mack- coin types were made of brass or a metal alloy ell 2004, 3). A brothel token’s obverse (front) that was possibly gold or silver-plated. Sa- showed the woman’s profile and the reverse loons and hotels located in the gold and silver displayed her name and address. fields sometimes used precious metals to make coinage for trade, it would be surprising if this practice did not occur in high-end brothels as it III. Sexual Economies did in France (Kiser 2012, Feisel 2012, 14, 11 & Holabird-Kagin Americana 2012). Customers Real “Wild West” brothel tokens are extremely purchased tokens directly from the madam, rare. So rare in fact that there is great con- bartender or establishment owner. These were troversy between numismatics as to whether then given to the girl before intercourse as pay- they actually existed in the American West at ment along with any tip. The girl kept the tip all (Howard 2012, Hartzog 2010, Farber 2013). for herself and then returned the tokens at the Two types have emerged: tokens issued by end of her shift to the brothel or establishment saloons in connection with the brothel, usu- owner (Ditmore 2006, 69). This form of non- ally redeemable for drinks or possibly cigars cash payment was intended to keep both girls and tokens that depict womanly cameos used and customers from making cash deals that to advertise. Neither type depicts or reference excluded brothel keepers. any sexual innuendos related to the occupation The use of brothel tokens also gave madams (Hartzog 2010). Most brothel tokens came into

69 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 being due to their connection with a saloon. terial include gilded brass and gold plate. In Saloon tokens are coins handed out in bars the early 19th century gold was discovered in that strictly did not offer sexual services. In Nevada and the town of Goldfield sprang into one Arizona establishment a customer would existence. The Den, a well-known brothel, was buy a token from the bartender and give the to- located in the town’s red light district attached ken to the madam, having proved his payment; to the Ajax & Martine Saloon. she would then take him to look at the girls Smelterville, Nevada was established as a (Crandall 2003). Once his choice was made red light district adjoining the town of McGill and terms explained to the girl regarding ser- in 1907. It was one of three “towns” built out- vices paid for, they would retire to one of the side the border of McGill for the explicit pur- brothel’s rooms. pose of housing the many dance halls, saloons At the Bird Cage Theatre, Tombstone Ari- and gambling dens (The US Gen Web Project zona, during renovations a notice was found 2006). It existed until 1914 when public out- which stated that girls “turn in the house’s cries against immorality caused it to be shut share of nightly receipts to the madam and down. Figure 3a and 3b is another authentic . . . cash in all bar-tokens with the head bar- Nevada brothel token. Its obverse side has the tender before going off duty” (Vermeer 2006, name Mike Basta in raised letters, the town’s 167). New York Times in 1882 said of the the- abbreviations S. V. and NEV (Nevada state). atre, which operated twenty-four hours a day, “Good for 5 cents in trade” is stated on the that it was the “wildest, wickedest night spot reverse. It is brass and 23 mm in diameter. between Basin Street and the Barbary Coast” Mike Basta was a landowner in Smelterville (Eppinga 2010, 36) These two instances seem who owned a store and most likely the bawdy to indicate that the tokens did change hands house in which this token was used (Coin Mine and pass from customer to either prostitute 2004). or madam in some context. An excavation of In 1880 Denver, Colorado boasted the most the basement and privy of a two-story brothel, notorious red light district in the Rocky Moun- located in the historic heart of Prescott, Ari- tains. By 1882, approximately 480 prostitutes zona’s red light district, revealed some interest- were legally soliciting openly on Holiday Street ing finds. Amongst the assemblage of buttons (MacKell 2009, 116). To promote business, the was an object made of mother of pearl inlaid brothels and prostitutes of Denver collaborated with copper backing. It is speculated that this and published a book in 1892, entitled the Den- artifact is not clothing related at all, but rather ver Red Book. It contained advertisements, a gambling token (Foster et al 2004, 229). which gave names and addresses of brothels, prostitutes descriptions and accomplishments IV. Compliments of Miss Olga vs. and services offered (MacKell 2009, 114). Sev- Good for Five Cents in Trade eral famous establishments include Mamie Dar- ling’s, The Silver Dollar Hotel and Miss Olga’s Figure 2a and 2b display an authentic brothel (Mackell 2004, 62). token from Goldfield, Nevada. Only fourteen Miss Olga, proprietress of Miss Olga’s of these types are known to still exist and the brothel, commissioned a token to be made with going price for one in auction is in the hun- her profile on the obverse and “Compliments of dreds (Coin Mine 2004). George Washington Miss Olga, 2148 Market Str. Denver” on the re- is etched into the obverse while the reverse verse (Fig. 4a & 4b). Made of brass, her tokens gives the brothel’s name, the proprietor, city were of the shellcard type meaning the inside and state, and the redeemable amount of two was hollow with a piece of cardboard inside. and a half cents. The token is 31.75mm in di- The token is 21.44mm in diameter, 1.72mm ameter, appears to be brass and dates to the thick and weighs 1.3 grams. Few authentic early 19th century. Original variations in ma- Miss Olga tokens exist and despite damage

70 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 and denting, the one above was estimated at regarding brothel tokens, only that they ap- auction to be worth between $400 and $600. peared to be a fascinating “Wild West” artifact. After some research, it quickly became evident that whoredom in the Wild West has created V. Hassayampa River and Fred a plethora of pseudo-historical “memorabilia” Mazzulla artifacts. Without a doubt, these objects have now become part of popular culture far beyond Hassayampa River is located just west of Fred Mazzulla’s enterprising dreams. Phoenix, Arizona not far from the infamous Fake brothel tokens began to appear as town of Prescott whose red light district a popular Wild West sale item during the boasted such visitors as the Earp brothers and 1960s. These “fake” brothel tokens are of brass, Doc Holliday (Hassayamp Inn 2013). It is an the size of an American fifty-cent piece circa area of tall tales and legends, one being that (44.44mm) and advertise popular brothels and if a prospector or tenderfoot drinks from the madams of the 19th-early 20th century. Their Hassayampa waters they are doomed to tell weight is roughly 45.36 grams. Interestingly, lies forever. Fred Mazzulla (born 1903) was all three tokens above exhibit signs of wear as one such man; he was a manufacturer of, not if they were used for something. An imme- replicas, but fake brothel tokens (Mackell 2004). diate indication of fraud is the slogan “Good At an early age Mazzulla developed a fascina- for one Screw” imprinted on the coin (Mackell tion for brothels and prostitutes that escalated 2004). Inscriptions on fake brothel tokens are in his later years to him and his wife publish- often lewd. Figure 4a depicts an advertisement ing “history” books and selling them by the of “a prize 4 the biggest ’cock”’ on one side roadside to tourists. and “good for all night” on the other. Figure One book in particular, Red Lights and 3’s reverse side is difficult to make out but Brass Checks, told of brothels, madams and reads, “Clean Fun With Good Clean Girls, Bath brass checks sold throughout Western States. Must Be Taken Before Entering Rooms, Prop. His fakes were very cleverly done and ref- Madam Bee Jay.” erenced real brothels and madams popular As previously mentioned, authentic historic throughout the West during the late 19th and brothel tokens did not display lewd references early 20th century. While Mazzulla’s descen- to sex as evidenced by Miss Olga’s token. High- dants claim that his brothel tokens were gen- class madams insisted on their prostitutes be- uine, numismatics say his tokens are fakes. ing well mannered and well spoken. Their Confirming this evaluation, Mazzulla’s close “girls” were taught to speak in euphemisms friend said that the tokens were specially made and to use titillating conversation rather than by a Chicago company and then antiquated engage in crude, unladylike language when using vinegar and a towel. Mazzulla then sold entertaining gentlemen (Mackell 2004). Brothel them to the unwary for ten dollars apiece (Lu- tokens displaying crude language or risqué pic- cas 2008). He is quoted as saying to a reporter tures are immediately recognizable as fake, or during an interview, “I’m no stickler for histor- modern, legal brothel tender. ical accuracy. Sometimes it takes showmanship to make history interesting” (Curtis 1972, 14). VII. Conclusion

VI. “Good for one Screw” Brothel tokens did exist in the American West during its heyday of cattle and gold during the Figures 5a through 7b. are fake brothel tokens late 19th and early 20th century. Their role as or “fantasy” tokens that were purchased at an a gendered object produced for and used by antique store in Gettysburg, Pennsylvania. At women in male dominated territories is unique time of purchase, nothing factual was known and more research is needed to determine their

71 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 typologies, function and role as an object per- prostitution and sexwork: A-N Vol. 1. West- sonalized to represent individuals. Research port: Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc., into shellcard type tokens commissioned for pp. 69. and by prostitutes will also reﬂect on studies of fantasy tokens and modern brothel currency. [Eppinga 2010] Eppinga, J. (2010) Tombstone. While this article is too short to give but a brief Charleston, South Carolina: Arcadia Pub- overview of this unique object, at a glance it lishing. can be seen that comparison between fantasy [Feisel 2012] Feisel, D. (2012) Mail Bid Sale. to authentic shellcard tokens shows a potential Talkin’ Tokens: NTCA 189, pp. 13-40. gender dichotomy between male and female commissioned or produced tokens evidenced [Fishburn 2007] Fishburn, G. (2007) Is that a by what is portrayed and said on them. A Spintria in your Pocket, or Are You Just brothel token’s exact purpose other than as Pleased to See Me? In P. Earl & B. Lit- advertisements or “good for a drink” remain tleboy (eds). Regarding the Past. St. Lucia: unclear with contradicting sources declaring University of Queensland, pp. 225-237. they were used or they were not used as payment for sexual services. The possible gam- [Foster et al 2004] Foster, M, Lindly, J. & Ry- bling token found by Foster in the Prescott den, R. (2004) Celestials and Soiled Doves: brothel (et al 2004, 229) could just as easily be The Archaeology and History of Lots 4- a brothel token or love token. Two authentic 9, Block 13 of Historic Prescott’s Original Wild West brothel token types exist: one that Townsite: The Prescott City Centre Project. was redeemable for monetary denominations SWCA Cultural Resource Report No. 03-386. and one that portrayed a woman’s bust. Phoenix. Using this data three things can be determined: brothel tokens were used by prostitutes [Kiser 2012] Kiser, B. (2012) On The Net. to advertise, they were redeemable in saloons Talkin’ Tokens: NTCA 189, pp. 10-12. attached to brothels for drinks, and that all to- [Mackell 2009] Mackell, J. (2009) Red Light kens connected to the brothel passed between Women of the Rocky Mountains. New Mex- customer and either madam or prostitute dur- ico: University of New Mexico Press. ing the coins circulation. [1] 2004) Brothels, Bordellos, & Bad Girls: Prosti- tution in Colorado, 1860-1930. New Mexico: eferences R University of New Mexico Press.

[Adams and Frances 2003] Adams, S. and [Mitchiner and Skinner 1984] Mitchiner, M. & Frances, R. (2003) Lifting the Veil: The Sex Skinner, A. (1984) English Tokens, C. 1425 Industry, Museums and Galleries. Labour to 1672. British Numismatic Journal 54, pp. History 85, pp. 47-64. 86-163.

[Crandall 2003] Crandall, Z. (2003) Arizona [Noel 2005] Noel, T. (2005) Rewriting the Past Tales, Volume 1. Victoria: Trafford Pub- for the Present: Public Monuments and lishing. Political Correctness, the Colorado State Capitol and Sand Creek. In A. Gulliford [Curtis 1972] Curtis, O. (1972) The Battling His- (ed). Preserving Western History. New Mex- torians. Denver Post Empire January 16, ico: University of New Mexico Press. pp. 14. [Talvacchia 1999] Talvacchia, B. (1999) Taking [Ditmore 2006] Ditmore, M. (2006) Brothel To- positions: on the erotic in Renaissance culture. kens. In M. Ditmore (ed). Encyclopedia of Princeton: Princeton University Press.

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[Vermeer 2006] Vermeer, A. (2006) Making the c1890-1910-French Brothel Token- West: Approaches to the Archaeology of Pros- Silver. Available at: (Accessed August 13 2013).

[Howare 2012] Howare, S. (2012) Brothel Websites Tokens- fake or real?. Auction Finds: and the stories behind them. Available at: [Cathcart 2004] Cathcart, M. (2004) Brothel ration Television, 24 October. Avail- (Accessed June 6 2013). able at: (Accessed 3 brothel token discovered on Thames June 2013). foreshore. Museum of London. Available [Coin Mine 2004] Coin Mine. (2004) Tokens. at: Press-releases/Brothel+token.htm> (Accessed 3 June 2013). (Accessed 3 June 2013).

[Farber 2013] Farber, G. (2013) Brothel [Lucas 2008] Lucus, W. (2008) Late attor- Tokens-Houses of Ill Repute Tokens. ney collected photos of prostitutes, Louisiana Trade Tokens. Available at: lynchings, KKK. 9 News. Available at: (Accessed 3 aspx?storyid=91116> (Accessed 5 June June 2013). 5, 2013)

[Hassayampa Inn 2013] Hassayampa Inn [Sterling and Currency Pty Ltd 2012] Sterling (2013). Hassayampa Inn. Available & Currency Pty Ltd (2012). A Kalgoorlie at: Redeemable. Available at: [Hartzog 2010] Hartzog, R. (2010) Fan- (Accessed June 3 2013). tasy Exonumia Pieces. AAA Histori- cal Americana. Available at: Gen Web Project (2006) Smelter- (Accessed 2 June 2013). ville Nevada. Available at: (Accessed 6 Kagin Americana. (2013) France, June 2013).

73 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 Mythology as a Window into the Past: What is the Relevance of Mythology in Archaeological Interpretation?

Owen Connelly∗ MA, University College Dublin [email protected]

Abstract

The purpose of this paper is to examine the relationship between mythology and archaeology, and to argue the importance of mythology in the interpretation of archaeological sites. The paper will examine the process and components in myth suggested by psychologists such as Carl Jung, among others. In addition, the paper shows how using psychological approaches in order to analyze data we can dissect and understand myths. The argument for mythology as an aid in interpreting archaeological sites will be examined using case studies from archeological sites where both good archaeological data and folklore traditions have survived. The argument for using material culture in folklore studies is challenged and a new approach for using mythology in archaeological interpretation is suggested, focusing on direct relationships between archaeological facts and their related mythological concept.

I. Introduction is that mythology is a narrative consisting of different concepts that remain preserved over rchaeologists have often overlooked the generations, possibly from as far back as the importance of mythology in the in- the Neolithic. Although narratives change over Aterpretation of archaeological sites. Al- time, and stories are actively reworked by their though it is accepted that typonym and stories contemporary cultures (Campbell, 1988, 43-60), about sites have some importance in a general at the core there is a universal principle gov- sense, it has always been an area of study that erning the concepts and ideas in the narrative. lacks clarity. If we compare the techniques These concepts are born from the psychologi- applied by archaeologists with those taken by cal experience and social ordering of the world mythologists in terms of dating, we find our- (Campbell, 1988, 19-43). The writer argues that selves standing firmly on the side of archaeol- while narratives and social order may change, ogy, for with mythology the date can only be concepts such as death, birth, the seasons and secured by the manuscript itself as opposed to the hero are universal unconscious traits (Jung, oral traditions which make dating impossible. 2004, 12-18) and remain essentially unchanged. In order to effectively use the information In this article the archaeological case studies from mythology, it is important to interpret discussed will be from the Neolithic period, these stories exclusively within the context concentrating on the megalithic traditions. of archaeological sites. Thus understanding In order to develop an approach to myth mythology as part of the archaeological assem- and archaeology, we must draw upon the in- blage, we can compare the conceptual infor- fluential ideas of one of the most prominent mation from various myths and archaeological thinkers of the 20thC. Carl Jung, whose repu- data from the same sites and try to draw our tation as a psychoanalyst is well known, dis- conclusions. The argument put forward here cussed mythology in many of his papers in ∗UCD School of Archaeology

74 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 relation to what he called the collective con- biological rules (ibid. 182). In his publica- scious; he described the process of mytholog- tion, The Hero With A Thousand Faces (1949), ical representation using the following termi- Campbell identified a common hero like figure nologies: Archetype (the process or organiz- that would appear in different stories around ing principle involved in forming mythology) the world and demonstrated the overwhelm- and the archetype manifestation (the form the ing comparisons between them. Myths such archetype takes in each cultural society). He as the Great flood and the twins of creation argued that many of the images we perceive were once thought to be as a result of diffusion in society are actually projected images from among cultures in the Middle East. However, inside the human mind. While the archetype as research into cultures in Australia and South is common to all cultures, the manifestation America revealed flood myths (Littleton, 2002, can take various forms and depends solely on 7) such as the various flood myths recorded the cultural choices of any given society (Jung, in the traditions of the people of the Bogota 2004, 12-13). The “clothing” of the archetype plain, the Chimu Indians on the coastal plain can be found in various forms due to a variety of Peru and the Canari tribe in Ecuador (Lit- of different factors (ibid) tleton, 2002, 590-592), this perspective became Joseph Campbell, one of the greatest more difficult to maintain. It does seem that mythology specialists of the 20thC and a fol- there is a governing principle (i.e. archetypes) lower of Jung, went a step further. Campbell within human psychology that allows for the examined all world mythologies as a means of application of universally understood mental a comparative approach. Finding overwhelm- symbols in the mythologies of world cultures ing comparisons between cultures and much (Littleton, 2002, 7-9). like Jung, believing in a common principle that The ordering of information might be formed myth in the minds of society. Campbell analogous with our ordering of the land- identified four major functions that traditional scape around us, how we make sense of the mythologies facilitate. The first he described world and control it. Jung’s collective un- as the “reconciliation of consciousness with conscious is described as something primor- the preconditions of existence”. This function dial. Archetypes are created there and pre- places an emphasis on man’s place in the world, sented in various forms in cultures around and usually presents itself as the separation be- the world. However, despite the variety of tween man and animal, such as the story of forms, there do seem to be reoccurring man- Adam and Eve and the search for redemption. ifestations or archetype images that are uni- These kinds of myths explain mankind’s origin versal such as death, rebirth, sun or sunlight, and place in the world through ritual, religious water, seasons and the mother (Dobie, 2012, doctrine and the victory of world order (Camp- 65-66). These archetype images change over bell, 1997, 180-181). The second function is time with changes in cultural perceptions, but that of cosmological perceptions of time and their archetype remain universal and formless the universe around a society. This might be (Jung, 2004, 13). These themes are important understood as the understanding of the phys- in our analysis of archaeological case studies. ical world (Campbell, 1997, 181). The third function reinforces social order and law in the community and the adherence to these ancient II. Case Study:Boyne Valley laws (Ibid. 1997, 181). The fourth function, The Boyne valley sites that will be examined is the most influential, this is the psychologi- are Newgrange and Dowth. These sites are cal function. This function varies from culture important because of comparisons in archaeo- to culture and highlights the psychological re- logical and mythological materials. Taking into sults that form by influence of different cultural account the wealth of archaeological material rules in society as they conflict with inherent at Newgrange, we shall concentrate on three

75 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 main areas of interest: Solar alignment, sym- all the men in the story seem to win and lose bolic artifacts and the roof box. The mythology her. At the end of the story she is reborn as a at Newgrange is rich and diverse, but given the princess. It should be noted that within Early scope of this paper, one myth will be explored. Gaelic mentality the unit of value was a “cumal” The Wooing of Etain tells the story of Oen- meaning a female slave (Kelly, 2003, 112). We gus, how he was conceived and how he re- can see that the feminine element is in some claimed his heritage. The principle characters way symbolic of wealth and power. are Boann, The Daghda, Elcmaire, and Oengus. Etain or Boann is linguistically connected The Daghda desired a sexual union with Etain with cattle (white cow) (O’Rahilly, 1946, 3) (Boann), but she was already married to El- and was also personified by the Boyne River cmaire. The Daghda ordered Elcmaire to go on and was probably a goddess of sovereignty. a journey, so that he could secretly visit Etain. Sovereignty goddesses are often connected In order to trick Elcmaire, The Daghda stopped with water such as the Shannon (Rhys, 1901, the sun in the sky and prevented Elcmaire from 394). Oengus has been traditionally associated feeling thirsty or hungry, so what seemed just with Newgrange in the Early Irish literature one day was in fact 9 months, in which Oengus (Kelly, 1994, 24). The tomb was given various was both conceived and born. The boy Oengus names Brug Oengusa, Brug Maic ind Oc, Sid grows up, learns his true heritage and wins in Broga, that convey the relationship between control of the Brug or palace at Newgrange. Oengus and the tomb (O’Kelly, 1994, 24). It The mythological narrative is representative is said that it is his home. It is from this as- of the time the myth was written with many sociation between the conception of Oengus contemporary themes in early Irish society be- recorded in the Wooing of Etain and the ar- ing played out that are connected to early Irish chaeology at Newgrange that it is logical to law such as bride price and inheritance rights draw a relationship between cultural memory (Kelly, 2003, 72, 102), but seems to have traces recorded in the myth, and the archaeological of earlier ideologies. The Daghda translated as site itself, in order to compare and contrast con- The Good God (Dillon, 1968, 17), is described cepts and perceptions of place. Though the cul- in the translation as:“he that used to work won- tural experience of the tomb may have changed ders for them and control the weather and the over time, archetypal images and concepts are crops” (Bergin et al, 2011, 143), and has the retained and projected in new narratives (Jung, similar characteristics of a fertility god. While 2004, 12-96). Boann (trans. The white Cow) (O’Rahilly, 1946, The solar alignment recorded at Newgrange 3) plays the central role in the story of how the and other sites has played a large role in its Boyne was formed (Murphy, 2012, 67). The interpretation. It is considered by many archae- character of Etain is replicated many times ologists to represent a territorial marker in the throughout the myth and it seems impossible landscape in which festivals would have been to identify Etain as a single character. Etain is held to mark special celestial events in which reborn three times, first by falling into a cup some form of fertility rituals were held (Wad- of a mortal queen while she is in the form of dell, 2010, 110). It is not surprising that we a fly, again as the daughter of Eochaid Aire, should find parallels between the alignment the King of Ireland and finally as a daughter on the 21st of December and that of the solar of a third Etain (Dillon, 1968, 17). According concepts recorded in the Wooing of Etain. Ac- to the translation Boann is also called Etain. cording to the myth the sun is said to have been At different times Etain is portrayed as a kind stopped in the sky for 9 months, during this of empty personality and seems to be an ev- time Oengus was conceived and born, and this ery woman to every man in the myth (Wicher, time seemed like just one day. The themes of 1991-1993, 252). Her role in the myth seems conception and birth are evident at Newgrange. to be more of a sovereignty goddess, in which Artifacts resembling a phallus are known from

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Newgrange and Knowth (Waddell, 2012, 82). this lintel as a division of 8 periods during the Jung highlighted that symbols such as phallic year, it may be possible to understand the 9th symbols were not simple symbols of sex, but month as a repetition of the period related to were called upon to restore the health of society the winter solstice. The writer suggests that itself and were closely connected with ideas of conception and birth are considered within the fertility and food production (Boeree, 2006, 6). same time space and so it is possible that the Based on this analogy, we can then inter- winter solstice was considered both the begin- pret Newgrange as a site that played a signif- ning and end of a year. icant role in the important aspects of society, Connecting conception, death and birth to- namely agricultural and pastoral farming prac- gether in a single event, we can interpret 9 tices. The creation of the mound is significant divisions of time within the prehistoric calen- in terms of manpower, and agricultural sym- dar. This interpretation would account for the bols. The mound was covered with a signifi- myth’s symbolism of conception and birth be- cant amount of agricultural soil saturated with ing on the same day and is meant to be sym- wheat pollen (Waddell, 2010, 69) probably symbolic of the conception and birth of a solar year. bolizing fertility offerings while building the The writer suggests a similarity in archetype site. image in myths found in the Near East, such Newgrange is a highly decorated tomb and as Egypt, in which the sun was hatched from a the symbols carved there clearly have impor- primordial mound (Littleton, 2002, 16). tant meaning. Some of these carvings consist The divisions between solstice and equinox of sunburst, cup and ring marks and spirals. are clearly evidenced in traditional memory The most famous symbol is the triple-spiral but also show a clearly projected archetype which is replicated on the entrance stone as manifestation of our psychological experience well as on the back chamber. The roof-box lin- of the seasons. These celebrations and festivals tel is beautifully designed with eight evenly may remain from an old tradition or perhaps spaced “x” type motif (see table 1: a suggested events born from a common experience. The interpretation of the roof box as a prehistoric solar year may have begun and ended at the calendar). winter solstice and suggests to us a concept If we take into account the 9 months in one of a circular cycle of time in the prehistoric day mentioned in the myth about the concep- mind-set. The circle presents itself in ancient tion of Oengus, it is possible we can find a Irish culture in many instances, for example the relationship between symbols of time in the architecture of many prehistoric monuments myth and the roof-box lintel and because of including: earthen henges, stone circles and its special relationship with time perhaps we ring-barrows. In ring-barrows burials were can interpret these motifs as a prehistoric cal- sometimes placed in the ditches of ring-barrow endar. Each division may be representative of around a central space which seems to have a demarcated time of the year. There is clear been symbolic of circular space (Corlett, 2005, evidence that the solstices and equinoxes were 63-71). important. There is also evidence to support The importance of time to ancient peoples demarcations of time between these traditional is known in different cultures already. Many solar events. Sections of time such as the Im- of them lived their lives according to various bolc are represented archaeologically by the calendars, some according to the sun and oth- phenomena of the sun rolling down Croagh ers according to the moon, and it is from this Patrick,viewed from the position of the Boheh measurement that populations organized their stone, as well as by the alignment at Cairn L, at festivals, for instance in Aztec culture the mid- Loughcrew, that is linked with the rising sun summer festival to the maize Goddess Xilonen at end of October and beginning of Novem- (Littleton, 2002, 564). It shows us how time ber (Brennan, 1994, 110-114). If we interpret perception can bring cohesion in society. The

77 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 changing of the seasons has symbolic relation- The archaeology and the mythology con- ships with passages of time, knowledge, cre- cerning Dowth seem to suggest negative ation, sunlight and water (Dobie, 2012, 63). themes. The tomb is poorly preserved now, In contrast, at Dowth there is an opposite but was probably just as important as the other theme conveyed in both Myth and archaeology. Boyne Valley sites. Its setting sun alignment Dowth was damaged in 1847-8 by primitive ex- conveys an experience in contrast to New- cavation (Moroney, 1999, 7) and is a poorly pre- grange. While the former is from illumina- served tomb in comparison with Newgrange. tion to darkness, the latter is from darkness to However, it is almost as large as both New- illumination and suggests an opposing sym- grange and Knowth (Waddell, 2010, 73) and in bolic meaning. Light and darkness have often the writer’s opinion just as important symboli- been connected with themes of good and evil. cally. There is enough archaeology to identify a The mythology about Dowth conveys disease, ritual architectural significance of an alignment hunger, death, and a wrongful sexual union. between Dowth’s southwestern passage and The contrast between myths and archaeology at the setting sun on the winter solstice. Dowth Newgrange and that from Dowth is consistent has not been systematically investigated, but it here. The marrying together of opposing con- seems clear that the orientation of the passage cepts at Newgrange and Dowth suggest there with the setting sun on the winter solstice has was a definite relationship between conception, a symbolic meaning. The connections we can birth, and death. The passing of the sun from draw with Newgrange are very interesting in rising to setting must have been an important terms of archaeological architecture but also part of the mythological perceptions for these with mythological concepts of the site. The sun societies. The apparent dichotomy between aligns with the tomb for up to 2 hours before Newgrange and Dowth is difficult to interpret it sets. Furthermore, when the sun fully illumi- in detail. However, through mythological in- nates the chamber, the southeastern recess is sight, we can glean some broad themes that basked in reflected glow (Moroney, 1999, 27). allow us insight and that can better our under- Decorated stone is illuminated by the sun, and standing of these monuments. this association with sun and symbolic carvings is again apparent here as in other monuments. The dualism between Newgrange and III. Case Study:Loughcrew Dowth is clearly evident. Loughcrew Co. Meath, on the “Hills of The myth that tells how the monument the Hag”, is a complex of megalithic tombs. came to be called Dowth is recorded in the Frank Prendergast identified three alignments 12thC Book of Leinster. It tells us about a king at Loughcrew. Cairn T is aligned with the ris- who lived in a time of severe disease; only ing sun on the equinox, while the ruined cairn seven cows and a bull were left alive in the x1 is aligned with the setting sun on the winter land. The men of Erin got together with their solstice and an alignment between the tomb King Bressal to build a tower like that of Nim- at Thomastown and the setting sun as it falls rod (from the bible) in order to reach the heav- in alignment with cairn T on the summit of ens. The men of Erin promised one day’s work, Carnbane East on the summer solstice (Pren- and so the king’s sister used her magic to stop dergast, 2011, 51). The alignment with cairn L the sun in the sky. However, Bressal decided to is controversial because it isn’t axial with the take his sister and make love to her. The incest central chamber, but to the right-hand recess spoilt the girl’s magic and the sun instantly (Pers. comm. Prendergast). However, the iden- fell from the sky. The men of Erin left without tified alignments highlight the importance of finishing the tower. From this time onward time in the landscape. In the writer’s opinion, that place was called "Dubad" or "darkening” the builders of these monuments believed that (Gwynn, 2008, 43-47; Moroney, 1999, 16). the realm of the dead and living were inextri-

78 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 cably linked during certain times of the year year) convey mainly negative themes. that were important enough to venerate. In conclusion, using mythology as a According to legend, there was a hag who method to aid in the interpretation of archae- built the cairns by carrying stones in her apron ological contexts can give us insight into the (Rhys, 1901, 393). She was also said to have meaning of particular sites. At the same time ridden a horse from mountain top to moun- being cautious as to how we can interpret the tain top, but one day rode the horse too hard evidence, we can build a better picture of how and both the rider and horse fell and were an archaeological site may have been perceived killed (Rhys ibid.). It is the writer’s view that by past populations. Approaching mythology the apron is a metaphor for the womb. More- from a purely psychological angle, i.e. an over, this legend incorporates psychological analysis of archetype concepts and symbols archetypes such as the mother, death and re- within the mythological tales in the context birth. The hag is found in many myths from of archaeological materials, allows us to un- around Ireland and Britain, such as the poem derstand mythology in terms of its conceptual of Gwain, a knight of King Arthur’s round ideas and archetypes in a way that material table, recorded in Thomas Percy’s Reliquies culture and myth alone cannot. We can under- of Ancient English Poetry 1765. The hag in- stand how the society was ordered and what volved in the tale of Niall of the Nine Hostages people’s spiritual preferences were, whereas has been identified as a goddess of sovereignty making assumptions is fraught with difficul- (O’Cathasaigh). The hag may have been linked ties. How can we be sure these myths are to the corn mother who in European customs indeed evolving narratives of the past and not was commonly represented by plaited corn- pure invention from later periods? While it’s stocks taken from the last sheaf or a puppet probable that narratives from medieval times made from them, which was kept in the farm are worked for audiences of that time, it is also house from harvest to harvest (Frazer, 1922, possible that such narratives have their roots 365). This might be indicated archaeologi- in much older traditions. There are so many cally by saddle querns deposited in the struc- variants within narratives, that it appears that ture of passage tombs such as on Baltinglass the compiler was aware of different versions Hill (Cooney, 1981, 102-106), as well as the of traditional folk memory (Breatnach, 1968, high number of cultivated earth that is some- 146-147). times used to cover the tomb mounds (Wad- The argument might be analogous with dell, 2010, 69). It may be possible for us to theories of universal language in linguistics, compare the mythology and archaeology at in which common principles underlie all lan- Loughcrew. Cairn T has a large stone known guages. The same might be said about human as the Hag’s Chair where she would sit and psychology and this is how we can understand look upon the countryside (Rhys, 1901, 393). Jung’s collective unconsciousness (Jung, 2004, Prendergast identified an alignment between a 11-12; Campbell, 1988, 19-43). Principles within passage tomb at Thomastown and the setting the unconscious determine how something can sun over cairn T at the summer solstice. It sug- be perceived or presented in cultural belief. gests a symbolic connection between the myth Universal archetypes such as the mother God- and the optical illusion of the sun that appears dess, death and rebirth have been repeated in to be “sitting” on cairn T on the summit of various forms throughout recorded time, some- Carnbane East at sunset. The hag’s legend and times intertwined with one another (Jung, 2004, the archaeological evidence for sunset align- 10-50). Interpreting Neolithic tombs in accor- ments between Thomastown and Cairn T, the dance with these themes seems logical, taking setting sun on the solstice at cairn x1 and the into account the mythological and archaeologi- possible cairn L alignment with the rising sun cal evidence. at the end of October (the darkest time of the Moreover, to understand mythology and its

79 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 relationship with archaeological sites, there is tiquaries of Ireland vol. 111, Dublin: Royal a lot of further investigation needed. There Society of Antiquaries. pp. 102-106. should be data collected from the entire corpus of folk-tales and mythology in relation to [Corlett 2005] Corlett, C. (2005) Ring-barrows: different archaeological sites. The more sites A Circular Argument with a Ring of Truth. we can relate to conceptual ideas, the better we In Condit, T. & Corlett, C. (eds) Above and can understand their evolving presence in the Beyond, Essays in Memory of Leo Swan. Bray: cognitive landscape. Wordwell. pp. 63-71

[Dillon 1968] Dillon, M. (1968) Tochmarc References Etaine. In Myles Dillon (ed) Irish Sagas. Dublin: Mercier Press [Bergin and Best 2011] Bergin, O. & Best R. (2011) The Wooing of Etain. In CELT: [Dobie 2012] Dobie, A. (2012) Theory into Prac- Corpus of Electronic Texts: a Department tice: An Introduction to Literary Criticism. of History project at University College, Boston: Wadsworth Cork. Available at: [Frazer 1922] Frazer, J. G. (1922) The Golden (Accessed 15 May 2013) Bough A Study in Myth and Religion. Temple of Earth Publishing. Available [Breatnach 1968] Breatnach, R. (1968) at (Accessed 14 May In Myles Dillon (ed) Irish Sagas. Dublin: 2013) Mercier Press pp.135-138.

[Brennan 1994] Brennan, M. (1994) The Stones [Gwynn 2008] Gwynn, E. (2008) Cnogba. in of Time: Calendars, Sundials and Stone Cham- The Metrical Dindsenchas. University Col- bers of Ancient Ireland. Vermont: Inner Tra- lege Cork: CELT: Corpus of Electronic ditions International Texts. Available at: (Accessed [Boeree 2006] Boeree, G.C. (2006) Personal- 29 August 2013) ity Theories: Carl Jung 1875-1961. Avail- able at: (Accessed 14 May Archetypes: Mother, Rebirth, 2013) Spirit, Trickster. Taylor and Lon- don: Francis e-library. Available at: [Campbell 1949] Campbell, J. (1949). The Hero (Ac- theon Books. cessed 20 October 2013). [Campbell 1988] Campbell, J. (1988) Myths to [Kelly 2003] Kelly, F. (2003) A Guide to Early Live By. London: Bantam Books. Irish Law. Dundalk: Dungalgan Press Ltd. [Campbell 1997] Campbell, J (1997) Mytholog- ical Themes in Creative Literature and [Kelly 1994] Kelly, M. J. (1994) Newgrange: Art Art. In Anthony Van Couvering (ed) The and Legend. London: Thames and Hudson Mythic Dimension: Selected Essays 1959- Ltd. 1986. New York: Harper-Collins. pp. 58-62 [Littleton 2002] Littleton C. (ed) (2002) Mythol- [Cooney 1981] Cooney, G. (1981) A Saddle ogy: The Illustrated Anthology of World Myth Quern from Baltinglass Hill, County Wick- and Story Telling. London: Duncan Baird low. In The Journal of the Royal Society of An- Publishers.

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[Moronoey 1999] Moroney, A. (1999) Dowth: plex. Stefanini, B& Glynn, G.M. (ed) Field Winter Sunsets. Drogheda: Flax Mill Publi- Guide No. 29- North Meath. Irish Quater- cations nary Association. pp. 42-54.

[Murphy 2012] Murphy, A. (2012) Newgrange: [Rhys 1901] Rhys, J. (1901) Celtic Folklore: Monument and Immortality. Dublin: Liffey Welsh Manx vol. 1. Oxford: Calendron Press. Press.

[O’Cathasaigh] O’Cathasaigh, T. [Waddell 2010] Waddell, J. (2010) The Prehis- Knowth- The Eponym of Cnogba. in toric Archaeology of Ireland. Dublin: Word- www.carrowkeel.com Available at: well. (Accessed 27 [Wicher 1991] Wicher, A.(1991-1993) Patterns May 2013). of Thinking in Medieval Romances: An Interpretation of “Sir Orfeo” and “The [O’Rahilly 1946] O’Rahilly, T. (1946) Early Irish Wooing of Etain”. In Studia Anglica History and Mythology. Dublin: Dublin In- Posnaniensia xxv-xxvii pp. 250-266 Avail- stitute for Advanced Studies. able at Loughcrew Hills and Passage Tomb Com- (Accessed 16 May 2013)

81 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 A Bishop’s Court Hidden in Green Hills

Niall Inwood∗ Undergraduate, University College Dublin [email protected]

Abstract

This article records a relatively unknown castle in County Kildare on the banks of the Liffey. Its origins likely date back to the 13th century and some of the earliest stone castles in Ireland. The site has seen numerous stages of development and has an interesting history with ties to substantial church and political ﬁgures in Ireland. It also highlights a growing trend with archaeological sites in rapidly developing areas with the decline of local knowledge and interest.

I. Introduction in understanding local socio-cultural-political landscapes; in this case, Kildare during the he archaeology of castles has led to nu- 13th to 18th century, as the site appears to have merous debates throughout the study of been under continuous occupation during this Tthe topic. The archaeology of castles or period. Although this site might not be of castellology is an ever evolving field from the national importance it is important in a local original debates surrounding their defensive context, and raises questions of growing issues value to the more nuanced argument surround- in protecting local heritage, both of the physi- ing form, function, social roles and patron- cal remains, but also memory and awareness age. These debates incorporating historical of local monuments and history. sources, typological comparisons and archaeological excavation have redefined our previous II. Site Location understanding of castles as primarily militaris- tic structures to a more balanced view, high- The ruins at Bishopscourt, renamed Green- lighting their role as social centres and symbols hills in the seventeenth century, are situated in of wealth and excess. Within an Irish context, the townland of Greenhills, in the barony of scholars such as O’Keeffe and McNeill, have Connell at the eastern end of the Curragh in changed our understandings of castles using Co. Kildare (SMR: KD023-034001, ITM [E, N] site specific case studies seen within an inter- 683479, 711400). It is located overlooking a nat- national context. Barry and Sweetman also ural meander in the River Liffey less than two continue to work in a more traditional format, kilometres north of Kilcullen Bridge, where the expanding upon the work of figures such as modern M9 motorway crosses the river. The Leask and Westropp. Surveys and inventories geological nature of this region of Kildare, con- of castles across the country have allowed for sisting of carboniferous limestone covered in a great collection of data, though a somewhat glacial drift and mixed boulder clay (Brindley, limited analysis, to be carried out within the J. 1991), results in numerous natural fording field. points making this a key location. The site is What this article will do is document a approximately two kilometres north of Castle- previously unknown site, highlighting the im- martin House, an eighteenth century Georgian portance of smaller less significant dwellings house built on the site of an early Eustace cas- ∗UCD School of Archaeology

82 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 tle dating to the twelfth century, and marks (Greenhills Athy, Greenhills Tallaght, and Bish- the modern day boundary of the aforemen- opscourt Kill), and the closely intermarried tioned estate. The castle is unclassified by the families of medieval Leinster, it has proven dif- National Monuments Service, who instead de- ficult to establish with certainty some of the fine it as a castle that cannot be more precisely historical notes concerning the site. The own- classified, being that they can date from the ership details presented here are a synopsis late 12th to the 16th century (SMR Class List of the various families associated with the site Definitions). However, hidden beneath the re- and is considered to be the most accurate. mains of a seventeenth century house lies a castle foundation that could possibly date to III. History the twelfth or thirteenth century. This would make it contemporary with, although not of There is no confirmed date of construction for the same scale or class, as early stone castles the earliest part of the structure nor any name such as Trim Carrickfergus, and Adare on a na- associated with it. The earliest family associ- tional level, but locally there is a resemblance ated with the Greenhills estate is the De Welles- to sites such as Carbury, Co. Kildare, Carrick, ley family who were associated with Kildare Co. Kildare, Grange Co. Kildare or Maynooth and Meath as early as the twelfth century. In Co. Kidlare. 1172 the De Wellesley’s were recorded as be- The castle is comprised of a hall and sev- ing “an ancient Anglo-Saxon family, who had eral out buildings. Although it has proven the honourable station of standard bearer to difficult to date the castle’s construction or any King Henry II, and having accompanied that of the subsequent addition, I have been able monarch into Ireland, in 1172 obtained, for to account for those who owned the estate in his military service, large grants of Meath and which the site is situated. From the seventeenth Kildare, a considerable portion of which his century the site was leased (Devitt 1918-21), descendants still enjoy” (General and Heraldic suggesting it had ceased to be considered a Dictionary, Vol. II, p600). significant residence. In 1395 a Lord William Wellesley, Knight of Evidence for medieval activity in the im- Kildare, oversaw an oath made by “Murchadh mediate locality includes the ecclesiastical set- O Connor Faly, Captain of his nation” to King tlement at Kilcullen (Old Kilcullen) (KD028- Richard II in a “great hall within the abbey” 049) and Kilashee (KD024-003005), as well as of Connell. This probably refers to Great Con- a later priory in Connell Mór established in nell south of Newbridge where the later Walter 1202 (KD023-016). There is a burial site (SMR Wellesley was bishop between 1529 and 1539. KD 023-031) including several mounds directly (KASJ, Vol. XIV, No. 5 p520). north of the site where medieval pottery in- The Wellesley Family retained the prop- cluding fired red ware and mottled green glaze erty for a number of generations until a Mar- ware were discovered during excavation (Kee- garet Wellesley, and her husband Laurence ley 1991). There are also earthworks or evi- Cussack “Conveyed to Robert Meredith 31st in dence for landscaping which could signify gar- July 1622,” the property as “Pardon of alien- dens, watery landscapes including ponds, or ation made by Laurence Cusack and Margaret the exploitation of the nearby river in a sim- Wellesley, his wife, and their feoffees, to Robert ilar manner to that of the Eustace family at Meredith, of the lands of Ballybee, Corbally, Castlemartin (Down Survey Map, Civil Survey alias Great Corbally, and Bishopscourt, near c 1655). Also, the town of Kilcullen established Anyliffie, alias Auliffie, Kildare County, in con- in 1319 following the construction of a bridge sideration of a fine of £8.” (Devitt 1918-21, (O’Donovan 1837 OSL). p418). Due to the changing name of the site, the The Wellesley ownership appears to have close proximity of several other castles/ estates been broken previously in 1562, as the lands

83 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 were acquired by Patrick Sarsfield, Mayor of Merredith; Greenhills, alias Bishopscourt, and Dublin in 1553 and Sherriff of Kildare in Beestowne; 560 acres; Protestant Land”. It is 1557, having “conformed to the then estab- possible the change of name is linked to the lished church” the previous year (Devitt 1918- development and “rebranding” of the site, an 21 p418). This suggests that the confiscation attempt to distance it from its Catholic past of lands from Catholics were due to the Eliza- or to distinguish it from Bishopscourt in the bethan wars and Protestant or English gentry nearby barony of South Salt near Naas. attempting to remove Catholic or Gaelic land- The Estate passed to the Coote Family fol- lords through their policy of “surrender and lowing the marriage of Margaret Meredith to regrant” (Quinn 2006). However the lands were Charles Coote, the second earl of Mountrath in returned following Sarsfield’s death. 1656. At what date the house was handed over The Meredith Family starting with Robert to the earl is unclear but it is evidence of the Meredith occupied the house during the reign grandeur of the building that it was retained of Charles I and was given the position of Chan- as a private residence until being mortgaged cellor of the Irish Exchequer. This may have out to a Reverend John Travers in 1712 for £800 been another attempt to introduce Protestant (Devitt 1918-21 p421). This pattern appears to landlords to replace Catholic families as Robert have followed for the next two centuries with was the son of Richard Meredith, head of a the Coote family renting the property. prominent Welsh family. (A General Heraldic The financial viability of the estate can be at- Dictionary Vol. II & Carrol, 1892) It was prob- tested to through a number of recorded events ably during this period that extensive renova- during the 18th and 19th century. The estate tions were carried out on the house as evident of Greenhills was required to pay an annual from the brick work from the fireplace and rent derived from tithes to the Dean and Chap- windows. ter of Kildare from 1712 to 1911 (KASJ Vol. Interestingly, despite holding a significant XIX). A common situation with estates, large position during the reign of Charles the first, houses and religious orders throughout the Robert Meredith managed to both retain his United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. possessions during the English civil war and (http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk) Cromwellian confiscations, benefiting from Economic viability of the estate or mis- lands confiscated from the Ormond family, but management is raised in 1795 as Mr Thomas also obtained a complete pardon from Charles Graydon was unable or unwilling to pay the II after he had retaken the throne. tithes owed to the Kildare chapter which had “Provided that this act, nor anything therin amounted to £36 following a default on the pre- contained shall not extend or be expounded to vious three years (KASJ Vol. XIX, RCBL, SBCK extend to the prejudice of Sir Robert Mered- FO11 1795, 2000-01 Vol 19, St Brigids Cathe- ith, Knight, nor his son, Sir William Meredith, dral & Chapter). This may have been why he baronet, nor their heirs or assigns, nor any per- mortgaged the lease to his cousin, although the sons possessed or interested in their behalf’s delay could also be explained by the political in the lands, tenements, or hereditaments of unrest leading up to 1798. Greenhills heretofore called Bishopscourt, near A small discrepancy with this is an entry the Liffie, in the county of Kildare, nor any in the register of trees in 1895 which lists the part member of parcel thereof”. (The Act of estate as the property of the Earl of Mayo (Mc- Settlement of 1662, 14&15 Charles II, Sect 100). Cracken 1977-78). By 1911 it is listed as a ruin It is from this date that the estate of Bish- with adjoining “offices” on the Form B section opscourt is further referred to as Greenhills of the 1911 census. as demonstrated in the book of distribution The deteriorating remains of this castle cur- and survey “Barony of Connell; Great Con- rently fill the role of a boundary marker be- nell Parish; (proprietor in 1641) Sir Robert tween a local farm and estate. The history and

84 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 significance of the building has been all but barrel vault supporting the floor above with forgotten following large scale development, walls approximately one meter thick and there an influx of people with no connection to the is a square window. The mortar supporting area and the closing of the lands to local hill the vault is smooth, and although not clearly walkers and ramblers. planked, has no evidence of wicker centering which could be argued to support a date of construction prior to the fourteenth or fifteenth IV. Architecture century (Sherlock 2013). The second story has the same dimensions with evidence of a spiral It is difficult to determine a clear ground plan staircase leading to the upper floor. or accurate interpretation due to the large The main hall of the building has a mini- amount of rubble from the almost complete mum of three stories. The basement has three collapse of the later house. Analysing features arches running from the southwest/northeast such as doors and windows has been further covering approximately two thirds of the complicated due to the level of growth sur- ground floor before a large wall can be seen. rounding the extant structure. Further diffi- Although rubble blocks parts of the wall, the culties arise in mapping the outbuildings, of- exposed section is substantially wider than the fices, boundary walls or possible garden divi- gaps between the three adjoining arches, sug- sions due to the apparent adaptation of the gesting that a fourth arch is unlikely. The walls site to accommodate livestock by subsequent are of considerable width. The first floor of landowners following the abandonment of the the main hall is primarily made up of large structure. The structure is situated in a rect- undressed stone with the exception of the cor- angular enclosure approximately 60 by 80 me- ners. In some places there is cut granite, no- ters marked with earthworks and walls in sec- tably around the base of the chimney. The tions. It is comprised of a rectangular hall in relationship between the tower and this section the north east corner of the enclosure approx- is difficult to determine. Access is via a spiral imately 20x12m, an adjoining tower and, as stairway which intersects each section of the can be determined by historical photographs, structure allowing movement between each of a house attached to the southern end. There the floors. However, the ground floor of the are other walls scattered through the enclo- tower has been partially closed. sure which appear to have been modified later The final construction/alteration phase ap- with some having metal gates attached. It is pears to have been much later and consists of not aligned east west but runs parallel to the red brick, probably used to repair the build- River Liffey approximately 450m to the south ing and possibly to increase the number of southeast. There is possibly a second enclosure stories. Later brick framing may suggest the adjoining this of similar size. However, the windows have been enlarged during the early boundary has become overgrown with vegeta- seventeenth century. Imported red brick is tion and no clear earthwork is visible. used at Jigginstown Castle at the nearby town The surviving structure appears to have at of Naas in the 1630’s, constructed by the Earl least three stages of development, excluding ad- of Wentworth (KD019-033001 Archaeological jacent structures. Of these, the oldest appears Survey of Ireland). The fireplace has had exten- to be the rectangular tower of the southwest sive brickwork added to the earlier granite and corner. In total the tower is at least four sto- undressed rock. It is unlikely this was done ries in height although it is difficult to make for aesthetics as most of the granite is on the out if it went any higher or if there is crenel- exterior and it has all been plastered over. lation, due to the overgrowth of ivy. The first story of the tower consists of a small rectangular room, accessible through a stair into the upper floor of the later structure. There is a

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V. Interpretation opment and large scale movement of people to areas with which they have no strong cultural Despite the current state of the ruins and or historical affiliation, resulting in the “forget- the manner in which it has fallen into obscu- ting” of significant aspects of social history and rity this is a building which deserves further archaeology. study. As with many archaeological monuments within the county it has become unim- References portant and is overlooked despite its potential to contribute to our understanding of the past. [Brindley 1991] Brindley J. Geological report. If the floor plan of the main hall is origi- in Valerie J. Keeley’s “Archaeological Ex- nal to the building, with the suggested date cavation of a Burial Ground, greenhills based on the tower, then it would fall into the Townland”. KASJ Vol XVII, No. 1 1991 same category as rectangular donjons of the period (O’Keeffe 1990) with its 2:1 ratio as in- [Burke 1833] Burke, J. 1833. A General and dicated by the arches. Clear interpretations of Heraldic Dictionary of the Peerage and barone- this earlier building have been hampered by tage of the British Empire Vol. II, 4th ed. Lon- the collapse of the later seventeenth century don structure, yet despite an extremely poor state [Burke 1831] Burke, J. 1831. A general and of preservation and overgrown vegetation, the Heraldic Dictionary of the peerages of Eng- ruins clearly show what a substantial structure land, Ireland and Scotland. London it was. [Carrol 1892] Carrol, Rev J. “Remains in Athy and neighbourhood”, JKAS Vol 1 pp110 VI. Conclusion 1892 [Devitt 1918-21] Devitt, Rev. M. 1918-21.The Strategically placed along the Liffey, the struc- See Lands of Kildare, Part II, Bishopscourt ture holds a commanding position despite by The Liffey. Kildare Archaeological Society modern development and landscaping. It Journal Volume IX pp.418-424, demonstrates the continuous use of a building and location by a number of people over time [McCracken 1977-78] McCracken, E. A regis- with an evolving mixture of architectural styles ter of trees, County Kildare, 1769-1909. and building materials typical of the period. Kildare Archaeological Society Journal. Vol- It is this continuation of use that marks this ume XVI No. I, 1977-78 as an interesting site. The historical sources [O’Keeffe 1990] O’Keeffe, T. The Archaeology concerning the building explain, to some ex- of Norman Castles in Ireland, Part 2 Stone tent, when and why its development and sub- Castles. Archaeology Ireland, Vol 4, No 4 sequent abandonment took place. It highlights Winter 1990 pp. 20-22 the function and use of these buildings as political and social centres which were significant [Otway-Ruthven 1959] Otway-Ruthven, J. The enough to involve and influence crown and Medieval County of Kildare, Irish Histori- political intervention. How the perception of cal Studies, Vol. 11, No. 43 March 1959 these roles developed as its role within that [Petty 1967] Petty, W. Sir, The history of the Sur- society changed can be seen in its development vey of Ireland commonly called Down survey, at different stages and its role as a primary 1655-56, reprint of 1851 ed. New York 1967 residence of the landowner to that of a leased property. [Quinn 2006] Quinn, M. 2006. Francis Cosby Finally, as with a large number of monu- (1510-80), Stradbally, Queens County and ments from different periods throughout the the Tudor Conquest of Leinster, History country, it highlights the effect of rapid devel- Ireland Vol. 14, No. 5 pp. 20-24

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[Sherlock 2013] Sherlock, R. “Using new tech- VII. Acknowledgments niques to date old castles”, Archaeology Ireland Summer 2013 pp. 19-23 I would like to thank those of the group re- [Taylor 1783] Taylor, G. Taylor and Skinner’s sponsible for editing Trowel this year for both maps of the roads of Ireland surveyed in “encouraging” me to submit the paper and re- 1777 and corrected down to 1783. 2nd ed. minding me when drafts were overdue, and London 1783 Karen Dempsey for taking time out of her re- [Valkenburg 1970] Valkenburg, A. OP. Walter search to help during the editing process. I Wellesley, Bishop of Kildare 147?-1539, Kil- would like to thank the UCD School of Archae- dare Archaeological Society Journals. Volume ology for what has been a thoroughly enjoyable XIV. No. 5, 1970 and engaging three years to date in particular Professor Tadgh O Keefe for almost converting [Conroy 2011] Conroy G. (2011) Archaeologi- me to historical archaeology. Finally to thank cal Survey of Ireland, KD019-033001- avail- the land owners and staff of the Castlemartin able at http://www.archaeology.ie (ac- Estate for access, and all of those who visited cessed 25 January 2012) the site with me over the years.

87 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 The Lost Context of a Handprint - Digital Mutilation in Cave Art.

Jane McInerney∗ Undergraduate, University College Dublin [email protected]

Abstract

The aim of this piece is to examine the handprint motif as seen in prehistoric cave art. A speciﬁc emphasis will be placed on the amputation of digits as evidenced in a range of positive and negative handprints from several cave art sites with a particular focus on southwest France and northern Spain. Although the deﬁnite context in which cave art was created is lost to us, the long accepted supposition that shamanism is its origin will be examined and challenged. This approach will move away from the perception of cave art as a result of shamanistic activity and point to other more societal concepts. By concentrating on the handprint motif an argument for deliberate digital amputation will be posed. Moreover the tenet that this mutilation is a sign of attained status or a form of acknowledgement of ritual honour will be made. This will include recognising evidence of deliberate preparations in cave sites and considering the mutilated handprints from an ethnographic standpoint. The manner of considering this motif separate to other cave art images of the schematic human form or the prevalence of large wild animals will offer a more grounded view to its lost context and the importance of the mutilated hand.

I. Introduction America, including the striking Cueva de las Manos, the “Cave of the Hands” in Argentina. andprints are a recurring feature in For the purposes of this piece the focus will cave art, occurring in positive and neg- be placed on the cave art of France and Spain. ative stencils, unrestricted by time or In particular, the phenomenon of mutilated H handprints as observed in the caves of Grottes location. The recent application of uranium dating techniques on the calcite patinas that de Gargas, Lascaux, Maltravieso and Cosquer form over cave art has led to a revision of the merits consideration. These impressions show date of the oldest known handprint (Pike et one or more digit amputated from the hand al. 2012, 1409-10). Formerly this designation with varying degrees of prevalence in the dif- had been attributed to the caves at Chauvet in ferent sites. France, yet is now reserved for the handprints made in the Spanish caves of El Castillo, some II. Shamanism 37,300 years ago. The same caves contain the oldest piece of cave art, a red dot at least 40,800 Although the true context in which cave art years old (Pike et al. 2012, 1411-13). The hand- was created is lost to us, several theories have print as a motif in cave art continued to be used been advanced on cave art as a whole and the by separate cultures with relatively recent ex- handprint as a motif. Perhaps the most perti- amples found in the Aboriginal art of Australia, nent of these approaches is found in the work dating back 5,000 years (Victoria Government, of David Lewis-Williams. He posits that cave 2008). In terms of location, the handprint is a art resulted from shamanistic trances, with the worldwide occurrence and has been found in paint acting as a mediating device to connect the caves of Southeast Asia, North and South the hand to the rock and seal the ritualistic ∗UCD School of Archaeology

88 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 moment (Lewis-Williams 2002, 217-8). He sup- there is a tacit acceptance of it as a plausible ports this theory with ethnographic studies of premise behind Palaeolithic cave art (Berrocal the San in southern Africa and the early in- 2011, 4-11). digenous Chumash people of North America. Through these he delineates the possibilities arising from the transformation of mental im- III. The Preperation of the Cave agery to visual imagery on rock and cave sur- While shamanism as a mode of explanation faces (Lewis-Williams 2002, 10). With regards relies heavily on the ethnographic studies of to the San, their shamans induced an altered these tribes, there are other contexts in which state of consciousness through intense concen- cave art should be considered and other con- tration or the prolonged rhythmic movement ceivable circumstances behind the many re- that makes up a shamans’ ritualistic dance markable sites. The creation of cave art was (Lewis-Williams 2002, 141). San cave images a deliberate and time consuming act that re- depict these movements as well as images of quired preparation in terms of materials and their shamans shown in different guises. These the caves themselves. There is evidence of plan- range from nasal haemorrhaging to taking on ning in many reliefs’ before the actual scene an animal’s form, drawing comparisons to was created by its originator. For some im- Palaeolithic images such as Lascaux’s ithyphal- ages the natural shape of the cave is intrinsic to lic birdman as a purported shaman. the art, a cognitive choice of incorporating the Yet the suggestion of cave art resulting from walls’ natural features; for instance the ceiling shamanistic activity is not a new one. Ethnol- of the Altamira cave’s natural boss is used to ogists in the early 20th Century adhered to paint bison and boars. This technique is re- this concept supplementing the resurgent ar- peated throughout Palaeolithic art, implying a chaeological interest in the origins of this art coherent use of the cave walls as a tool. Leroi- (Keysler & Whitely 2006, 3). Indeed the use Gourhan (1986b, 16) terms the cave “an active of ethnographic data has complemented the participant” in these circumstances. There is archaeological record in the interpretive ap- also evidence that stone picks and burins were proaches taken (Berrocal 2011, 13). In follow- used to chisel the rock face preparing the relief ing this ethnographic approach Lewis-Williams for the desired image, such as with Le Portals and Dowson developed a neuropsychologi- three black painted bison or Les Trois Frères cal model of different stages of altered con- lion on a stalagmite (Ucko & Rosenfeld 1967, sciousness and perception in the trance state 32-3). These are two of many examples of cave (1988, 203-05). They based their studies on art that incorporate the artist’s preparation of the shamanistic activities of the San and of the the surface. Coso tribe of North America concluding that Raw materials also require advance prepa- the phenomena of entoptic visions has a “re- rations. For the painters of Lascaux some of the stricted” range of meanings that can be applied necessary source materials that were gathered to understanding prehistoric cave art (Lewis- for use in their paints were located twenty-ﬁve Williams & Dowson 1988, 213). This sugges- miles from the cave site (Ruspoli 1987, 192-3). tion and the idea of a shaman’s “vision quest” Indeed Lewis-Williams’s main ethnographic gained credence (Keysler & Whitely 2006, 5; study of the San mentions their “pilgrimage” Boyd 2003, 65-66). Thereby contending that to the mountains of Drakensberg to obtain a the occurrence of these entoptic visions and special red haematite pigment and the collabo- their subsequent purported artistic form all de- ration of the men and women in making their velop under the remit of shamanism. Despite paint, mixing it with the blood of a freshly shamanism as a hypothesis for cave art facing killed eland (Lewis-Williams 2002, 159). This criticisms for its lack of historical context, lack shows a consideration, a process of methodi- of testability and dearth of explanatory power, cal thought and control in creating the art that

89 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 contrasts with the spontaneity of entoptic ex- (Hooper 1980, 214). The Abbe Breuil pointed periences arising from shamanistic practices. to prevalent use of the left hand, noting that As a consequence of this presupposition the hand of one individual featured repeatedly that a deliberate methodology was followed in among these images (Leroi-Gourhan 1986a, 18- choosing and preparing a cave site, the content 20). While he concluded that the people of must be considered. For the most part Palae- Gargas mutilated their fingers for sacrificial olithic representations are of animals. Not nat- reasons Leroi-Gourhan’s study (1986a, 18-21) uralistic settings of landscapes but figurative refutes this, pointing to the “variety of forms” animals, some rare like Chauvet’s red spotted in the subtraction of fingers (fig. 1). Moreover hyena, contradicting the shamanistic model the thumb is present in all variations. Leroi- and the suggestion that these images are “sup- Gourhan (1986a, 21) postulates that it’s pos- posed depictions of daily activities” (Dowson sible to bend the fingers and by placing ei- 2007, 52). Leroi-Gourhan took a systematic ther the palm or back of the hand against the approach, studying sixty-six prehistoric caves wall, to reproduce all of the mutilations at Gar- throughout France and Spain, focusing on the gas. Yet impressions made in hardened mud at frequency and dispersal of the different animal the site reveal accidental handprints, showing species and identifying different “themes” in that these mutilations were in fact permanent different areas of the cave (1986b, 16-7). For (Hooper 1980, 215). Although it’s speculated example the theme in the central caves of dif- that this mutilation could be due to diseases ferent sites tends to be of large herbivores with such as frostbite, or hereditary illnesses in fam- Leroi-Gourhan correlating bovid figures with ily groupings, the thumb contradicts this idea females and the horse images with males (Park- by its consistent presence in these handprints ington 1969, 3-4; Leroi-Gourhan 1986b, 15-6). (Hooper 1980, 214). While bison and ox occur in central areas only, Employing an ethnographic approach to other large herbivores, horses, mammoths etc., the mutilation of fingers, indigenous tribes are more evenly distributed. Leroi-Gourhan’s such as the Dugum Dani tribe of New Guinea (1986b, 12) conclusions set forth a pattern by should be considered. This tribe amputates which the animal species were painted and girls’ fingers as a rite of passage into adulthood paired deliberately. Through this repetitive or in funerary sacrifices (Favazza 1996, 132-4). symbolism he theorised on “the establishment The Khoikhoi tribe of South Africa closely re- of a vocabulary” in upper Palaeolithic cave art. lated to the San that Lewis-Williams and his This is a tenable suggestion moreover when collaborators focus on also have a culture of considering that the inherent need to commu- ritual finger amputations (Favazza 1996, 66). nicate is symptomatic of modern man. The So too the Damara tribe who deliberately am- view that cave art was created in the context of putate the finger joints at seminal moments in communication is an argument that warrants their lives; the women at births and deaths and substantiation. the men to become brave (Low 2004, 76). Ap- plying this ethnographic framework to upper IV. The Handprints and the Palaeolithic cave art, a range of inferences can Mutilation be made. The Palaeolithic populace may have had a ritual process that involved the surrender The subject of this enquiry, the handprint, oc- of one or more fingers for beliefs; shamanis- curs most abundantly at Chauvet with 451 tic or otherwise. Or the mutilation occurred prints and Grotte de Gargas with 231 (Snow in concurrence with a societal order, similar 2006, 394). Of these 231 handprints at Gargas, to the amputation as a rite of passage with 114 show mutilations of one or more fingers, the Dugum Dani. The definite context of a 10 show no mutilations at all while the other handprint is lost but reliance on ethnographic 107 are inconclusive due to poor preservation studies offers a diversity of possibility.

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V. Techniques and positive mutilated imprints, particularly in Chauvet and Gargas. These techniques imply Different characteristics can be attributed to a coherent methodology pointing again to the different cave sites and while Gargas and El planning that must have been involved in cave Castillo show the imprints of hands in isola- art. tion on the wall, other sites do not. In the caves With this in mind cave art may have been at Chauvet in France an interesting painting a skill, restricted to the few; a form of profes- technique was used. Two walls contain panels sion, a means to communicate and celebrate of large red dots which are in fact palm prints. what was most important to a tribe and to The imprints show that paint was placed in the commemorate this. Cave painting may have palm and deliberately smeared against the wall, been a capability that not everybody had, one with the palm outline making visible the gap that involved choosing the cave, preparing the between the thumb and first finger thereby fur- walls, and knowing what message was most ther identifying all palm prints as right hands, important to the community or wider populace. possibly belonging to just one person (Lewis- Those who had the ability to create this cave Williams 2002, 217). The Cosquer Cave in art, those who excelled may have been ritually France shows another technique; that of “finger honoured. This ritual honour could possibly be fluting”. Two red handprints are overlain by in the form of the amputation of fingers. Like the finger-flutings incorporating them into the the Damara and Dugum Dani tribes honouring narrative of the cave (Lewis-Williams 2002, 215). their dead in ritual digital amputations (Low Indeed Cosquer contains fifty-five handprints 2004, 76; Favazza 1996, 66) or the Khoikhoi’s throughout while the caves at Maltravieso in mutilation of their finger joints as a sacrifice to Spain contain seventy-seven, many of which safeguard against illness (Hahn 1881, 87). This are mutilated (Snow 2006, 393-4). Michel Lor- ritualised act would be a visible mark, a dis- blanchets study of the cave at Pech Merle noted tinct physical reminder of the venerated dead that some of the finger marks on the walls or talisman against ill-health. Perhaps in cave were disproportionally smaller than those de- art digital mutilation had a similar purpose. termined as adult pointing to the involvement It may have been a badge of honour attained of an adolescent or a women and indicating at by few in a society where able-bodied hunters sexual dimorphism in cave art (Lewis-Williams were important. A form of recognition; a dis- 2002, 215). Lorblanchet also demonstrated the cernible mark of respect for one whose skill technique for reproducing Pech Merle’s spot- lies in creating cave art. ted horse. The image was created through Shamanism as a belief and practice is ethno- blowing paint on the rocks and the horse’s historically and ethnographically apparent and narrative is completed by six intact negative cave art can substantiate it, with shamanistic handprints (Lewis-Williams 2002, 218-9). images such as Trois Frères “bison-man”. Yet ir- refutable evidence for shamanism as the origin VI. Discussion for the cave art images does not exist. Indeed a plausible rationalisation is that shamanism Cave art is a complicated process. The prepa- was important to the Palaeolithic people, so ration of reliefs and gathering of raw materi- much so that those honoured to create cave als is both time consuming and labour inten- art painted about it, yet it was not the creative sive. As such it is tenable to suggest that after construct behind the art. such deliberation not just anyone could create It’s undeniable that the caves were sym- the images or imprint their hand on the wall bolic places, places without habitation yet panels. This concept is supported by the use not necessarily the dominion of shamanistic of the previously mentioned techniques, from rites. Preserved Palaeolithic footprints left be- Chauvet’s palm prints to the use of negative hind in the floors of the French caves at Pech

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Merle, Aldene, Montespan, Tuc d’Audoubert, and the power of the select few in creating the Fontanet, Niaux and Chauvet all belong to chil- cave art we know today. dren (Guthrie 2005, 128-9). The purported symbolism of the caves was not restricted by age. References Furthermore the handprints could be signals that make up the lost “vocabulary” pattern [Bahn 1999] Bahn, G.P. (1999) Journey through studied by Leroi-Gourhan (1986b, 12), where the Ice Age. Great Britain: Whitefield & certain imprints bear incredible similarities to Nicolson. Australian Aboriginal tribal hunting signals (Victoria Government, 2008). Thereby comple- [Berrocal 2011] Berrocal, M.C. (2011) Analogi- menting the context of communication as a cal Evidence and Shamanism in Archaeo- creative point of cave art. logical Interpretation: South African and European Palaeolithic Rock Art. Norwe- gian Archaeological Review, 44(1), pp. 1-20. VII. Conclusion [Boyd 2003] Boyd, C. (2003) Rock Art of the The scope of cave art and the study it warrants Lower Pecos. Texas: A&M University Press. is too broad for one paper to address. But the California Digital Library (2013). importance of the handprint, the supposition Tsuni-llGoam, the supreme being that the mutilations were relevant and delib- of the Khoi-Khoi by T. Hahn (1881) erate acts challenges the prevailing view that Available at: http://archive.org/ shamanism is the origin in the creation of cave stream/tsunillgoamsupre00hahnuoft/ art. Rather this approach has attempted to offer tsunillgoamsupre00hahnuoft_djvu. a more grounded suggestion; the idea of a com- txt (Accessed 29 August 2013) municative context, viewing cave art as a societal interaction during the upper Palaeolithic, [Dowson 2007] Dowson, T.A. (2007) Debating a significant deliberate process removed from Shamanism in Southern African Rock Art: any form of shamanistic practice. Such was its Time to Move on. The South African Archae- role the creators of this art were shown ritual- ological Bulletin, 62(185), pp. 49-61. istic honour in digital mutilation, a signature [Favazza 1996] Favazza, A.R. (1996) Bodies un- left in future artworks. Indeed shamanism was der siege: self mutilation and body modifica- important and accordingly alluded to in some tion in culture. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins cave art depictions but also distinct from being University Press. the force behind cave art. By making this supposition this piece contends that it’s too broad [Guthrie 2005] Guthrie, R.D. (2005) The Nature a generalisation to limit the creation of upper of Paleolithic Art. Chicago: University of Palaeolithic art to the context of shamanism. Chicago Press. The reasons behind cave art, the use of hand motifs and the purpose of digital mutilation [Hooper 1980] Hooper, A. (1980) Further infor- is unlikely to ever be satisfactorily resolved. mation on the prehistoric representations Such is the scope and variety of the extant sites of human hands in the cave of Gargas. ˘ and images, there is no universal answer to Medical History, 24(2) pp. 214âA¸S216. explain cave art. Indeed there probably never [Keyser 2006] Keyser, J.D. & Whitley, D.S. was a universal answer. As such the context (2006) Sympathetic Magic in Western for the use of handprints in cave art is lost as North American Rock Art. American An- are the reasons for digital mutilation. Yet com- tiquity, 71(1), pp. 3-26. parable evidence does exist, ethnographic and otherwise, that intimates at the possibility of a [Leroi-Gourhan and Michelson 1986a] Leroi- symbolic acknowledgement in the amputations Gourhan, A. & Michelson, A. (1986a) The

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Hands of Gargas: Toward a General Study. African Archaeological Bulletin, 24(93), pp. MIT Press, 37, pp. 18-34. 3-13.

[Leroi-Gourhan and Michelson 1986b] Leroi- [Pike et al 2012] Pike, A.W.G., García-Diez, M., The Gourhan, A. & Michelson, A. (1986b) Hoffmann, D.L., Zilhão, J., Heras, C. de Religion of the Caves: Magic or Metaphysics? las, Lasheras, J.A. & Montes, R., (2012). MIT Press, 37, pp. 6-17. Uranium series dating reveals a long se- [Lewis-Williams and Dowson 1988] Lewis- quence of rock art at Altamira cave (San- Williams, J.D. & Dowson, T.A. et al. tillana del Mar, Cantabria). Journal of Ar- (1988) The Signs of All Times: Entoptic chaeological Science, 336, pp. 1409-1413. Phenomena in Upper Palaeolithic Art. Current Anthropology, 29(2), pp. 201-245. [Ruspoli 1987] Ruspoli, M. (1987) The Cave of Lascaux: the ﬁnal photographic record. Lon- [Lewis-Williams 2002] Lewis-Williams, D. don: Thames and Hudson. (2002) The Mind in the Cave. London: Thames and Hudson. [Snow 2006] Snow, D.R., (2006) Sexual dimor- [Low 2004] Low, C. (2004) Khoisan Healing: Un- phism in Upper Palaeolithic hand stencils. derstandings, Ideas and Practices. PhD The- Antiquity, 80 (308) pp: 390-404. sis, Christ Church University of Oxford. [Ucko 1967] Ucko, P.J. & Rosenfeld, A. (1967) Available at: www.thinkingthreads.com/ Palaeolithic Cave Art. London: World Uni- files/Khoisan_thesis.pdf versity Library. [McCall 2006] McCall, G.S. (2006) ’Add Victoria Government, Department of shamans and stir? A critical review of Planning and Community Development. shamanism model of forager rock art 2008. Aboriginal Rock Art. Available at: production’. Journal of Anthropological http://www.dpcd.vic.gov.au/__data/ Archaeology, 26, pp. 224-233. assets/pdf_file/0004/35896/AA_14_ [Parkington 1969] Parkington, J. (1969) Sym- RockArt_13.06.08.pdf (Accessed 6 June bolism in Palaeolithic Cave Art. The South 2013).

93 Book Review

Foley, Áine (2013) The Royal Manors of Medieval Co. Dublin: Crown and Community. Four Courts Press. Dublin. Reviewed by Mick Corcoran.

This book tells the story of the origins of the four royal manors of south Dublin, namely Crumlin, Esker, Newcastle-Lyons and Saggart, and charts their development from the twelfth to fifteenth centuries. The seven chapters of the book, and their respective sections, are thematic in nature although the book has a loose chronological order. The first chapter introduces the manors and some of the key themes, before moving to explore some previous research and overview the primary and secondary sources available. The second chapter begins by outlining the cultural / political background to the formation of the manors, exploring pre-Norman settlement and the ideological and physical origins of the manors. The author then discusses the [royal] manor as a concept, its structures and objectives as a political act. Chapter three explores one of the central objectives of the manors – patronage. While the manor is all-too-often seen in medieval studies as a mechanism for the production of food and profit, the author explores the strategic and social dimensions of the manor through an understanding of the mechanism of patronage. The next chapter looks at how the royal manors were administered and illuminates the frequently-overlooked notion of the manor as a community with its own identity. Chapter five explores the relationships between the royal manors and the city of Dublin and its growing merchant class, while chapter six looks at social deviancy and the judicial system. Here, the author also explores the concept of ethnicity in relation to manorial administration and justice. Lastly, chapter seven explores the royal manor during the tumultuous fourteenth and fifteenth centuries and how manorial communities responded to and survived this era of famine, disease and increased social instability.

At all times the author impresses through her knowledge of the source material and her ability to tease out historical detail and draw on specific case studies in order to bring the subject to life. One way she does this is through personalising history, by drawing on recorded incidents involving known historical personalities such as Henry Compton or the Crumlin family. The author also displays a critical understanding of the material and does well to move beyond long-engrained dichotomies and clichéd interpretations. Some readers may find the author’s knowledge and use of personal- and event-specific information challenging to keep up with at times. This can be exacerbated by the thematic structure of the book, whereby the historical examples drawn upon may involve jumping back and forth through time (a particular issue for chronology-mad archaeologists!). However, the author balances this density of information with an expertly-suited style and pace. This way, the reader is aware that an important insight is always just around the corner.

This book is as much a detailed snapshot of manorial life as it is a narrative of the development of manorial communities, focusing not only on the socio-political history and development of manorial settlement in south Dublin, but also on the people that drove this development. In this masterful thesis, Áine Foley has brought the individual and the community into the academic spotlight, and the result is a title that should grace the bookshelf of every patron of medieval studies in Ireland, academic or amateur.

TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 The Role of the Internet in Irish Archaeology

Charles Mount∗ [email protected]

ne of the abiding memories of my early braries or in the SMR office itself. Unpublished days studying in UCD in the 1980s was excavation reports were only available from the Oof spending time in the library thumb- excavators themselves or in the files of the Na- ing through the old card catalogues looking up tional Museum and the National Monuments call numbers for references and then searching Service. Aerial photography mainly consisted the stacks. Of course after a few months you of the oblique photos taken by St. Joseph, that knew the call numbers off by heart. Irish Ar- were available in the National Museum, and chaeology was 936 so you could head straight high level photography taken for the Ordnance to the stacks to find the book or journal you Survey that could be consulted in the Geolog- needed. Only there was usually only one copy ical Survey and photographic reproductions available and if it was a current course topic ordered from the Ordnance Survey. it probably wasn’t there. The Library tried to Today all that is changed. I hardly write get around this problem with the multi-copy any notes by hand anymore. I make my notes section where a number of copies of the more in a cloud-based notebook on my phone, tablet important papers were available but for every- or PC. I often publish preliminary versions or thing else you had to search the tables and summaries of papers or lectures as blogs. Dig- library carts to find what you were looking for. ital versions of my draft papers are emailed If a book was miss-shelved, then it was lost for to editors and all the editing and refereeing months. The other option was to photocopy is done via the internet. I can search and ac- everything you needed to read throughout the cess thousands of archaeological publications year. During my postgraduate research photo- and excavation reports online and view histor- copying corpus studies became a tedious and ical Ordnance Survey maps and a wide vari- time-consuming pastime. ety of aerial photographic archives. I regularly As undergraduates we wrote our notes and have online discussions with my archaeological essays by hand but when we became postgrad- colleagues. All this change has been brought uates we got computer access. I started my MA about by the internet. on the old UCD VAX system using the tortuous Waterloo Script word processing language, and I. The Information Web by 1989 I had migrated to my own PC using WordPerfect. But my PC wasn’t networked, I To make this revolution in knowledge manage- had no access to email and the files couldn’t ment and dissemination possible took not only be read by any machine that didn’t have the the development of the internet and the access same software. Today I still have the floppy provided by Internet Service Providers. It also discs with my MA files but I need a digital required the development of the World Wide archaeologist to read them. Web, Tim Berners-Lee’s triad of URLs, HTML In the 1980s archaeological data was avail- and HTTP, the development of web browsers able only on paper. The sites and Monuments like Mosaic and Netscape and new file formats Record (SMR) was still being collated and the like PDF, JPEG and the slightly older TIFF. maps and manuals could only be accessed in li- It was perhaps the PDF file format more ∗Bord na Móna

95 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 than anything else that ushered in the era of in- Wordwell was responsible for another im- ternet archaeology. No other digital format has portant step in bringing Irish archaeology onto contributed as much to making archaeological the internet. Wordwell had been publishing reports and publications available to students, the Excavations Bulletin since the 1980s and professionals and the general public. Once a over that time the size of the publication had report consisting of both text and graphics was increased from just a few hundred entries to converted to PDF it could be emailed, stored over a thousand a year by 2001. In that year in an internet database and downloaded via Wordwell secured funding from the National a website or shared through a peer to peer Monuments Service and the Heritage Council system. Anyone who wanted to read a PDF to make the excavation summaries available file could download a free reader from Adobe on the web at excavations.ie. Since then the that would work on any device irrespective of site has been both updated and backdated and the hardware manufacturer or operating sys- now has summaries dating back to 1970. The tem. The combination of universality and free ability to access and search excavation sum- access had made PDF the de facto portable doc- maries from Abbeyknockmoy to Youghal has ument standard by the late 1990s. PDFs meant made excavations.ie one of the most important that thousands of articles, papers, journals and resources in Irish archaeology. books could be stored digitally and made avail- Another part of the mosaic had been estab- able across the internet. But what’s more exca- lished as early as the year 2000 when Dúchas, vation and assessment reports would no longer the old name for the Heritage Services, estab- remain in filing cabinets but could be dissem- lished a heritagedata.ie website (now taken inated. It was the new digital formats like down). This allowed consultants who managed PDF and TIFF that allowed the development of their own GIS applications to download the internet-based knowledge management sites data files of the Archaeological Survey of Ire- such as JSTOR. land (ASI). In 2007 The National Monuments JSTOR was founded in 1995 to provide dig- Service website went online and included a itized back issues of academic journals. Today new GIS based map/search facility for the ASI it has grown to include books and primary records. This data set has been continually up- sources, and recent issues of journals. JSTORs dated with summaries of monument descrip- Irish archaeology section includes: Proceed- tions and updated mapping, aerial photogra- ings of Royal Irish Academy, the Journal of the phy, historic mapping and drawing capabilities Royal Society of Archaeologists of Ireland, the and details of approximately 150,000 monu- Ulster Journal of Archaeology, and Archaeol- ments. More recently the development of the ogy Ireland. JSTOR was originally only avail- National Roads Authority (NRA) excavations able to participating institutions but in 2010 database has begun to transform access to full JSTOR was opened up to non-academic Irish unpublished excavation and specialist reports archaeologists who were members of the IAI. related to the many excavations carried out on This was accomplished through the good of- national road schemes over the last decade. fices of the Nick Maxwell of Wordwell. While As information became available on the in- a number of other Irish archaeological journals ternet a major challenge was to make it search- have become available through the internet, able. Libraries had the decimal system of or- such as Decies, some newer resources have ganizing information and catalogues but noth- also become available. The Eachtra Journal ing similar existed for the web. The devel- was established in 2009 by John Tierney to cu- opment of search engines would change this. rate the work of that consultancy and contains WebCrawler and Yahoo became available in excavation reports, articles, lectures, posters 1994 and Google in 1998. These search en- and other documents. To date 16 issues of the gines allowed websites to be searched using journal have been published online. key words.

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In the last decade the web has moved from reviewed journals. Google Scholar now also providing pages of information and PDF and provides data on paper and author citations image files to making books available. In that allow archaeologist and students to tell fact the ability to make books available elec- what authors and what papers are the most tronically predates the web. Gutenberg was influential. founded as far back as 1971 to make out of copyright eBooks available in digital format. But issues of copyright and digital rights held II. The Social Web back the availability of in copyright books until The first stage in the development of the inter- the late 1990s when some of the first eBook net was about providing information that peo- readers were launched. Arguably it was the ple could easily access. The second stage, the launch of the Amazon Kindle in 2007 that com- social web, is about interaction and collabora- menced the era of books in copyright being tion between the users of the internet through made available on the internet. While most the use of social media sites like Facebook, and books on Irish archaeology are still published the generation of content by users in the form only in print editions one can purchase some of blogs, images and videos. One of the earli- eBooks such as Jim Mallory’s Origin of the est approaches to user-generated content was Irish and a range of internationally published Wikipedia which was launched in 2001 as a books such as Richard Bradley’s The Prehistory collaboratively edited encyclopaedia. The site of Britain and Ireland, and instantly download has grown to over 30 million articles and has them for a fraction of the cost of the paper ver- a range of Irish archaeological articles that are sion. often used by the media as source material for In the 1980s examination of maps, espe- articles. cially historic ones, required a trip to a map The most successful social media applica- library. In the early part of the last decade tion for Irish archaeology is undoubtedly Face- the Ordnance Survey Ireland began offering book. Since its foundation in 2004 Facebook mapping data through its website. The impor- has attracted many millions of users. Ireland tance for archaeologists was the inclusion of is the biggest user of Facebook in the English- historical mapping, especially the 1st edition speaking world (Independent.ie) and the ubiq- Ordnance Survey maps and aerial photography. uity of its use has encouraged many archae- Then in 2004 Google acquired EarthViewer 3D, ologists to become involved with pages and which maps the Earth by the superimposition groups related to archaeology and heritage. of images obtained from satellite imagery and In recent years a number of pages related to aerial photography, and made the basic version archaeology have developed. Irisharchaeol- of the application freely usable over the web as ogy.ie with over 23,000 followers has brought Google Earth. The potential of Google Earth for archaeology to tens of thousands of Facebook archaeology was quickly grasped and it came users. Other groups such as Archaeology Ire- into use not only as an off-the-peg method of land Network, Early Medieval and Viking Re- presenting spatial data but was used to identify search Group, and Togher: Irish Raised Bog new archaeological sites. Archaeology, to name a few, host discussions Since 2004 Google has been providing of archaeology. Other groups such as UCD Google Scholar as a freely accessible site that Experimental Archaeology showcase ongoing indexes the full text of scholarly papers across experimental research and provide important an array of publishing formats and disciplines. insights into the development of the archaeo- Released in beta in November 2004 Google logical record. Facebook has also allowed the Scholar includes many online journals of Eu- development of campaigns aimed at preserv- rope and America’s largest scholarly publishing archaeology and heritage such as Cherry- ers, plus scholarly books and other non-peer mount Crannog Crisis which successfully cam-

97 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 paigned for the full excavation of the Drumclay and reach out from the discipline to a wider au- Crannog in Fermanagh. dience using social media is exemplified by the Since 2008 a number of websites have de- project known as Day of Archaeology. Each veloped that allow scholars to share their pub- year the project collates and publishes blog lished research with their peers. Mendeley was posts from archaeologist throughout the world launched in 2008 and is a desktop and web to the document their work and their lives. The program for managing and sharing research most recent day in July 2013 featured over 300 papers, discovering research data and collabo- posts with a number of Irish archaeologists rating online. Academia.edu, launched in 2008, participating. is a social networking website for academics with 3 million registered users. The platform III. Conclusion is used to share papers, monitor their impact, and follow the research in a particular field. Over the last 20 years the internet has begun to Another development in Irish archaeology transform how we do archaeology in ways that has been blogging. Over the last few years Irish no one could have imagined. It has provided archaeologists have started to write about ar- archaeologists with access to primary infor- chaeology and heritage on the internet through mation. It has allowed them to connect and the medium of their own blogs. Blogging is a collaborate with one another. Most recently it less formal and more interactive way of pub- has provided archaeologists with new ways to lishing and discussing archaeological material communicate and reach out beyond the con- and has the capability of reaching out beyond fines of the profession to a wider public. But the confines of the archaeological community this is only the beginning, and as the internet of practice to a wider public. One of the old- reaches into every corner of world and every est, the Moore Group Blog, has been published aspect of people’s lives, the greatest impact since 2007 and has been a regular finalist in of the technology on archaeology is probably Irish Web Awards. Brian Dolan has been writ- still to be seen and the future will undoubtedly ing Seandalaiocht since 2009. I started writing hold even greater surprises. Charles Mount’s Blog in 2011 to discuss my research and areas of interest and as a sounding References board for ideas. I often publish early versions of papers intended for publication in order to [1] Academia.edu http://www.academia. get feedback as well as abstracts or summaries edu/ of published papers. Other notable blogs are Robert Chapple’s Blog Robert M Chapple, Ar- [2] Archaeology Ireland Network chaeologist which features his own writing and https://www.facebook.com/groups/ contributions from a range of guest writers. ARCHAEOLOGY.IRELANDNETWORK/ Colm Moriarty’s Blog Irisharchaeology.ie contains a wide range of stories about Irish archae- [3] Robert Chapple’s Blog http: ology and has a large following. Other blogs //rmchapple.blogspot.ie/ are Terry O’Hagan’s Vox Hiberionacum which [4] Cherrymount Crannog Crisis specialises in Early Medieval Ireland and Chris https://www.facebook.com/groups/ Corlett’s Blog on a range of archaeological and 254450291340252/?fref=ts historical topics. Blogging has made archaeology increas- [5] Chris Corlett’s Blog christiaancorlett. ingly accessible to the public and media and com bloggers are often contacted by journalists to comment on archaeology. The trend of using [6] Day of Archaeology http://www. social media for archaeologists to collaborate dayofarchaeology.com

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[7] Decies http://www. [19] Colm Moriarty’s Blog http: waterfordcountylibrary.ie/en/ //irisharchaeology.ie/ localstudies/ejournals/decies/ [20] Charles Mount’s Blog http: [8] Eachtra Journal http://eachtra.ie/ //Charles-mount.ie/wp index.php/journal/ [21] National Monuments Service http:// [9] Early Medieval and Viking Research archaeology.ie Group https://www.facebook.com/ http://archaeology. groups/102550331629/ [22] NRA Archaeology nra.ie [10] Facebook https://www.facebook.com/ [23] Ordnance Survey Ireland http://maps. [11] Google Earth http://www.google.com/ osi.ie/publicviewer earth/ [24] Ordnance Survey Ireland http: [12] Google Scholar http://scholar.google. //maps.osi.ie/publicviewer/#V1, com/ 591271,743300,0,10

[13] Gutenberg http://www.gutenberg.org/ [25] Seandalaiocht http://www. seandalaiocht.com/ [14] Independent.ie http://www. independent.ie/business/technology/ [26] Togher: Irish Raised Bog Archaeology irish-are-the-biggest-facebook-users-in-englishspeaking-world-29587083.https://www.facebook.com/groups/ html 317068375005156/

[15] Irisharchaeology.ie https://www. [27] UCD Experimental Archaeology facebook.com/irisharchaeology.ie https://www.facebook.com/groups/ 286322324795899/?fref=ts [16] JSTOR http://jstor.org/ [28] Vox Hiberionacum https:// [17] Mendeley http://www.mendeley.com/ voxhiberionacum.wordpress.com

[18] Moore Group Blog http://www. [29] Wikipedia http://en.wikipedia.org/ mooregroup.ie/blog/ wiki/Main_Page

99 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 Riding the Archaeological Rollercoaster: Reﬂections on a Career in Irish Archaeology

Cóilín ÓDrisceoil∗ [email protected]

aving just turned the grand old age of 40 and with the jibes about being ’over the black river of himself. Hthe hill’ still ringing in my ears, it was The grain of his wrists with some mixed feelings that I accepted the is like bog oak, editors’ kind invitation to ’reflect’ on the past the ball of his heel 25 years in Irish archaeology. But in some ways this is an opportune time to look back, not just like a basalt egg. because I was around 15 years old when ar- His instep has shrunk chaeology first entered into my teenage head cold as a swan’s foot (sidling in beside Ireland’s victory over Eng- or a wet swamp root. land in Euro 88 and the tumultuous clamour of My Bloody Valentine’s Isn’t Anything), but also His hips are the ridge because Irish archaeology is, I believe, about to and purse of a mussel, leave behind a dark period in its development his spine an eel arrested and enter a new and better age. under a glisten of mud. Because I was brought up in Kilkenny, the ’medieval capital’ of Ireland, there was always The head lifts, a sense that archaeology was around but my the chin is a visor earliest real engagement with the subject hap- raised above the vent pened when I picked up at home a copy of P.V. of his slashed throat Glob’s little red-covered book ’The Bog People: Iron-Age Man Preserved’. I remember flick- that has tanned and toughened. ing through its pages with my friend and now The cured wound fellow-archaeologist Matt Seaver, astonished at opens inwards to a dark these faces from the past; their brutal deaths elderberry place. so plainly on view as so perfectly described in the late Seamus Heaney’s wonderful poem ’the Who will say ’corpse’ Grauballe Man’: to his vivid cast? Who will say ’body’ to his opaque repose? The Grauballe Man And his rusted hair, a mat unlikely As if he had been poured as a foetus’s. in tar, he lies I first saw his twisted face on a pillow of turf and seems to weep ∗Kilkenny Archaeology

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the importance of research in archaeology and in a photograph, I try to place my work, with varying degrees of a head and shoulder success it has to be said, in its research context out of the peat, as much as possible. I have been involved in bruised like a forceps baby, quite a few research projects from searching for an Irish Palaeolithic in caves in Waterford, to but now he lies synthesising and collating the archaeological perfected in my memory, records for Kilkenny city in the Kilkenny Ar- down to the red horn chaeological Project (www.kkap.ie), and most of his nails, recently acting as an associate researcher on the Discovery Programme’s Late Iron Age and Ro- hung in the scales man Ireland project, to name but a few. After with beauty and atrocity: all, if our work as archaeologists is not used to with the Dying Gaul contribute to and frame research, we are surely too strictly compassed just ’data-gatherers’. Conveying my work to students (I teach archaeology and medieval on his shield, history part-time with NUI Maynooth), school with the actual weight children and the general public through lec- of each hooded victim, tures, the press, publications, even Facebook(!), slashed and dumped. goes to the core I would say, of what an archaeologist is, an educator, and this is an aspect of Seamus Heaney (1939-2013) the job that brings a great deal of fulfilment. I recall distinctly asking my MA tutor John Bradley ’what’s next’ when I finished in UCD 1996. His answer was ’let’s see how it goes’; It was the bog bodies that captured for me the for there simply wasn’t a great deal of em- extraordinary excitement of archaeological dis- ployment to be had at this time. But literally covery; that the unwritten stories of the lives the next year there were offers of work every- and deaths of the bog people could be recre- where and luckily, I have never been unem- ated by archaeologists was and is still simply ployed since. From 2008, however, Irish archae- amazing. Having studied in UCD (1991-1996) ology has had to endure the effects of the re- and worked in archaeology now for fifteen cession: employment levels in the commercial years I have been very fortunate to have expe- sector have plummeted by around 75%, pay rienced this exhilaration first hand many times and conditions for workers have been severely and in many different places throughout the hit, there is cut-throat competition for contracts, world: excavating the medieval waterfront in funding for research has been virtually erased Drogheda and a host of early settlements in the and new jobs in academia and the state sector path of new motorways in counties Louth and are almost non-existent. Many fine archaeolo- Dublin, and through my work on the archae- gists have left the profession or have gone back ology of medieval Kilkenny, the main focus of into education and employment levels seem my work since my late wife Emma Devine (an- to be back to where they were in 1996. All other graduate of UCD) and I set up our own of this for me personally tore at the heart of archaeological company, Kilkenny Archaeol- the optimistic excitement of those earlier years ogy, back in 2002. and the overarching atmosphere amongst the But it is not just the discovery of new sites profession has been one of a jaded pessimism and artefacts that brings excitement, it is also about the future. my roles as a researcher and educator that are But just as a life moves along, so does ar- equally, if not more, important in this regard. chaeology and there are real signs that a better, My time in UCD engrained in me a sense of

101 TROWEL • Vol. XIV • December 2013 albeit much smaller and leaner, future awaits which depends so much on ’cultural tourism’, those of us still left (a recent survey counted and also for our fragile national identity which just 250) in the profession in Ireland. On the has taken such a hammering in these past years. broad economic front the worst seems to have There is every reason to be optimistic for the fu- passed and there is certainly more work com- ture and to those students that are thinking of ing on stream from both the public and private pursuing a career in archaeology I say ’go for sectors. Funding for research will return in it’! The unequalled excitement of your own dis- time. More generally I think it is fair to say coveries will be your reward, and who knows, that there is a renewed sense that archaeology maybe you’ll do one better than me and ﬁnd a is important for our country, for our economy, bog body!

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