Notes

Notes to the Introduction: Regnum Cecilianum

1. See CSP2, 260 no. 42 for Burghley's letter to his spy William Herle refuting 'slanders that England had become Regnum Cecilianum' (14 August 1585). According to Read (1960,315ff.) Burghley's correspond• ence with Herle about the 'slanders' was a calculated ploy, or 'ammu• nition to meet the charges of Burghley's vilifiers' (321). It is curious that this accusation occurred around the time of The copie of a leter, wryten by a master of arte of Cambrige, otherwise known as Leicester's Commonwealth (Clancy, 237), which attributes court hegemony to the Earl of Leicester. I choose 1547 because in this year Burghley marched with Protector Somerset to Scotland for the fateful battle of Pinkie, later becoming secretary to Somerset and then Warwick (Northum• berland). The apparent ease with which Burghley shifted from Somer• set to Northumberland should tell us something about the evolving state and the beginnings of Regnum Cecilianum (see Read 1955,38,46, and 68). The date 1612 is the year of Cecil's death. Note that Cecil made an easy transition from controlling the court of an English Virgin Queen to that of a married Scottish king. By adopting the Catholic view of Regnum Cecilianum I do not mean Burghley's total dominance. I mean an organization of mostly Protestant new men (lawyers, merchants, privateers, etc.) exercising power through insti• tutions sponsored by a gradually centralizing state. 2. See Southern and Clancy for titles and discussion. 3. See especially 10v-13r, 17v-18r, 23r-24r, 26v-27r, 28v-33r, 44r-47r, 52v, 57r, 69v-71r, 73v-74r, 78v-81v, 85v-87r, 90v-91r, 94v, 99v-101r, 104v-105r, 139r-140r, 158v-162v (additional critiques are contained in some of these pages). (Treatise is questionably attributed to John Leslie, Bishop of Ross and adviser to Mary, Queen of Scots in the edition I cite.) Burghley is easily identified as the main target of criticism by phrases such as 'Sicilian tricke' (27r). Unfortunately, Catholic writers are largely silent on Ireland. Allen (1584, 126-7) is an exception. The only English pope (Adrian IV) granted lordship of Ireland to the English monarchy (Henry II) in the twelfth century. Catholic sympathy for Irish rebellion against England would criti• cize the papacy as well as undermine the exile position regarding English subversion of Spain and France. 4. I do not wish to start compiling a list of 'terror' quotes to prove my point, but they are especially numerous in Elizabethan discourse, deployed by the opposition to describe the state and by state apolo• gists to delineate the intended impact of state power on enemies. 'Terror' quotes are scattered throughout this book, and a definition is given in Chapter 1. But here are a few examples. Allen, writing in

242 Notes 243

1588 to justify the deposition of Elizabeth and atypically attacking her rather than her Protestant ministers, claims that she has severely injured the 'auncyent Nobilite, repellinge them from due govern• ment, offices, and places of honor, thrustinge them to shamefull and odious offices of inquisition upon Catholike men, to the greate vexa• tion and terror of their owne consciences, forcinge them through feare and desier of her favor, and of her base leaders, to condemne that in others, which in theire hartes and consciences themselves like of, and putting into their houses and chambers, traitors, spials, delators, and promoters, that take watche for her of all theire waies, wordes, and writinges; by which the principall be alredy ruined moste lamentablie, and the rest stande in continuall thraldom daunger and dishonor' (Admonition, 15). An anonymous author mentions that the 'base minded multitude .. . stagger and ar ready to fall at the terror & blast of every new statute that commeth forth' (Consolatory, 6). Commenting on a 1591 royal proclamation, Persons claims that 'seditious & trooblesome heades do commaunde and exact by terror there most iniust and violent commandements/ and that English 'governours do give, themselves wholy to terror and crueltie, do multiply prisons, fetters, gardes and spies' (1593,15r-v). On the other side, an anonymous writer refers to the Spanish Armada as 'so great a terrour to all Christendome' (Declaration 1589, 7). Greville disasso• ciated the regime from terror by attributing it to the opposition: 'Rome and Spain had spilt so much bloud, as they were justly become the terror of all Governments' (ed. Smith, 43-4; see also 211). But usually official discourse referred to English ability to terrorize a population, as in Ireland. 'In May 1601, Sir Arthur Chichester ... wrote to a friend: "We have killed, burnt, and spoiled all along the lough ... we have killed above one hundred people of all sorts, besides such as were burnt, how many I know not. We spare none of what quality or sex soever, and it hath bred much terror in the people"' (Rai, 26). A new biography of Burghley would be welcome. Croft is currently writing a biography of Cecil, all the more necessary because there is no truly scholarly treatment of this crucial figure who bridges the Elizabethan and Jacobean periods. See her fine articles in my bibliography. Note that although I follow Haigh in doubting the ideological posi• tioning and agenda of traditional historiography, I owe a great deal to the excellent research of many historians, as citations throughout this book will show. I focus mostly on England's westward enterprises while recognizing that study of Europe and the 'East' is just as important as European colonization and conquest of the Americas. Ania Loomba pointed the way for further research in her talk at the 1994 Modem Language Association Convention in San Diego. Note that even the arch-conservative and imperialist Trevelyan admits that 'in one sense England was the aggressor' against Spain (255), although he proceeds to argue that international Catholicism would have wiped out Protestant England if it had not struck first. Notes

This traditional view is ahistorical given the fact that there was little agreement among Catholic powers rapidly transforming themselves into nation-states with mutually antagonistic agendas. Philip II's fear of international Protestant conspiracy is grounded in the realities of French (Huguenot), English, and Dutch maritime depredations. Eng• lish claims of international Catholic conspiracy are relevant only to the fact that the papacy unsuccessfully attempted to carve up the world. See Lake for the ideological underpinnings of the Protestant offensive. No one can know the actual number of men deployed abroad by the state, so my figure is an estimate based on Cruickshank (1966, Appendix I); MacCaffrey (1992, 43); and Andrews (1964, 34). I estimate that 100-200 privateering ships per year would deploy about 5000-10 000 men, or about 50 men per ship. See Andrews, ed. (1959, 52, 88, 174, 185, 210, and 335) for crew numbers, the low being 30 and the high 90, with 50 the apparent average. Privateering ships were usually overmanned to ensure sufficient fighting strength. The standard guide to military sources is Cockle, but see also Bruce, Higham, and Jordan. Unthinking Eurocentrism appeared after I finished this book, so I could not take account of its claims. Perhaps it should be read in relation to another book that appeared too late for me, Cultures of United States Imperialism. Eurocentrism/US Imperialism must be placed in the appropriate relationship, for example, to Asian or African Nationa• lism/Economic Development/Wars over the last 500 years or so. Fletcher (100) claims that Elizabeth 'drove the [northern] earls into rebellion.' Even historians as fine as Haigh (1985, 401) and McGrath (1984, 422) emphasize persecution of Catholics in the second half of the reign and thereby ignore the significance of 1569/70. J. E. Neale's chapter on the Northern Rebellion (1957,177-93) illustrates just how distorted mythography can be: he actually devotes only the last four pages to the rebellion. For the sake of simplicity I shall refer to the new historicism as though it were monolithic, but my specific attack is directed against those critics who assert the state's lack of coercive ability. There are numerous recent essays criticizing new historicism. See Liu (735) for a critique of 'the purely theatrical "action" of New His• toricist unrealpolitik.' See Porter (758) for the important idea that Greenblatt makes 'power' abstract, in the process 'no longer talking about Elizabethan state power, but power, per se;' the result of this operation is that 'power' is 'essentialized so as to absorb all agency.' Undoubtedly this move is a consequence of Greenblatt's Foucaultian origins. (See also 764-5 for a witty critique of Greenblatt's 'Platonic form of Power/ which results in dehistoricization.) See Horwitz (788- 9) for an incisive connection between the Reagan Administration's evasion of consequences arising from the Iran-Contra scandal and the 'anti-objectivist vision of historical knowledge' usually associ• ated with new historicism; Horwitz's analysis results in two import• ant questions (794) that problematize anti-objectivism. See also Felperin (152): 'the move from history as determinate "fact" or "event" Notes 245 to history as constructible "text" renders this latest historicism open from within to the charge of "relativism" as no previous historicism ever was, to being dismissed as merely one of many possible and no less plausible constructions of the historical text, and thus to con• servative relativization and recuperation.' See Pease (especially 140- 6) for a brilliant discussion of Greenblatt's mystification of coercive colonialism. For other critiques see Holstun, Howard 1986, Neely, Newton, B. Thomas, and M. Waller. Recent titles in the Routledge series indicate a preoccupation with the abstract: 'The Regal Phant• asm/ focusing on a ghostly monarch rather than a coercive state; 'The Violence of Representation/ not 'The Violence of Reality.' To be fair, the latter title includes some excellent essays by Stallybrass, Jed, and Folena (among others). Jed and Folena help to signal a new direction among young 'political' critics, e.g. toward making crucial connections between Renaissance realpolitik and contemporary foreign policy. See Jed (37-8) and Folena (219-36). Beier and Finlay assert that 'the details of the concentration of state power in London require further study' (25). I. Archer's recent book helps to fill this gap. New historicists should pay attention to Greville's combination of ruling strategies (despite language implying royalty rather than the state), which stresses terror through reiteration of 'fear' (ed. Wilkes, Section II, Stanzas 64-5):

For active rulers seldome fail of meanes, Occasion, color, and advantage too, To bynde by force, by witt, by customes chaines, And make the oppressed soules content to woe: Feare suffringe much, for feare to suffer more, As still by smart made greater then before. Knowinge that men alike touch't never were, That divers sence workes diverslie in woe, The nymblest witts being still kept downe by feare, Dull witts not feeling neighbors overthrowe, The wise mistrust the weake, and strive to beare, Thrones being stronge, because men thinke them soe.

See also XI.518-19; and Greville's Mustapha, e.g. 1.2.5-8 and 237-8 (ed. Rees, 70 and 76). Machiavelli's view appears indebted to his reading of Herodian, whose history of late Imperial Rome detailed the overthrow of em• perors by standing armies. Poliziano's Latin translation of Herodian was rendered into English c. 1556 (Lathrop, 313). In regard to the police apparatus 'Sharpe suggests that historians have described con• stables as inefficient because they applied twentieth-century standards in assessing the behaviour of such officers, and failed to appreciate that the assumptions and expectations which prevailed during the seventeenth century were different from those in the modern world' (Kent, 6). Notes

See Sivanandan (17) for a brief critique of how new social move• ments as sites of 'resistance to the system' are ultimately vulnerable to the coercive power of the state. See also Shepherd's refutation of consent: 'Scilla and Tamburlaine compel consent to their rule, and in doing so make a picture that cynically counters the more rosy idea of Elizabethan civil government Hooker was to express in his theory that, to remove troubles, the people "gave their common consent all to be ordered by some whom they should agree upon" (Hooker, 1593,1, p. 190). Such cynicism about the politics of consent may well have grown from the experience of Elizabeth's orders to imprison those MPs who demanded free speech and so terrify the others; or from an attitude to execution such as Burghley's towards the Babington conspirators (1586): "if the fashion of the execution shall be duly and orderly executed, by protracting of the same both to the extremity of the pains in the action, and to the sight of the people to behold it, the manner of the death would be as terrible as any other new device could be"' (36-7). See CSP3, 479 no. 60 for one good reason why Camden would wish to mythologize the queen. On 4 April 1594 Elizabeth writes to the Dean of Westminster that 'having used the services of William Camden... and intending to employ him again/ she 'wishes him settled somewhere near, and eased of the charge of living.' See also Heisch (45-6n27) on John Stow's close connections to the PC. See Hibbert and N. Williams (1992) for other recent mytho-biograph- ies. Erickson is at least a partial exception, although she focuses too narrowly on only the 1580s as the 'years of the rack and the torture chamber, of the English spy network which set snares for Catholics and conspirators but terrorized the entire population' (357). See Hackett (32-3) on the court's construction of the Virgin Queen as a replacement for the Virgin Mary. Stone (1972,116). P. Williams (1979, 111, 148, and 219). Nevertheless, these historians remain invaluable. I use Stone's brilliant article on Cecilian peculation in this introduction, and Williams, for example, is excellent on forced conscription (125), mentions the provost mar• shal (203-4) - a military office I discuss in Chapter 2 - and admits 'dark suffering for the majority of the population' (214). But para• doxically, Williams still affirms 'the ready and whole-hearted obedi• ence of sixteenth-century Englishmen' to political authority (359). Chomsky (2-3), citing Lemisch (72-4). In 1960 Read was still pen• ning Elizabethan historiography through 'Cold War' analogies, as I shall do in Part II but with a different emphasis. See Read (1960,12, 60, 70, etc., and especially 254): 'Allen was resolute to prove what Elizabeth insistently denied, that the Catholics were being perse• cuted for their faith, not for their politics. The fact, of course, was that it was almost impossible to draw the line, just as it is almost impossible today to draw the line between Communism and Russian aggression.' Read (1955), for all its accomplishments - many of which I cite - best epitomizes avoidance of realpolitik; e.g. there is no discus• sion of the brutal conquest of Ireland (and Burghley's key role therein), Notes 247

treated fully by Canny (1976). Instead, Burghley is largely mytholo- gized as a selfless patriot (e.g. 337). 21. Yet see Bristol (146-51) on Arthur Lovejoy, author of The Great Chain of Being, whose Cold War activities inside the academy seem as extensive as Read's wartime job as 'head of the British Empire unit in R&A/ the Research and Analysis branch of the OSS, forerunner of the CIA (Winks, 73). 22. Cited by Lemisch (69). See also his citation of Commager on 91. 23. Cited by S. Marx (92nll2) from This Sceptred Isle (34-5). 24. Knight (1944, 2-3, 46-7, 88, 99). K. Ryan writes that Nigel Lawson, Chancellor of the Exchequer under Margaret Thatcher, asserted in 1983 that '"Shakespeare was a Tory, without any doubt", whose drama powerfully endorses the philosophy of the Conservative government' (lllnll). 25. See the volume of essays on Spenser and Ireland edited by Coughlan for different viewpoints. 26. Bristol (70-90, especially 76-7 and 137). 27. Hitchens (Chapter 12): 'The Bond of Intelligence' (319-39). On Kipling as 'The Bard of Empires' see Chapter 3 (63-97). 28. On imperialism and its discontents at the turn of the century see also Beisner. 29. See Bristol's citation of 'Adams's inaugural statement at the opening of the Folger Library in 1932': '[About] the time the forces of immig• ration became a menace to the preservation of our long-established English civilization, there was initiated throughout the country a system of free and compulsory education for youth. In a spirit of efficiency, that education was made stereotyped in form; and in a spirit of democracy, every child was forced by law to submit to its discipline.... In our fixed plan of elementary schooling, [Shakespeare] was made the cornerstone of cultural discipline Not Homer, nor Dante, nor Goethe, nor Chaucer, nor Spenser, nor even Milton, but Shakespeare was made the chief object of their study and veneration' (78-9). 30. See Frye (95-6) and her debunking of mythographic historiography founded on the fake Tilbury speech on 105 (Hurstfield) and 113 (Rowse). See Gore Vidal's discussion of Fire Over England (31-63; especially 42-6), including his view on the 'seduction of the United States by England, a replay of 1914-1917' (32). See P. Clark, ed., The Crisis of the 1590s. 31. See Andrews (1978, 108-33, Chapter V: 'Hawkins and the Slave Trade'). 32. It is less interesting to attack or apologize for modern American military power than to put it in historical perspective. Since the fifteenth century, numerous European countries set the example for exploiting vast areas of what we still call the Third World. Hence the United States, inheriting English aggression while simultaneously being somewhat threatened by European empires, had little choice but to expand and dominate areas long since devastated by Euro• pean powers, beginning with Spain after 1492. The truly fateful step Notes

was taken in the Pacific (Hawaii and the Philippines) when Amer• ican expansion led to direct confrontation with the rising Japanese empire. This does not mean that the globe's last superpower must continue to follow the pattern of European power politics into the next century. See Said for new recommendations, and Fulbright for cogent critiques. See also the volume edited by Goldrick and Hattendorf for essays describing linkages between Renaissance and modern naval power. (See especially 158-9, which unapologetically reveals that American assessment of Soviet naval strategy as wholly defensive led President Reagan's naval planners to adopt a stagger• ingly expensive and offensive maritime strategy.) 33. On the other hand, these relatively conservative films are challenged by radical movies such as Derek Jarman's Edward II (1991), Gus Van Sant's My Own Private Idaho (1991), and Aki Kaurismaki's Finnish adaptation, Hamlet Goes Business (1987). 34. See also Tombstone (1993), which features an actor speaking a few lines from the Agincourt speech in Henry V. Yet cf. a British televi• sion comedy series of the 1980s, Blackadder II, 'Head/ in which Queen Elizabeth appoints Lord Blackadder as 'Lord High Executioner' and says: 'the bad news is that actually there are simply hundreds of Catholics who desperately want their heads snicked off and there's no one to organize it.' 35. Paul Hammer informs me that despite (or because of) the rise of social history beginning in the 1960s there has been no new political history of Renaissance England (personal communication). B. Anderson's book on nation and nationalism is relevant to this study, but I would antedate much of his (and other theorists') discussion from the nineteenth to the sixteenth century. His own evidence on the shift from Latin to vernacular publications in the sixteenth cen• tury points to the rise of nationalism in this period (43). 36. On the other hand, Silke claims that 'it was essential for Philip to pacify the Low Countries, as they provided him with a considerable part of his revenue and were of great strategic importance to Spain and the emperor in any war with France' (17). Nonetheless, since Philip expended much treasure and manpower only to fail at paci• fication, one wonders whether he might have done better to imitate the less costly English plan and still maintain a strategic position against France. 37. See, for example, Attorney General Edward Coke's eighteen 'Articles which the constables of each hundred are to observe and answer unto at the beginning of every assize/ including questions on fel• onies, vagrants, recusants, alehouses, vagabonds, wages, family dis• cipline, etc. (CSP5, 519 no. 72). This command is an exercise of institutional power as well as ideological conditioning. 38. State theory is an enormously complex subject in its own right, and there is no space here even to suggest the extent of literature on the state. But see treatments of similar coercive phenomena in different cultures and/or historical periods by Graziano, Hughes, and Taussig. See Foucault 1982 for a crucial reconfiguration of this theorist's notion Notes 249

of 'power': acknowledging a major shift in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries culminating in the Reformation, he claims that 'the state's power (and that's one of the reasons for its strength) is both an indi• vidualizing and a totalizing form of power' (782). See also 790-3: we can analyze power relationships 'by focusing on carefully defined institutions' (791). 39. Levy (1986, 106). He continues by implying that the Cecils consti• tuted a peace party in the 1590s, but this was certainly untrue of the period 1588-95 (see Wernham 1984, vi), and Burghley was extremely belligerent earlier in the reign regarding Scotland, Ireland, France, and the Netherlands. A major myth is that Cecilians were anti-war and opposed to the militant Protestantism of Leicester, Walsingham, and Essex. See Read (1955,152) for Cecilian policy to 'keep Elizabeth safe by making fires in her neighbours' houses' in Scotland, France, and the Low Countries. See Canny (1976,62) for information that Burghley was the 'most enthusiastic advocate of an aggressive policy in Ireland.' See also the 'Anonymous Life' of Burghley, whose status as paean does not preclude it from substantiating Burghley's dominance (65-6, 68, 73, 78, 99, 106). 40. For a revisionist view of factionalism see S. Adams. I disagree with Read (1913) on factionalism for reasons given in Chapter 3. See 'Anony• mous Life' for one of Burghley's aphorisms: "That division in council was dangerous, if not a subversion of a state' (142). 41. I count as henchmen most MPs (often nominated by council• lors), JPs, military commanders, preachers, propagandists, torturers, etc. 42. In this respect my argument may seem to agree with new historicist ideas such as those advanced in Greenblatt (1981), but the big dif• ference involves separating the political nation from commoners. Power did produce and contain subversion inside the political nation, but it also victimized hundreds of thousands of commoners such as soldiers who resisted violence used against them. Although one could argue that popular resistance was also contained, the historical struggle continues. 43. On phony plots see Haigh (1988, 144-5). On the basic Cecilian strat• egy of manufacturing plots see Treatise of Treasons, passim. 44. See CSPl, 278 no. 68 for a good example of how patronage works: 'A memorial of things fit to be considered by the Parliament. Mr. Walsyngham to be of the House.' This is in Burghley's hand (Read 1955, 356). 45. For example, CSP2, 625 no. 22; CSP3, 55 no. 19 and 424 no. 40; CSP4, 32 no. 114. CSPl, 688 no. 68 is from Sir Thomas Shirley, later invest• igated for military corruption. See also Hurstfield (1958, Chapter 10), on 'Corruption' in the Court of Wards, but his conclusions about the nature of this bribery seem problematic. Corruption appears relat• ive to the power of the individual and/or faction, but Elizabethans did have a sense of peculation (see, e.g. CSPl, 622 no. 85). 46. CSP3f 545 no. 92; CSP6, 183 no. 90; see also CSP5f 172 no. 66. 47. On Cecilian marriages see Read (1955,309). See Croft (1991, 51-3) for Notes

evidence of Cecil's accumulation of enormous wealth and the criti• cism it engendered. See also Coakley (84) and Morse (81-2) (citing George Wither). Stone (1961,103). Stone also pays some attention to Burghley's peculations (e.g. 100). See Croft (1993) for Cecil's bad reputation. 48. See, e.g. La Capra (117) and H. White (64-5) on 'context.' 49. See Lathrop for a convenient list of translations. Klause writes that although Renaissance English vernacular drama is studied intensively, some 150 Latin plays mostly written between 1550 and 1650 have been largely ignored. Many of these plays represent Roman realpolitik for educated and powerful audiences, i.e. members of the present and future political nation. See also J. Archer (1993, 107) on Rome. 50. I write this despite partial sympathy with Shohat and Stam (2): 'Eurocentric discourse projects a linear historical trajectory leading from classical Greece (constructed as "pure," "Western," and "demo• cratic") to imperial Rome and then to the modern metropolitan capi• tals of Europe and the US. It renders history as a sequence of empires: Pax Romana, Pax Hispanica, Pax Britannica, Pax Americana. In all cases, Europe, alone and unaided, is seen as the "motor" for progres• sive historical change: it invents democracy, class society, feudalism, capitalism, the industrial revolution.' But it is simply realistic to write Eurocentrically when European ideology conceived of European nation-states as imperial. 51. A nice example of imperial forecasting penned, significantly, in the aftermath of the regime's destruction of Northern Catholicism is Churchyard: 'O Britayne bloud, marke this at my desire, / If that you sticke, together as you ought, / This lyttle yle, may set the world at nought' (A.iii.v). 52. Harsh religion as a tool of social discipline is crucial to state power. For connections between religion and law in Revolutionary England see Hill (155-7, 177-8, and 352). On the coercion of law and religion in Hooker's thought see Vickers, especially 120-3. See Reay (57): 'It is "hard to be doubted", wrote Charles Davenant in 1698 ... "but that if the common people are once induced to lay aside religion, they will quickly cast off all fear of their rulers".' On the 'literary' side see Vaughan 225, 'The Law, and the Gospel/ for God's 'Terror.' See Prest (1981) for important points that 'lawyers seem to be a pecu• liarly Western phenomenon' and that Weber held them 'decisively responsible for those two institutions - capitalism and the "legal- rational" modern state - which have most strikingly differentiated Western Europe from the rest of the world between the Renaissance and the present day' (11). Prest implies - and should unhesitatingly assert - that the history of the law ought to be explored in various disciplines (14). See Weber. 53. King writes that under Edward VI Protector Somerset 'ended prior censorship' of the press imposed by Henry VIII and thus 'extended relative freedom of discussion to the Protestant reformers, at the same time denying it to the Anglo-Catholic opposition' (1). He did this, of course, not through some abstract notion of free thought but Notes 251

because a 'free' press could help to transmit new ideas enabling institutions which have never been overturned. 54. Bartlett (1981, 224). On Morison see Berkowitz. See Bartlett (1981, 240) for Burghley's close involvement with Marian exiles, a rela• tionship constituting additional early training for his future role in covert operations under Elizabeth. 55. In A Mighty Empire, Egnal makes a compelling revisionist case for the 'origins of the American Revolution' in a group of upper-class expansionists. A similar phenomenon occurs in Cecilian England led by statesmen such as Burghley and Walsingham, merchants such as William Sanderson, warriors such as Humfrey Gilbert, Walter Ralegh, and Francis Drake, and thinkers such as John Dee and John Davis. 56. See especially Wilson's 'Conclusion' (123-36). Bartlett (1992) discloses how the early Cecilian regime cleverly temporized with the papacy. Although Bartlett does not push the evidence, I deduce that this sec• ret correspondence between the regime and the papacy - involving Burghley, Leicester, and the queen - was a kind of covert operation designed to buy time. Such cooperation among key players in the young regime was useful a few years later when it came time to destroy Northern Catholicism. 57. See Scammell: 'for much of the late 1500s and early 1600s' England's 'textile industry was in difficulty, inspiring searches for new markets and, combined with a growing population, convincing statesmen that disorders and worse could only be avoided by the despatch abroad of "the offals of our people." And since in the half century after c. 1580 there was a striking increase in the size of aristocratic and gentry families, these influential classes were attracted, like their Viking or Genoese counterparts earlier, to colonial and similar schemes' (458). Regardless of ongoing historiographical debate over the textile industry (e.g. cf. Brenner 1993), ruling-class desire for wealth and perception of overpopulation led to aggressive policies. 58. See Allen (1584, 139): 'Is it not now a special rule in government amongst the worldlie Machivelians, to mainteine their owne repose by their neighbours trouble?' See Allen (1587, 15; and 1588, 24): '... workinge their owne peace, welthe, and felicity, by their neigh• bours warrs, woe, and miserie.' 59. Even a cursory glance at the Mayan collection, The Destruction of the Jaguar: Poems from the Books of Chilam Balam, informs us of Spanish atrocities in the Americas. (I owe this reference to David Noble.) 60. One wonders why Hawkins chose the slave trade until realizing that this move was a direct challenge to both Catholic powers, Spain and Portugal, in their respective spheres of influence granted by the papacy in 1493. By challenging Portuguese dominance of the West African slave trade and then trying to sell the 'merchandise' in the Spanish West Indies, the regime (through Hawkins) was declaring war on the Iberian powers. Note that Burghley supported Hawkins (Read 1955, 429). 61. Elizabethan naval operations were complex. While Drake was plun• dering the West Indies in 1585/6, John Davis was trying to find the Notes

Northwest Passage. In the dedication of The seamans secrets (written 1595) he emphasizes trade, not conquest (A3v-A4r). Drake and Hawkins probably borrowed from Spanish sources such as Gomara's account of Cortes' conquest of Mexico, translated as The Conquest of the Weast India (1578), in which Cortes motivated his men with promises of 'Golde, Silver, Pretious stones, Pearles, and other commoditie, and besides thys, the greatest honour that ever any nation did obtaine' (Goldberg, 137). In 1614-15 a curious series of linked pamphlets promoting maritime expansion appeared, but since they were published under the Rex Pacificus they tend to deemphasize war and substitute fishing as a means of enriching the country and solving the unemployment prob• lem. See especially, in Hattendorf, Gentleman (40-1); Kayll (34-5); Digges (32-3); and Sharpe (Fl). There is, however, a stark acknow• ledgment that peaceful maritime activity will facilitate war (if neces• sary) in this debate. Digges is especially noteworthy for linking Roman practices to English disposal of useless people: 'the commonwealth esteemes not of the life of any but good men, such as doe good, the rest are Tacitus his Purgamenta Urbium, their death to her is nothing but an ease. Nay Mariners themselves admitting them to bee so scarce, were better die in the East-Indies, then here at home at Tybourne, or at Wapping, for want of meanes to live' (32-3). See also Quinn (1974, 301), citing Ralegh's Historie of the world (1614): 'We finde it in daily experience that all discourse of magnanimitie, of Nationall Vertue, or Religion, of Libertie, and whatsoever else hath beene wont to move and incourage vertuous men, hath no force at all with the common- Souldier ..., in comparison of spoile and riches. The rich ships are boorded upon all disadvantages, the rich Townes are furiously as• saulted, and the plentifull Countries willingly invaded. Our English Nations have attempted many places in the Indies, and runne upon the Spaniards head-long, in hope of their Roy alls of plate, and Pistolets, which had they beene put to it upon the like disadvantages in Ireland, or in any poore Countrie, they would have turned their Peeces and Pikes against their Commanders contesting that they had been brought without reason to the Butcherie and slaughter.' See Howard 1991,153 for new pedagogical recommendations similar to what I attempt to do here. (Extensive citation and transcription of documents are meant to aid scholars unfamiliar with archives, who tend to be literary critics more often than historians.) My study dif• fers from Lever's Tragedy of State in its greater concern with historical materials and lesser emphasis on drama. See Morse (192): 'As the sound and fury of twentieth-century avant- garde movements recede into an almost infinite distance and the shock value of abstract art and absurd theatre is seemingly dissip• ated for ever, it becomes even harder to grasp the contrary: that in the Renaissance, representation was charged with anxiety and danger, precisely because it appeared so lifelike.' The sheer number of collaborative plays suggests that we must ap• proach Renaissance drama in a different way. J. Shapiro writes that Notes 253

about half the plays written between the late 1580s and 1642 were of multiple authorship (8). 67. Volume One, Part Eight, Chapters 26 ff., on 'So-Called Primitive Accumulation/ 68. Kubiak's Stages of Terror appeared too late to have much impact here, but I am simultaneously encouraged by what I would view as an affinity between state terror and theater as terror, and discouraged by the almost absolute privileging of the stage: 'Political-historical culture is not coeval and coextensive with theatre; theatre is the very condition of the violence of politico-economic history: theatre is the essential condition of that and of all knowledge' (64; and see his note). See also G. Waller's fine brief discussion of the intersections between 'joy' and 'terror' in his introduction to a volume of essays on Shake• speare's comedies (2-3). See T. Greene's positive description of the relationship between text and community: 'One might in fact con• sider a text as the stylized version of a culture. Just as certain masques of Ben Jonson, however open to the charge of courtly narcissism, still try to stage radiant visions of an ideal civilization, dancing imposs• ible communities, so any literary text can be regarded as organizing communal constructs microcosmically The text can be read as an idealized miniature culture, whether or not it allows the idealization to be perceived as a critique' (xiii). 69. I build upon my own previous essays cited here and there: 'Enter• tainments of Elizabeth at Theobalds in the Early 1590s/ REED News• letter 12.2 (1987), 1-9; 'Duelling Ceremonies: The Strange Case of William Hacket, Elizabethan Messiah/ JMRS 19.1 (1989a), 35-67; 'Caressing the Great: Viscount Montague's Entertainment of Eliza• beth at Cowdray, 1591/ Sussex Archaeological Collections 127 (1989b), 147-66; '"Treason Doth Never Prosper": The Tempest and the Dis• course of Treason/ ShQ 41.1 (1990), 1-28; 'Branagh and the Prince, or a "royal fellowship of death/" CQ 33A (1991), 95-111; 'Real• politik and Elizabethan Ceremony: The Earl of Hertford's Enter• tainment of Elizabeth at Elvetham, 1591/ RQ 45.1 (1992), 20-48; 'Cultures of Surveillance: Marlowe in the 1950s,' RORD 32 (1993), 27-43. 70. See, e.g. Charnes, Dolan, Traub, and Hendricks and Parker. See also Callaghan's discussion of intersections among family, state, church, and sexual difference (14-27). 71. Scholars writing outside the discipline of Renaissance studies also have much to contribute. Study of Elizabethan torture, for instance, can be enhanced by consideration of duBois' investigation of torture and truth in Ancient Greece. 72. See also Canny (1988, 2): 'Fynes Moryson advised that "no less cau• tions were to be observed" by those engaged in the proposed planta• tion of Ulster "than if these new colonies were to be led to inhabit among the barbarous Indians."' 73. Cecil (1968, 101). One wonders whether he means the Irish march• ing south to succor the Spanish stranded at Kinsale, or the Spanish themselves. Notes

Contextualized and transcribed in CSP7, 179-80 no. 5. Burghley (1588, 36-7). Cf. interrogatories administered to Spanish prisoners, and their responses (SP 12/214/16-17). Burghley may have gotten some of his ideas from a declaration by John Bonde dated 5 June 1588: 'The best gentlemen in Spain cast lots who shall have England' (CSPl, 486 no. 3). At least one Spaniard 'prays to God to give him the house of some rich merchant in England' (CSPl, 483 no. 20; emphasis mine). Certainly Burghley was realistic about eco• nomics, for in writing on 12 June 1588 to Walsingham to recom• mend composition of this pamphlet ('as if written from the Catholics of England'), he affirmed that the 'Cardinal is deceived if he thinks that any nobleman or gentleman of possessions will favor the invasion of the realm' (CSPl, 488 no. 15). See also Frye (99-100): the propagan• dist who manufactured Elizabeth's Tilbury speech also reproduced Burghley's fabrication about Spanish ruthlessness. It is ironic that Read should be the historian to expose Burghley's fraud, but such an exposure could be accomplished without even denting the myth of England as a defensive nation. Read actually exposed the fraud in his 1960 book on Burghley, but did not provide an extensive argument until his 1961 article. Catholic exiles knew it was a fraud almost immediately (see LB. 1589, passim, especially the conclusion). Marcus (64, 231n31). I do not relish singling out Marcus for spe• cific historical 'errors/ since we are all subject to similar slips in our attempts to recreate the past, but Marcus herself authorizes such a critique by picking on Harrison's historicism (69) and by questioning Bevington's largely solid views on Shakespeare's Henry VI plays (235n54, etc.). I confine myself to her chapters on Elizabeth. Marcus displays no sensitivity to the complexities of foreign policy in France: 'extreme Francophobia' hardly expresses the Cecilian regime's aid to Henri IV in his battle against French Catholics; and the claim that Elizabeth's military 'lukewarmness ... caused massive frustration among her subjects' (52) takes no account of class distinctions be• tween the elite/mercenaries who revelled in opportunities afforded by militarism and the mass of commoners exploited by war. The notion that the 'worst of the Catholic threat had receded' after 1588 (66) is fundamentally flawed in its presupposition that there was a potent Catholic threat directed against England - rather than that the regime provoked Spanish anger - and in its contradictory implication that such a threat could arise and then be quelled by a single naval engagement. Marcus cites no reliable evidence that Essex's 1591 Rouen expedition was 'intensely popular in England' and that 'volunteers flocked to join the effort' (78), even though she knows Wernham's 1984 book, which specifically documents how unpopular these post- Armada French campaigns actually were; her subsequent reference to 'Willoughby's zealous Protestant warriors' (79) is ironic since they were nearly wiped out by grim conditions in the field, and the few survivors were terrorized by the regime when they returned home. In more specific terms, Marcus is naive about the supposed Parry Notes 255

conspiracy, basing her views on the often unreliable book on treason by L. Smith. Despite her own recognition that Smith's theoretical approach to 'paranoia' is extremely problematic (222nl5), she un• critically accepts his unlikely discussion of Parry's supposed assas• sination attempt on the queen - almost undoubtedly a conspiracy manufactured by the government. Read affirmed long ago that the secret agent Parry was not only 'on the continent.... Burghley's man' (1925, 2.403), but also one of Walsingham's 'agents' (2.420). A letter written apparently from the Catholic side also confirms this already solid view that Parry had been 'a spy for the Lord Treasurer' (CSP5, 236 no. 74). At least one English commoner was interrogated for saying that Parry 'dyed wffcout cause' (SP 12/178/76). Hicks (61-70) provides a good discussion of the Parry set-up. Marcus also asserts that seditious speakers were 'likely to get off more lightly' after the Armada (71), basing her assertion narrowly on evidence uncovered by Emmison in Essex (233n42), but other historians (e.g. Manning 1980 and 1988) could cite much evidence to argue the contrary. Ex• ecution of sectarians Henry Barrow, John Greenwood, and John Penry in 1593 hardly indicates lenience toward perceived sedition. 78. For the best view of Elizabethan Catholicism see Holmes (1982). For a discussion of Catholic survivalism in relation to a 1591 progress entertainment see Breight (1989b). 79. On the concept of 'circulation' see Greenblatt (1988,1-20). Burghley's murderous parsimony is documented in Part III. 80. See Drabble for an interesting article on how ideas about sixteenth- century religious struggle 'circulate' in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Relevant books by J. Archer, Bossy, MacCaffrey, Plowden, and Wernham (1994) appeared too late to be integrated much into my discussion, but they help to substantiate the need to focus on the surveillance and military capabilities of the Elizabethan state. All these books are useful, but I disagree with MacCaffrey's traditional view of Elizabeth's government as defensive, and scholars should be wary of Plowden's failure to document her claims sufficiently. Other relevant books that I could not dwell on are Helgerson and Sinfield.

Notes to Chapter 1: State Power

1. The historical paradox is replayed annually in a different form in the US State Department's list of 'terrorist' nations, which often overlap with 'terrorist' groups, and are always outgunned by the West. These Third World nations, of course, generate a handful of foreign casu• alties, while a recent US intervention (Iraq, 1991) caused hundreds of thousands of casualties. Academic journals devoted to terror, such as Terrorism and Political Violence and Terrorism (beginning in 1992 en• titled Studies in Conflict and Terrorism), tend to reproduce hegemonic discourse. 2. I use Giddens because his 1985 book helped to provide a framework within which to ponder the rise of the European nation-state in the 256 Notes

sixteenth century. Giddens provides linkages of institutional power, whereas an important predecessor such as McNeill (1982) performs sustained historical analysis of an evolving business of war since AD 1000. I do not exclude 'industrial production' because it failed to exist in Cecilian England. I do so for lack of space and specialized knowledge. I believe that militarism, trade, and naval operations in a suddenly global economy must have driven a sixteenth-century Industrial Revolution parallel in scope and historical consequences to the later, 'real' Industrial Revolution. 3. CSPl, 427. On other surveys see I. Archer (132nl42); and Huntington Library, Ellesmere MS 2514, which gives a total of 7113 'Straingers' in London in 1593. 4. Some of those surveyed may have been among foreigners examined by the Bishop of London 'taken in a search made by the Lord Mayor' (CSPl, 437 no. 50). Note that on 3 October 1571 William Herle asked his spymaster Burghley if he could 'have a grant of the office of Survey of Foreigners, towards whom much vigilance is necessary' (425 no. 34). Numerous documents showing the state's concern with bureaucratic surveys are available, e.g. CSPl, 478-9, 572, and 642. Greenblatt (1990, 140-1) appreciates the significance of surveys and parish records under Henry VIII. 5. See R.B. (428): 'I could wish that the Secretarie should make himself acquainted w[i]th some honest Gentlemen in all the shires, Citties and principall Townes and the affecc[i]on of the Gent[ry]. But let him take heede that he be not to light of creditt, least they abuse him and serve their private turnes.' R.B. is a great source of information for the duties of the Principal Secretary. 6. See also OED for 'intelligentiary/ and 'intelligencing/ used by Chapman in Byron's Conspiracy. (It seems clear that 'intelligence' and at least some of its derivatives were in circulation well before the first examples cited in OED.) The centrality of surveillance in Cecilian England is suggested by the large number of terms denoting covert operators: promoter, projector, delator, spial, espial, etc. See also Dekker, Patient Grissil, for lines on the 'hangman' as a 'necessary member/ since he 'cuts of manie wicked members' (3.1.4-7). 7. T. Wilson (1600), cited by Manning (1984, 216). 8. On the Bond of Association see Cressy 1982. Note that the Bond is anticipated by a 1569 document (CSPl, 334 no. 6), with corrections by Burghley. See also SP 15/21/121, in which the emphasis is more on preserving the state than the queen. 9. On embassies see Mattingly. See J. Archer (1993,126) for Bacon's view that the 'reputation of good intelligence' is more important than good intelligence itself. 10. I. Archer (7 and 217, 76-7, 236). Slack (1980, 7) notes close connec• tions between City and PC in 'regular reports' Burghley 'received from William Fleetwood on problems of government in London.' In 1581 Elizabeth's coach was suddenly 'environed with a nosmber of Rooges,' and so Fleetwood undertook privy searches netting over 100 rogues for persecution (H. Ellis, 283-8). Notes 257

If the 1571 Survey of Foreigners can be trusted to represent con• temporary attitudes, a large number of ordinary people were 'Of no Churche.' These people were also monitored. Alehouse searches organized to capture various malefactors - criminals, rogues, dis• guised priests, and recusants - were also designed to brand drinking- houses as disreputable locales enticing people away from church (P. Clark 1983). Drinking, of course, loosens inhibitions and often facilit• ates sexual activity - most of which is considered 'deviant' behavior by authority-figures, especially religious ones. As Ingram affirms, church courts attempted to exercise wide jurisdiction over 'sins of commission and omission on the part of the laity,' including 'a wide variety of sexual offences' (2-3; see also 5 and 15). Dollimore cites Stone's remark that 'in an adult lifespan of 30 years, an Elizabethan inhabitant of Essex ... had more than a one-in-four chance of being accused of fornication, adultery, buggery, incest, bestiality or bigamy' (1985, 86n6). This kind of surveillance involves subjection and, over time, the modelling of the bourgeois subject (see Stallybrass and White). The English Church was instrumental in promoting religious, political, and sexual conformity through surveillance. The level of statistical effectiveness achieved by ecclesiastical monitoring is almost irrelevant to the intended inducement of fear and obedience among various groups subject to surveillance. Hence the English institution of a State Church armed with its own legal apparatus, even if only partially effective, represents an ideological victory for the forces of discipline and order. Macfarlane's argument on English 'individualism' must be taken seriously by all historians and literary critics, but even if it were the best model his theory would not vitiate the view of surveillance and militarism outlined here. Brenner (1989, 274), arguing against the idea of a 'bourgeois revolution' in England, asserts that capital• ism developed 'within the framework of - and not in contradiction to - aristocratic landlordism.' Disruption in cloth markets may also be a factor, but this is an ongo• ing debate: see Wernham (1966, 185-90) versus Brenner (1993, 6-8). Slack (1988, 44); see also 69 for a comment from the 1580s: 'It is not the poor of London that pestereth the city, but the poor of England.' Discussing major plague outbreaks in London, Finlay and Shearer assert that 'each could accurately be described as a holocaust, so that the continuing ability of the metropolis to increase its size is espe• cially remarkable' (48). An epitome of the difference between my position and that of Read is that while we both cite the blueprint, he transcribes only the 'dis• tresses' whereas I focus on the 'meanes to remedy them.' See Read (1955, 124). See also P. Williams (1979, 74) for incredibly light taxa• tion of the elite under Elizabeth. P. Williams (1979, 140). Some complaints about overpopulation were undoubtedly propagandists arguments to promote colonization (see Andrews 1984, 14, 33-4, 204). But see also Greville on Sidney: 'Sir Philip prophecying... the happy conjunction of Scotland, to these Notes

populous Realms of England & Ireland; foresaw, that if this multitude of people were not studiously husbanded, and disposed, they would rather diminish, than add any strength to this Monarchy. Which danger ... could only by this designe of forrain imploiment, or the peaceable harvest of manufactures at home, be safely prevented' (ed. Smith, 112). Fortescue (142). Beier (1985, 150). See also Canny (1976, 67); S. Ellis (1985, 261); and Hill (20). For a review of Gilbert's 'career' see DNB. See Andrews (1984, 184ff). for Gilbert's atrocities in Ireland and his 'poor performance' in the Netherlands. I disagree, however, with Andrews' assertion that Gilbert's atrocities shocked his contempor• aries - or at least those among the elite. On 6 April 1581 the Lord Deputy of Ireland wrote to Burghley: 'The little service in Munster I cannot altogether excuse; and yet, my lord, there hath been more done than I perceive is conceived. For my part, without it be of some importance, I take no delight to advertise of every common person's head that is taken off; otherwise, I could have certified of a hundred or two of their lives ended since my coming from those parts' (HMC Hatfield, 2.384-5). The decapitation of 100-200 commoners is reported in banal fashion. The letter concludes with references to the 'imper• fections of the bands due to the evil choice of the men sent, and to a pestilent ague prevalent during the whole winter/ and a hope that 'it will soon cease, and that the fresh men to be sent will be main• tained in better state' - both passages indicating that practices to• ward the queen's soldiers themselves were also quite brutal. See also CSP5, 97 no. 61: 'there is 400 more throats cut in Ireland.' See Canny (1976, 122) for a longer quotation from Churchyard on Gilbert's use of the 'lane of heddes ... ad terror em.' On Sir William Gerrard's desire for genocide in Ireland see also 135. Read (1960, 73) asserts that Gilbert's 1572 campaign involved mostly Walloons, 'but with an increasing number of Englishmen.' The idea of a permanent force seems to be anticipated in a 1569 letter to the PC (CSPl, 339 no. 9). Also, on 9 July 1586 it was resolved: '2,000 shot to be trained in London' (CSPl, 338 no. 10). Trained bands without weaponry are useless. See SP 12/175/106 for a recom• mendation that Elizabeth maintain royal armories. Note the writer's conflation of foreign and domestic threats: 'In the time of your Mate most happie government; MS torn] withowt your highnes owne most carefull And wise provisions of Armour in the Beginning of your Mafs reigne, The great masses sente northward, For the Expeling of the frenche owt of Scotland, The like delivered for newhavine, The suppressinge of the Rebells in the northe The continuall Supplies into Ireland and the furnishing of all the countres of Ingland could not possible have bine supplied.' The writer traces the practice of stay• ing well armed to 'the wise kinge your Maties Grandfather K. Henry the viith.' Elizabeth should remain armed 'to be ever in readines for anie suddeine event whatsoever.' See CSP5, 590 no. 110 for rapid deployment after the Essex Revolt: 'there is continual watch and ward day and night in arms in the city. Notes 259

Lytton is here with his trained band of 300 men, and other captains, with some 2,000 from the neighbouring shires.' 20. Manning (1984). Note that jurisdictional conflict between City and Tower authorities continued into James' reign; see Huntington Lib• rary, Ellesmere MS 6221, which specifies that 'by reason whereof, there hath oftentimes tumult, and disorder happened' (dated 13 October 1606). 21. Cruickshank (1966, 290, Appendix 1). There are some possible prob• lems in Cruickshank's figures; a document in CSP5, 227 no. 37 agrees with his totals for only three of the six years from 1594 to 1599. But accurate numbers are impossible to obtain and, anyway, far less important than the general trend of deportation, e.g. 16 per cent of the adult male population of Kent between 1591 and 1602 (Lawson, 115n63). A section in Rouquie entitled 'The Military without Milita• rism: The Birth of the Armed Forces of the State' (61-6, especially 63- 4) provides remarkable analogies for Cecilian militarism in nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Latin America: 'The armies ... drained off the social scum of the country, the unlucky ones who had been taken in the roundups by the recruiting sergeants, the unemployed/ etc. Hence there was a 'large number of desertions/ and 'slavemasters ... sold their slaves to the army as cannon fodder.' 22. Cruickshank (1946,137,19). Haigh (1988,135). Wernham (1988, lxiv- lxv). Finlay (7, Table 1.1). Hale (1985, 202). It is significant that Eliza• bethan impressment was 'a drain greater proportionately than that suffered by Spain over the same period' (Thompson, 27). 23. Boynton (1967, 108). See also letters suggesting tighter control of armories, especially in order to keep weapons away from constables (CSP4,136 no. 73, 207 no. 40; CSP5, 390 no. 26). Contemporary suspi• cion of constables by authorities seems unfounded, according to Kent, who details their connection to the central government, surveillance and military duties, and frequent association with privileged local elites (see 24-5, 30-2, 39-41, 146-51, 175-85, 198-205). 24. See also CSPl, 664 no. 10 for Elizabeth's 'order to deliver up Philip Hart, a condemned criminal remaining in... gaol, to George Carey, Esq., to serve under Capt. John Dowdall, in the wars in Ireland, and not to return to England without express license.' Palliser (381) marshals statistics to argue that Elizabeth was less belligerent than her father, but without discussing the quality of the wars undertaken by each regime. 25. See Bernard (180): 'The formalisation of the lord-lieutenancy in the mid-sixteenth century acknowledged, and reinforced, the social, political and military power of the nobility in their countries: later Tudor and early Stuart rule would be based on noble lieutenants rather than royal intendants.' See also 193: 'Humfrey thought that all countries "staye on the counsaile wit & authority of the nobility" ... "for they be both the eyes and eares of prynces"' (from The Nobles or of Nobilitye, 1563). On land sales see Hale (1985, 251-2); and Outhwaite (1971 and 1985). See CSP5, 438 no. 146, for 'Notes of the entire sums received by sale of Crown lands; total, 212,614/. 15s. 8d.' Notes

Linda Levy Peck affirms that the lieutenancy was not quite a per• manent institution even after 1585, but this does not invalidate my argument. Although Elizabeth allowed certain lieutenancies to lapse in the 1590s, according to Peck, there were still lieutenants in more than half the counties in 1601 (apparently the lowest number was 17 out of 31 counties), and the government could appoint a new lieu• tenant whenever it wished. I would guess that lapses, along with the regime's downscaling of the PC, indicate a desire to concentrate power in fewer hands - clearly another aspect of the centralizing drive. (I learned much from Peck's talk at the session on 'Political Patronage in the Elizabethan Court' during the Folger Shakespeare Library's seminar on 'Court and Culture During the Reign of Elizabeth I: The Last Decade' [4-5 October 1991].) For revocation of lieutenancy com• missions after suppression of the 1569 Rebellion see CSPl, 396 no. 34. See Kohn, (1-2) for suspicion of standing armies some 200 years later in newly independent America. Other 1591 propaganda pamphlets include A Particuler and A Iournall. By the end of the war period other pamphlets functioned quite dif• ferently. See, e.g., Extremities (1602, 3-4) on massive English casualty rates. It should not be surprising that both Spanish and English regimes perceived (or manufactured) international conspiracy to justify aggressive policies, since this is a clever trick engineered by ruling classes in numerous societies throughout history. On Philip's per• ception of an 'international Protestant conspiracy' see Elliott (233). See also Wernham (1966, 242). On earlier provocation of Spain by Drake see Quinn and Ryan (38; also 42-3). A Summarie (1589) details how Drake extorted money from the Spaniards in 1585/6 by attack• ing Santo Domingo in Hispaniola and Cartagena. (I wonder what Drake - not to mention tens of thousands of anonymous adventurers and aspiring minds - would say if informed by modern scholars that Elizabethan England was a vulnerable little country possessing no effective military apparatuses.) It would be ridiculous to argue that every campaign included an intention to sustain heavy casualties, and equally ridiculous to avoid distinctions among campaigns. For example, the regime had much at stake in Scotland in the 1560s. But I am attempting to construct an argument that provides a crucial linkage between foreign policy and domestic instability. See also Beier and Finlay (19): 'Another method of dealing with the poor was to incarcerate vagrants and to send them abroad to foreign wars and the colonies.' For another interesting example of war as profiteering among the privileged see CSP4,283-6, featuring accusations by Sir Gelly Merrick against Sir Anthony Ashley such as: 'he ... said we must and would have wealth in this journey, by whatever means' (283); and on 'being named with others in the commission from the Lords General, - that we should handle the commission for our own benefit; he said "I will make this commission worth a good manor to either of us'" (283-4). Notes 261

Quinn and Ryan (68-9, 56-9, 122, 119). See also 32 and 81-2 for Walsingham's connection to privateering, and 35 for the notion of 'venture capital.' See 78 for the idea that English 'intervention in the Netherlands in a conflict intrinsic to the power patterns of Europe' combined with 'a strike in the Caribbean is a remarkable indication of a global element in English strategic thought.' See also Andrews (1984, 247): 'Privateering was something more than a form of busi• ness. It attracted - indeed consumed - a multitude of poor men, especially poor seamen, who were willing to risk their lives in those ill-conditioned and disease-ridden voluntary ships in the vague hope of booty The tide of maritime violence which had been rising since the middle years of the century reached its height in the nine• ties, when the pressure of population, repeated harvest failure and trade depression combined to magnify poverty and unemployment to proportions England had not known for generations. Privateering probably derived much of its popularity and its disorderly, piratical tendency from this background. Mass poverty meant cheap manning and so promoted the growth of privateering.' I disagree, however, with Andrews' subsequent suggestions that the sea war involved 'voluntary participation' and 'was in some measure a popular move• ment' (248). Economic and other forms of coercion are never volun• tary. Greville gives Sidney's view: 'The stiring spirits sent abroad as fewell, to keep the flame far off The people ... valiant, and multi• plying, apt indifferently to corrupt with peace, or refine with action; and therefore to be kept from rust, or mutiny, by no meanes better than by forrain employments: His opinion being that Ilanders have the air and waters so diversly moving about them, as neither peace, nor war, can long be welcome to their humors, which must therefore be govern'd by the active, and yet steady hand of authority ... be it in traffique, piracie, or war, they are indifferent to wander upon that element; and for the most part apter to follow undertaking chance, than any setled endes in a Marchant-trafhque' (ed. Smith, 78-9). See also Thompson (29). One problem with Parrott's recent challenge to Michael Roberts' thesis of a military revolution (1560-1660) is that he implicitly defines the state as an entity distinct from economic interests. For Spanish views of English operations in the Caribbean see the three volumes compiled by I. A. Wright. She affirms that 'by 1563, the fight between England and Spain was joined on all three fronts: political, economic, and religious' (1929, 9). The idea of exploiting deviants ('prisoners' and 'rogues') was conceived as early as 1497 (New American World, 1.96), but the practice was not extensively institutionalized until Elizabeth's reign. The problem with the idea that the 'most original contribution that Englishmen made to the long-term exploitation of North America in the later sixteenth cen• tury was not so much in action as in discussion' (3.1) is the fact that English (also French and Dutch) depredations against Spanish pos• sessions paved the way for that exploitation. On Marx as 'caught up in the hysteria of naming, the oppressive Notes power to represent' or divide the proletariat from the lumpenpro- letariat, see Stallybrass (1990, 72). I would argue that such an oppress• ive power is a key feature of English state formation. The English prison system is also somewhat of a legacy for former colonies such as Australia and the United States. Witness the 1980s expansion of US incarceration resulting in a prison population of about one million, the highest per capita in the world. Manley (367) mentions 'Defoe's perception that "there are in London, notwithstanding we are a nation of liberty, more public and private prisons, and houses of confinement, than any city in Europe, perhaps as many as in all the capital cities of Europe put together."' Foucault is wrong to consider 'confine• ment ... an institutional creation peculiar to the seventeenth century' (1967, 63). I extrapolate from Beier's fine study (1985, 7-8) to make the begin• nings of a case for connections between ideology and practice. See Slack (1988, 25): 'writers from Thomas Harman onwards dramatized the dangerous rogue.' I would argue that Harman's extended def• initions mark the ideological creation of deviance in negative terms, e.g. 'A KINCHIN CO is a young boy, traden up to such peevish purposes as you have heard of other young imps before, that when he groweth unto years, he is better to hang than to draw forth' (Cony- Catchers, 138). The close connection between 'fictional' and 'real' in Renaissance culture is suggested by Harman's list of rogues (140ff.), 'at least eighteen' of which 'can be found in lists of vagrants in official records' (Slack 1988, 104). See Carroll's fine discussion of 'rogue' materials. Many of the poor also died from plague. Slack (1985) provides the best discussion of plague. Although he seems unwilling to draw hard conclusions, he cites evidence that 'by the middle of the seventeenth century there were even some who welcomed plague as "a broom in the hands of the Almighty with which he sweepeth the most nasty and uncomely corners of the universe".... William Gouge thought God had designed "the poorer and meaner sort" to be the chief vic• tims of plague "because they are not of such use" and "may better be spared". According to Robert Harris, others saw plague as a blessing, because those who died were "of the baser and poorer sort, such whose lives were burdensome, whose deaths are beneficial" to society' (239-40). But this ideology did not just pop up in the mid-seventeenth century. A 1603 pamphlet asserted that' "profitable members of Church or Commonwealth" should take every possible precaution to preserve themselves' by fleeing plague (43; emphasis mine). Ideology was accompanied by practice. Plague Orders dictating policy and devised in 1578 'had no statutory support until 1604; they did not even have a royal proclamation to legitimise them' (209). The keystone of policy was isolation, quarantine, 'incarceration of whole families in infected houses' (211), which increased the rate of infection. Since poor people were by far the most vulnerable to plague, government policy effectively condemned many to death. By 1665 an anonymous writer concluded - 'Infection may have killed its Notes 263

thousands, but shutting up hath killed its ten thousands' (251). As Slack affirms, authorities were primarily concerned with order, not infection. It is hard not to conclude that as ruling classes began to perceive overpopulation in the mid-sixteenth century they saw an opportunity to reduce population through plague policy. (See also especially 283-307.) Riggs (95) writes that a list of 'over 100,000 Londoners' killed by plague in 1665 does 'not include a single mag• istrate, courtier, or wealthy merchant.' On the other hand, Helen Nader informs me that all European governments had a similar policy of quarantine which remained intact throughout the history of plague outbreaks (personal communication, 1 February 1991). CSPl, 139 no. 50 (for other 'Egyptians' see 138 no. 39 and 141 no. 20, suggesting a more extensive search). Kent (219) suspects that 'reports of "all fayre and good"' might sometimes be disingenuous. Lambarde (107,135,171; emphases mine). On Sir John Perrot's geno- cidal recommendation for the Irish 'problem' see E.C.S., preface, 'To the Queenes most Excellent Maiestie.' (Perrot himself was a corrupt captain; see SP 12/78/32.) In late 1990 American newspapers reported that an Argentinian commander was pardoned for his role in death squad activities, but did not reproduce the ruthless mentality lying behind Central and South American fascists and their progenitors: ' "First we will kill all the subversives; then we will kill their collabor• ators; then ... their sympathizers, then ... those who remain indif• ferent; and finally we will kill the timid." - General Iberico Saint Jean, Governor of Buenos Aires, May 1976' (Simpson and Bennett, 66). Langbein (39-41, 162nl41). 'Writing of the near-monthly sessions of gaol delivery, William Smith remarked in 1588: "there is condemned at one sessions, 30, 40, 50, yea sometymes 60 parsons, besydes those that are burned in ye hand & quitt by proclamacion of which par• sons so condemned there is executed in one day 20 or 30 & I have knowne 36 at a tyme to suffer And within a moneth after peradven- ture as many more." This was, we should not forget, probably the bloodiest period in the history of the English criminal law, and the lessons of order were regularly articulated' (I. Archer, 237). See Barker, (165-85) for a grim discussion of execution statistics. The 'resulting figures are as follows: 24,147.4 men and women hanged; 516.21 pressed to death, and 11,440.52 dead in gaol; or, on average at least 371.5 were put to death by hanging, 7.94 were killed by the peine forte et dure and a further 176 probably died in gaol in each and every one of the 65 years of the reigns of Elizabeth and James' (178). Early in the colonial enterprise (1618-22) the Virginia Company had the grim idea to colonize by means of vagrant children, a practice which some of the children themselves resisted. The Company needed live bod• ies, the City of London had a vagrancy problem, so the Company provided what it thought was a logical solution. Curiously enough, the City was sometimes reluctant and even displayed signs of bene• volence, but the crucial moment occurred after the 1622 'massacre' of English settlers. The City moved quickly to send 100 boys to Vir• ginia. As we might expect, survival rates for these children were not 264 Notes

high. Available statistics indicate that less than 10 percent of the boys survived to adulthood, and rates for girls were probably similar but difficult to determine given change of surname at marriage. All in all, however, the Company was largely frustrated in its desire to export a cheap labor force to Virginia not because of governmental benevolence but apathy about the fate of Virginia. Inside the Com• pany the characteristic attitude was ruthlessly pragmatic, but it must not be supposed that Sir Edwin Sandys' plea in the House of Com• mons failed to reflect a more general ruling-class ideology: 'Never... was there a fairer gate opened to a nation to disburden itself nor better means by reason of the abundance of people to advance such a plantation' (Johnson, 150, etc.). See also Manning (1988, 29). 39. Langbein (33-6). Beier (1985, 164). (Giddens and Beier give different dates for the establishment of Bridewell, but it is sufficient to note that both dates are in the 1550s.) Beier (1985, 14, 165, 167). Langbein (83). Sir Thomas Smith is lying when he claims that 'torment... is not used in England' (117). 40. See DoUimore (1986, 60): 'we are mistaken if we think that deviancy exists outside of the dominant order. Though socially marginal the deviant remains discursively central: though an outcast of society s/ he remains indispensable to it... the process of identifying and demonizing deviance may be "necessary" to maintaining social or• der, either in the sense that deviancy poses an actual threat, or that it is perceived as threatening, or that a prevailing authority is able to relegitimate itself through that process of identifying and demonizing deviance.' See Rich (1587) for an example of military classifications. Oman (373) implies creation of such classes; and Genster (790-1) seems close to this idea. See SP 12/54/17 for a list of military classes. Rouquie (64-6) provides later Latin American analogies, focusing on the 'enormous gap between the officers and the enlisted men/ and noting the importance of 'professionalization.' On capital and coercion see Tilly (1990, especially 16-28). See Quinn and Ryan (51): 'during the peace years of Edward VI's reign, royal ships were chartered to mercantile syndicates, with which naval officials were prominently associated, for trading ventures.' 41. On sacrifice of tenants during the 1589 Portugal Expedition see Chapter 5. 42. Rappaport's archival research is impressive, but see I. Archer, passim, for a relentless destruction of his thesis. Beier (1985,21-2). Rappaport (160). Beier (1985,16-17). Beier (1989, 227) affirms that between 1500 and 1640 'real wages declined by 46 per cent for urban building- craftsmen, and 50 per cent for agricultural labourers.'

Notes to Chapter 2: Manifestations of State Power

1. OED gives the first usage of 'statesman' in 1592; Jonson, Epicoene, 2.2.108, coins 'stateswoman' as a comic term in 1609. Notes 265

See L. Smith (209-10) on Essex's involvement in the so-called Lopez Plot. For Essex's intelligence-gathering see du Maurier (118,127, and 153); and Hammer (288-95; also his forthcoming book on Essex). See Hurstfield (1973,104-34) for 1590s factional conflict between Essex and the Cecils. Near the time of Walsingham's death Burghley received a letter from Sir John Smythe which indicates how powerful men like Burghley received information. I reproduce the letter because it reveals this process and also obliquely discloses the paranoia of privileged people when confronted by the possibility of a dangerous situation. Smythe is silently asking himself - is this a potentially treasonous occurrence? am I being set up? See BL MS Lansdowne 66, 189: 'Right honorable myne humble duetie to yor Lordshipe remembred I receaved this day at thandes of one George Kratson servaunte as he sayth to one Mr John Arundell, who is prisoner as he saith in St Catherins the letter hereinclosed, wth a vearie phatasticall pamphlet, wch for so farre as I did reade, for I have not read it thorough, I could not understande to what ende it did leade, and because that both letter and Pamphlet are unto me Arabick, and the gentleman hym selfe is unto me utterlie unknowen, and that it hath ben alwayes hitherunto my custome not to meddle neither wth men nor matters that I may have any suspicon or doubte of, although he may be vearie honest for any thinge that I have hearde or do knowe of hym. Yet I thought it vearie convenient to sende them both unto Yor Lp fo[r] you to consider of, and would presentlie have brought them unto yor Lp. my selfe, had it not ben that this day before the receipte of the letter and Pamphlet I had taken phisicke, and there• fore might not go oute of my chamber, But to morrowe, god willinge I will waite uppon yor Lp. sometyme in the day, as well to have yor opynion of this, as also of other matters that I am to ymparte unto yor Lp. And thus most humblie takinge my leave, I wishe unto yor Lordeshipe longe liefe and health wth much increase of honor. From the black Friers this xxth of Marche 1590.' On Thurloe see Aubrey. On nostalgia see Barton (1981). (These seventeenth-century nostalgic books are cited only in the text.) See the editors' introduction to The Thomas Paine Reader (20), for Paine's denunciation of governmental 'mystery' in revolutionary America. See Greville on Walsingham: 'This man ... upheld both Religion and State, by using a policy wisely mixt with reflexions of either. He had influence in all Countries, & a hand upon all affairs' (ed. Smith, 30). CSP3, 255-63, passim; 279 no. 38, 283 no. 50; 294 no. 88, 309 no. 16, 313 no. 32, 315 no. 40. See also CSP5, 10 no. 23 for a priest's letter to Cecil from Gatehouse prison: 'I find it written in the fore front of vindicative justice that no man be punished, especially with death, before trial and judgment; 18 weeks have passed since by your com• mission I have been closed within four walls, and buried alive (for life without the use of it may better be termed a burial or a death than a life), without examination or sentence. Pray give order that my cause may be tried, and if by law I deserve death, let me rather die once, than every day die a new death. If I cannot obtain so much, Notes let me enjoy that liberty of prison which is granted to common prisoners, and not lie thus rotting in a corner.' (Compare 140 no. 32.) Also, the regime did not hesitate to torment mere boys. See CSP3, 204 no. 108 for Nicholas Mickley's complaint that he has been imprisoned 'in such a place that it were better for him to be dead.' He is identified as a boy in 197 no. 85. CSP3, 357 no. 38; 449 no. 104, 463 no. 30, 469 no. 41. There is some confusion over the identification of Dingley under another alias (Dr Younger) in CSP, but given the cryptic nature of espionage documents the confusion matters less than how these documents reveal the machinations of intelligence operations. See also a warrant of 1 February 1589/90, in which five men were tortured, for its command to isolate prisoners: 'And no person to resort to any of them But Mr Richard Topclyff and Mr Richard Younge who is appoynted to Examen them and to procide furder wth them according to direction gyven to them by the LLs' (SP 12/230/57). Another case unavailable in Langbein's table involves Robert Faux and one 'Brownell... so sick that they cannot deal with him until he waxes stronger' (CSP3, 297 no. 93). An interesting case of multi- faceted torture abroad involves Richard Hooper, who was examined by (among others) Matthew Sutcliffe, another all-purpose henchman of the regime. He was apparently first tortured by means of the 'Scavenger's Daughter' (for a description of this device see Heath, 191): 'the provost sayth he endured the torment of irones his head and k[nees; MS damaged] brought together wth his handes under• neath the space of 4 houres [damaged] protesting and crying out it was not his fact' (BL MS Galba C XI, 209). He was physically tortured again, and then psychologically distressed by threats of execution. (This manuscript is partially burned, but mostly legible.) Some people knew that the regime appreciated inducing domestic terror regarding prisons among Catholics. On 21 November 1582, Thomas Nicholas wrote to Burghley from Marshalsea prison: 'The bearer hereof is the printer that printed the little treatise of "Caesar and Pompeius," which I presented to the right honourable Lady Anne, Countess of Oxford; and he it is that hath spent some money to print that little pamphlet which I sent to your Honour at Windsor, touching the "Monastical life in the Abbey of Marshalsea." The thing will terrify all the papists in England. If it seem convenient to your Honour it may please you to permit him to have the printing thereof (HMC Hatfield, 2.534-5). For a Catholic view of torture practices, in Latin and with illustrations, see Verstegan (1587). As late as 1979, Bellamy could assert that 'torture has suffered from almost total neglect in recent study of the Tudor period' (120), which suggests how Elizabethan historiography has avoided realpolitik. Hanson's article on torture is valuable, although focused more on what she calls 'epistemological' than 'repressive' concerns. Shaw (495-509). On the content of the 'bloody questions' see McGrath (1991). Note that Norton's view of war as disburdenment of excess population is given in another paper for Walsingham entitled 'Of the Notes 267

v periodes of 500 yeares/ Commenting on the Norman conquest, he mentions 'the Sinnes of the Princes and people provoking God to send a needie popelus nation that were burdenous to their owne contrie to come and seeke habitacion conquest glorie and riches' (Shaw, 503). 12. Bornstra's claim of secret service work seems confirmed in a letter to Walsingham dated 20 May 1588 (CSPF 1586-8, 624). See Andrews (1964, 42) for a negative contemporary reference to 'Captain Barne- strawe' as 'fitter to drink ale than to be a captain.' 13. See Breight (1990, 25). See also Charles Bailly's 26 April 1571 letter to the Bishop of Ross: 'Reporting his examination by Burghley and the Lord Chamberlain. Burghley was very severe, and threatened that if they did not cut off his head they would cut off his ears' (HMC Hat field, 1.496). Bailly was subsequently tortured on the rack (1.496-7), although Burghley (and Leicester) apparently made the typical claim that 'the handling was not so rigorous as is reported.' 14. See Quintrell, and for entries on disarming in 1585 see CSPl, 248 no. 46 and 297 no. 82. 15. See Breight (1989a). When writing this essay I suspected that the Hacket affair was a covert operation designed to discredit Presbyter• ian ministers imprisoned since 1590 and currently undergoing trial, but I did not then realize the extent and frequency of Cecilian covert operations. Many historians who mention this incident misreport it by claiming that Hacket proclaimed himself the Messiah in London. Actually he was pronounced thus by his two supposed 'prophets/ Edmund Copinger and Henry Arthington. Copinger died mysteri• ously in prison, while Arthington was eventually released after be• coming a governmental apologist (both fates suggesting a covert operation). See also the regime's demonization of other sectarian groups, e.g. the Family of Love, a group sympathetic to Catholicism and extensively investigated about the same time as the new crack• down on Catholics c. 1580 (Moss, 47-54). 16. Bellamy (37, 47, 48, 69). The fundamental importance of treason as a concept and treason legislation is suggested by Leigh's recent art• icle arguing for modern reform of the 1352 Act. Leigh is inexplicably silent about major innovations in treason law under Henry VIII and Elizabeth. For Henry VIII's reign see Elton. Van Patten (32) disap• pointingly concludes that 'expansion of the treason laws in the reign of Henry VIII may be seen more as a symbolic response to a sym• bolic challenge, rather than as the precursor to modern totalitarian• ism/ thereby trivializing a major development in the solidification of state power through 'law.' 17. Bellamy (94,96-100,109-21,142,146,147-50,150ff., 160,161,169-73). Another 'value' of treason is suggested in a 17 June 1584 letter from Walsingham to Burghley: 'Has shewn Her Majesty the note of the lands growing by the attainder of Arden and Somervyll. She desires a note of the lands of Lord Pagett, Charles Arundell and Charles Paget, as also such lands as are grown unto her by the attainder of Francis Throckmarton' (CSPl, 182 no. 35). Notes

On Enslow Hill see Walter, but beware of his commentary and conclusions. Collins (77) argues that Lambarde's Eirenarcha marks a shift in notions about secular law, claiming that the objective of JPs was to 'suppresse iniurious force and violence, mooved against the person, his goods, or possessions.' Lambarde also emphasized that 'Peace' meant 'not an uniting of mindes, but a restraining of handes.' Analogous dramatic examples abound. See the trial scene in Dekker, The Famous History of Sir Thomas Wyat (444ff.). See Dekker, Old Fortunatus (163ff.) for spies and torture at the English court. See Rollo, Duke of Normandy (43) for a 'peaching rogue/ i.e. informer. See The Three Parnassus Plays (291ff.) for espionage references, e.g. 'state-prying fellows' (291). See Marston, The Insatiate Countess, for an amazing 'justice' scene (4.1). See Middleton and Dekker, The Roaring Girl, for Sir Alexander's instruction to his spy, Trapdoor: 'Twist thou but the cords / To catch her; I'll find law to hang her up' (1.2.230ff.). Boynton (1962, 440, 442). On martial law in Ireland - but problem• atically viewed as 'freedom from the traditional restraints of English society' (82) - see Canny (1976,99ff.). Langbein (109,113). See BL MS Harleian 292,168-74, undated but dateable to 1599 on internal evid• ence, for information on how Burghley divided Ireland into 'Sheers' and then appointed 'Sheriffs and other Officers to mynister both Lawe and Justice amongest the multitude/ resulting in 'The verrie name of a sheriff most hatfull to the Irishe' (169r). The MS continues by detailing how corrupt these officials were. Spenser, View, describes martial law violence in Ireland. See A very's citation of Spenser on relentless local surveillance in England as commendable for Ireland too (274), as well as Avery's conclusion: 'Spenser's text... reveals not only the cruelty of English colonial domination in Ireland, but also suggests that the same structure of surveillance and control might hold and contain the English within their own well-mapped borders. For Elizabeth's Council, this must have made it a very dangerous explanation of state policy indeed' (276-7). I would only add that the strategy had already been implemented. See also Cavanagh (34-5 and 49n31) for 'terror' quotes from Spenser. Boynton (1962, 441). Capua provides additional information about martial law under Edward VI and Mary, and asserts that the 'divorce of martial law from tempus belli was well under way' before the accession of Elizabeth (165). There is some evidence to support this view, but my point is that the Cecilian regime refined and augmented the office of provost marshal to a degree well beyond anything attempted at the end of Mary's reign. The newness of the provost marshal as an authority emanating from the central government, and hence treading on local privilege and power, is indicated in Lambarde's 1591 speech to Quarter Sessions. He laments the need for this office not because it is harsh but because it makes local authorities appear remiss in their duty to repress deviants: 'why hath the Queen's Majesty and her Council now presently brought in Notes 269 amongst us (to our no less shame than charge) this new invention of provost marshal to rake our rogues together but only because they are compelled thus to correct the slothfulness of jurors ...?... Now truly, considering that not only every town and parish but also each borough and hamlet of houses with us hath a peculiar officer resid• ent therein, whose authority in this part is equal with the power of the provost marshal, there is no doubt but that, if either such officers would do their duties, or if good inquests would present their omis• sions and defaults, we should be able of ourselves to rid us of all that vermin much sooner than could twenty provost marshals, were they never so diligent and well bestowed' (107). Boynton (1962, 442-3). There is a certain continuity among lieuten• ancy commissions issued under Edward, Mary, early Elizabeth, and late Elizabeth (Thomson, Appendix B), but those issued beginning in 1585 reproduce the harsh order issued near the end of Mary's reign: 'and to do, execute and use against the said enemies, traitors, rebels and such other like offenders and their adherents as necessity shall require by your discretion the law called the martial law... and of such offenders apprehended or being brought in subjection, to save whom you shall think good to be saved, and to slay, destroy and put to execution of death such and as many of them as you shall think meet by your discretion to be put to execution of death' (Thomson, 154). See TRP no. 441. On proclamations of martial law see Youngs. For certificates see CSPl (418ff.). The 1569 Rebellion helped lead to the harsh 1572 statute against vagabonds (Slack 1988, 124). In addi• tion to Fletcher's citations see James (270-307). See Burghley's post-rebellion note: 'It is necessary that ye lands of ye Rebells be dispersed by sale and gift to ye good subiects that therby they may in respect of the lands become more ernest servants to ye Q Maty ageynst the Rebells' (SP 12/66/45). Burghley's execution order for the Rebellion is typical of the regime's economic considera• tions - i.e. confiscation of traitors' lands - yet thus revelatory about the close connections between militarism and money. On the phe• nomenon of fomenting Irish rebellion in order to seize wealth see Canny (1976, 81-3), and for the 1579 Desmond rebellion Brady (311). For an order to torture imprisoned rebels to acquire the names of other rebels see SP 15/15/138. Manning (1977,35-6) provides a larger context for the mass executions of 1569 by citing similar measures in 1536-7 and 1549, the first involving a smaller number and the second a larger number of probable executions in the aftermath of rebellion. S. Ellis (1981, 513) points out the 'significant difference between the 178 executions in ... 1536-7 and the rather larger number for which Elizabeth was responsible following the much less dangerous North• ern Rising of 1569/ but I disagree with his 'rule of law' conclusion (531). Like nearly all historians, he does not seem to recognize that the regime was out to terrorize all Catholic opposition. Northern English Catholicism was crushed in a single operation, and it is unsurprising that there were no more Elizabethan rebellions of this type. Similarly, Spaniards at Kinsale in 1601 received little support 270 Notes

from Irish in Munster because of ruthless English retribution after the failed Desmond rebellion two decades earlier (Silke, 21-2). 26. CSP7, 135 no. 73, 169 no. 132, 177 no. 3; see also 178ff., 218 no. 64. 27. Collinson (150-1). For further information on Birchet see Bowler (358). See also CSPl, 98 no. 32 and 99 no. 46.1 for Mary's use of martial law against Robert Cockerell, 'who died blasphemously.' 28. Boynton (1962, 444). On the history of English drinking establish• ments and especially the anxiety they produced among ruling classes, see P. Clark (1983). 29. See also no. 740, pronounced on 5 November 1591. 30. Beier (1985, 94, 153, 57). 31. Manning (1988, 203). See no. 725. 32. Manning (1988, 208-10). Walter, passim. For later martial law procla• mations see also no. 796 and no. 809, the latter occasioned by the Essex Revolt. See also CSP5, 291 no. 40 and 295 no. 48 for additional interesting entries on the provost marshal. In the first entry it ap• pears that a provost marshal is recommended by the Council for Cornwall as a way to control the military assembly of 1000 men, but in the second there is an expansion of the order and an infringement on some official's jurisdiction: 'Upon receipt of your letter, with the Council's orders to you for a provost marshal to be appointed for civil government, in regard of the great length of the shire, and that these parts are full of dangerous rumour-spreaders, vagrants, and idle persons, we have appointed a provost marshal in each divi• sion, whereby Mr. Harris thinks himself wronged, and his patent impeached.' 33. CSPl, 447 no. 61; CSP3, 282 no. 45; 302-3 no. 119. 34. Boynton (1962,454n7). For an additional brief discussion of the prov• ost marshal see A. Hassell Smith (130-3). Note that even Jonson's comic dismissal of the provost marshal's potency serves equally well to indicate common knowledge of the office's existence and intended function, not to mention the desperate state of ex-soldiers: 'He had so writhen himself into the habit of one of your poor infantry, your decayed, ruinous worm-eaten gentlemen of the round; such as have vowed to sit on the skirts of the city, let your provost and his half- dozen of halberdiers do what they can' (Every Man in his Humour, 3.2.215-19 [p. 141]). Jonson's original quarto version of this play, set in Florence rather than London, reads 'Disparviews' instead of 'in• fantry.' According to the editor, Disparviews='beggars.' Thus Jonson easily shifts, ideologically speaking, from Italian beggars to English cashiered soldiers. In an undated manuscript endorsed 'Concerninge Roges & the poore' (Huntington Library, Ellesmere MS 2524), the writer reveals another level of abuse that affected itinerant families. Upon capture and interrogation, if husband and wife are from separ• ate counties, nevertheless 'the husband ys sentt to the paryshe whear he was borne, the wyffe separated and sentt to the plasse of hear byrthe, thear chyldren to the plasses of thear byrthe, (although the[y] be under vii yeares of age) so as thear ys separation of the hus• band from the wyfe, and the chyldren from thear parenttes.' This is Notes 271

especially oppressive because 'manye of thos Roges have habytatyo- nes and dwellynge howsses for wch the[y] pay yearlye rentt, and yett do wander abrode as many petie chappemen, and Leave thear wyves and chyldren at thear howsses.' (See SP 12/153/17, Item 5, which seems to be the origin of this practice, 24 April 1582.) Hence beyond family fragmentation caused by militarism abroad, mere attempts at legitimate domestic survival could also shatter families. Amussen's citation of Gouge's view of 'the family as a "little common• wealth ... a school wherein the first principles and grounds of government and subjection are learned"' (200) is well taken, but in this context it appears as though some of the poor were not even allowed to retain their own little commonwealths. 35. Manning (1980, 101). Manning claims that Edward Coke 'seems to have played a not inconsiderable part in the enunciation of the doc• trine of sedition' (117). (It is almost frightening to reflect on just how much power Coke exercised in decisive developments centering on treason, protest, rebellion, torture, and sedition, crafting 'laws' that affect institutions and discursive practices even today.) Manning comments: 'The governors of Tudor and Stuart England greatly feared the social unrest that they perceived, and were only too glad to be armed with a weapon with which to fight a growing political aware• ness among the people' (120). 36. Patterson (1984,18). Dutton (46 and 15-16). See also 93-4 for disable• ment occasioned by mere existence of 'tacit censorship.' (Note that Dutton makes his case on the basis of self-admittedly dodgy evid• ence.) See also Clare. Yachnin, passim. On persecution of writers see R. Adams. It is important to realize that Elizabeth's mere image was officially regulated (Strong, 12-15). From the very outset of the reign there was elite consciousness of political discourse as concrete threat: 'In a letter to Lord Bacon in 1559 Matthew Parker wrote of Christopher Goodman's How Superior Powers Ought to be Obeyed, "if such principles be spread into men's heads, as now they be framed, and referred to the judgment of the subject to discuss what is tyranny, and to discern whether his prince, his landlord, his master, is a tyrant, by his own fancy and collection supposed; what Lord of the council shall ride quietly minded in the streets among desperate beasts? What minister shall be sure in his bed chamber"' (Danner, 61). See also Cruz and Perry (ix-xxiii) on the Spanish Inquisition punishing 'intel• lectual crime/ an analogy to the English development of sedition and treason by words. See Roelker (62) for information that the 'London book trade was organized for the first time in 1557 when the crown established the Company of Stationers, granting its members certain privileges, imposing regulations, and claiming a share of the profits.'

Notes to Chapter 3: Cultures of Surveillance 1. Many espionage films have a Renaissance component, even if sche• matic. In Condor the man behind the lunch counter, Jimmy, greets 272 Notes

Turner: 'Hey Shakespeare, how's it goin'?' Later Turner, alluding to Hamlet, tells Higgins that 'Somebody or something is rotten in the company.' See also The Amateur (1982), a Cold War film in which an intelligence chief behind the 'Iron Curtain' gives an academic lecture on Elizabethan ciphers, arguing that Francis Bacon wrote Shake• speare's plays. In The Whistle Blower (1987), the grand revelation seems to occur in Hatfield House; the camera pans across a wall displaying what appears to be a portrait of Cecil. 2. For example, see Patriot Games (1992), starring Harrison Ford, in which the Irish Republican Army is made to look rather ruthless and crude in contrast to civilized and high-tech Anglo-Americans. But even when the Irish go high-tech for the final assassination attempt they are still defeated by Anglo-American know-how. 3. Another film, Sneakers (1992) - featuring Robert Redford (Martin) and Ben Kingsley (Cosmo) as computer geniuses who become enemies after Cosmo is arrested and Martin escapes during a college computer prank - contains interesting dialogue by Cosmo: 'There's a war out there, old friend. A world war. And it's not about bullets. It's about who controls the information. What we see and hear. How we work. What we think. It's all about the information.' 4. See Andrews (1978); Kaplan and Pease (eds); and Said. 5. Rowse's bald statement that Allen and Persons 'were both, in the precise meaning of the word, traitors - and traitors in time of war, aiding and abetting their country's enemies with all their power' (28) is an astonishing anachronism. 6. For example, no. 561, 577, 580, 598, 612, 642, 667, 672, 699, 709, 810. See Allen (1583, 20v and 29v). Morey (89) writes that the 'govern• ment took drastic steps' to prevent circulation of Allen (1584). Mary's regime also censored publications (e.g. nos 422 and 443), but to a much lesser extent. 7. Read (1955 and 1960), passim. 8. Southern (ix), makes the key point in his preface that unlike their Protestant counterparts, the Catholic authors he describes have been virtually ignored in 'histories of English literature.' The suppression of Catholic discourse for centuries could thus be seen as an offshoot of relentless censorship of oppositional discourse throughout most of Elizabeth's reign. See Southern, passim, especially 3-43. A good example of ongoing suppression is Sandra Clark; although she claims in her preface that she is not dealing with 'religious or political controversy' but instead 'moralistic pamphlets' (9), she clearly over• looks the possibility that among the more than 200 Catholic books published during Elizabeth's reign there might be something that could be termed 'moralistic' She does, however, include some dis• cussion of anti-Catholic passages in Protestant pamphlets (e.g. 187 and 189-90). 9. Read (1913, 34). In this early article Read argues at length that despite Walsingham's promotion to government by Burghley he joined Leicester's faction at court. The argument is problematic because Read relies too much on foreign observers. Also, Read argues Notes 273

that Leicester's war party controlled conciliar appointments from 1573 to 1586 (41), but then claims that 'down to ... 1585 Burghley and his followers had so far prevailed in the privy council as to keep England from open war' (54). But if Leicester controlled the PC up to this time, why did he not push through his supposedly aggressive policies earlier than 1585? And if Burghley added three conservative cronies to the PC in 1586 (40), why did England continue annual military operations for the rest of the reign? Burghley, Leicester, and Walsingham all shared hostility to Catholicism, and it was beneficial to spread rumors about factionalism at court to deceive enemies. John Le Carre, cited by Nicholl at the front of his book. See Breight (1993, 35-6) for a summary of Pollitt (1983). Although throughout this book I emphasize the Cecilian apparatus, note that Catholic intelligence-gathering was substantial. Pamphlets suggest that exiles rapidly received information from England on issues such as legislation (e.g. Persons 1593, 20v-21r). My argument below on Marlowe's double agency or even defection relies on the notion that Catholics needed operatives inside England and had resources to pay them. But since Catholic discourse is suppressed in modern scholarship it is hard to discover how their networks operated. See Loomie (52-93) and F. Edwards (1984) on Hugh Owen. See CSP3, 158-9 no. 138 for a report to the PC 'on the condition of Lancashire and Cheshire/ two remote northern counties long associated with Catholicism. The anonymous informant testifies to Catholic counter-espionage against the regime, and recommends the usual exemplary punishment: 'The recusants have spies about the Commissioners, to give intelligence when anything is intended against them, and some of the bailiffs attending upon the Commissioners are entertained for that purpose, so that the recusants may shift out of the way, and avoid being apprehended; some example ought to be made of the bailiffs, as a terror to others.' See also CSP5, 321-2 no. 112: even Thomas Cecil complained to his brother that he had so many spies on his proceedings that he could trust only one man. Read (1925, 2.318-19). Additional contradictions occur on 320-1, and Read's very language should lead us to conclude that he is not quite sure how to handle the material, e.g.: 'And there were some others [i.e. spies]. But who these men were or how long they served, or indeed whether or not they were actually a part of Walsingham's secret service at all, it is impossible to say' (321). Recruitment of most spies, I suspect, was similar to what occurs in poor countries today. Discussing penetration of communist parties in Latin America, Agee claims that 'recruitment is easier to the degree that members of the party are forced to live in penury, and this generally corresponds to the overall level of a country's economic development. A communist in La Paz will be more likely to spy for money than a communist in Paris' (59). In Cecilian England the majority of agents whom the government sought to 'turn/ as well as 'loyal' Englishmen convert• ible to spies, lived in penury. The regime thus possessed a potentially huge number of human 'assets' susceptible to economic motivation. Notes

On espionage by Whitgift as Bishop of Worcester and his corres• pondence with Walsingham see Dawley (129-30). For Whitgift's use of the former Ecclesiastical Commission as a Court of High Com• mission, 'emancipated from control by the Privy Council' in the 1580s, arrogating to itself 'censorship of the press/ oath-taking, imposition of 'fines and sentences of deprivation and imprisonment' see 164. The Commission's use of the ex officio oath beginning in May 1584 to enforce conformity among ministers (167) coincides with the notorious Bond of Association. (See J. E. Neale 1958, 22, for a definition of the ex officio oath; also Read 1960,295-8.) Apparent opposition to Whitgift by most of the PC at this time (Dawley, 168ff.) should not preclude us from seeing how institutional instruments of the regime comple• mented rather than contradicted each other at this key historical juncture. Moreover, I do not believe that this reputed opposition ran very deep - if it existed at all. While searching for 1950s criticism on Marlowe I ran across a British communist journal, Comrade, and in flipping haphazardly through one issue I discovered a passage that could be used to characterize Cecilian domestic surveillance. In a section entitled 'Home from the Holidays/ Kathleen Greaves went 'Behind a Curtain' to Budapest, and in conversation with agricultural workers reported this exchange: 'A mention of Police State from us brought the quick rejoinder, "In Hungary everybody is a policeman". ... We laughed and understood that any plotters had the whole population on the watch' (Comrade 8 (1950), 179). See also refer• ences to different types of intelligence-gathering in James Shirley, The Traitor, 1.2. In February 1585/6 William Randall of Ipswich informed Walsingham and Hatton about 'speeches and prophecies of Jane Stanlie ... of the reappearance of King Edward VI,' and about 'Mantell the traitor, who was to personate King Edward' (308 no. 91). Collins or Collen, another man apparently involved in uncovering the 'conspiracy/ later wrote to the PC asking for a reward - 'a licence as a free victualler for 21 years, or a licence to transport 400 tuns of beer/ or forty pounds in cash (315 no. 62). CSP5, 378-9 no. 10, 379 no. 11, 380-1 no. 16,170 no. 60. Other docu• ments indicating intelligence operations around York are, for example, 188 no. 99, 200-1 no. 120, 210-11 no. 9, 232 no. 70, and 233 no. 71. On Ingleby as an exile and Spanish pensioner see Loomie (252). The phenomenon of the 'search' occurs on numerous levels throughout the country. Organized searches for recusants outside London con• stituted only one type of 'search' for disaffected people. The regime was quite capable of orchestrating a massive search of London organized through aldermen, sheriffs, justices, and trusted hench• men like Richard Topcliffe and Ralph Rokeby. Some fourteen docu• ments dated 27 August 1584 (CSPl, 198-9, passim) indicate that the government ordered a coordinated search of papists' houses and other suspected locations. The value of mounting such a search lay not only in what could be netted but in demonstrating to the London population that it was vulnerable to summary search, seizure, Notes 275

and arrest. The government organized these searches not only for papists and their artefacts, but also for the poor. A document dated April 1586 contains 'Instructions for a private search to be made of all inns, taverns, and victualling houses in London and Westminster, for the arrest of all rogues, vagabonds, and masterless men, and others vehemently suspected of evil life, to be committed to prison without bail or mainprize' (324 no. 54). Searches for recusants probably grew out of Tudor attempts to monitor the poor. As Beier affirms, 'national [search] campaigns were seemingly first instituted under the Tudors/ although 'regular swoops' were not mandated until 1610. The first national search for which we have limited documentation began in 1569, undoubtedly in association with the Northern Rebel• lion. Orders from Devon reproduced by Beier indicate how a search worked. In this case eleven bands of searchers, 'each headed by a captain and numbering 125 men in all... ranged beyond parish bounds in the manner of provost-marshals' (1985, 155). The search discloses how surveillance and militarism overlapped in Cecilian England. For additional search entries see, for example, CSPl, 35 no. 10,135 no. 14,165 no. 27, 363 no. 53, and 633 no. 26. See also 296 no. 68 for an interesting surveillance proposal: 'Propositions for the erection of an office for administering the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy to all passengers going abroad, and at the admission of new tenants at Court Leets, and on succession to property.' 16. A tiny elite knit together by patronage was paradoxically compelled often to trust its own members even as monitoring occurred inside the elite itself. But members of the elite put little confidence in dis• posable agents produced by a declining economy and a burgeoning university system. An example of just how tiny the elite was can be seen in documents compiled around 1598 and transcribed by P. Williams (1983, 281-6), which record 'fifty-four "principal gentlemen of value and service that have been and are usually at court"... twenty-three noblemen who have served in war or held office ... and ... 272 "principal gentlemen that dwell usually in their counties"' (268). 17. CSPl, 58 no. 5. Most further citations of this volume by page and entry number in this section. For reasons of space I focus heavily on CSPl, but note that there are countless additional entries on surveil• lance in subsequent volumes of CSP. 18. See also Burghley's memoranda in CSPl, 117 no. 3. 19. See Quintrell. See also CSPl, 656 no. 46: in 1590 Deputy Lieutenants of Essex wrote to Burghley detailing 'names of the Recusants restrained in February 1587-8, by whom and to what places.' 20. See also CSPl, 64 no. 75, which indicates that the regime even had an 'Inventory of books belonging to various Papists.' See also CSPl, 703 no. 129: 'Names of Papists, informed of by Alex. Stringer, who are about to return into England from France/ and 'The names of certain persons having their sons beyond sea, brought up in foreign seminaries; also of such as are receivers of Papists, and the shires and places of their dwelling.' Notes

CSP6, 225 no. 82 and 231 no. 91. It is ironic that Read (1913, 39-40) puts Lincoln in Burghley's so-called faction. See also F. Edwards' argument that Norfolk was similarly betrayed by his servant Barker, who was terrorized by threats of torture (1968, passim, especially Chapter 3). In the cases of both Norfolk and Lincoln hidden letters were conveniently found by servants in their chambers. Read (1925, 2.320). It is necessary to note that we are likely to pos• sess a mere fraction of contemporary espionage letters, attributable to the wisdom of destroying incriminating documents. Ironically, we make this deduction on the basis of instructions like the one next to William Parry's signature in a letter to Charles Paget: 'Burne' (SP 12/168/23). For non-anonymous informations and advertisements of various kinds see CSPl, 142 no. 83, 289 no. 59, 343 no. 11-12 (and 299 no. 105), 351 no. 17-18, 427 no. 58 and 61, 709 no. 22. Offers to spy for the government/Walsingham are also numerous, e.g. 434 no. 4 and 553 no. 38. See also 469-70 no. 34 for the 'Examination of Francis Nevell... lately returned from the Low Countries.... His speeches to Tho. Leaper and Tho. Wood of the great preparations for wars; that King Edward was still living in Spain or France, and that the Earl of Arundel was next heir to the throne.' This is an interesting analogue to the episode involving Peter's accusation of Thomas for claiming that the Duke of York was heir to the crown in Shakespeare's 2 Henry VI. A few examples of reports against commoners are worth noting. On Thomas Bales, a butcher: 'The effect of his woordes are, that the Erie of Leic. kepeth her maiestie. That the Erie of Bedd. is an heretique, the Lorde keper, the Erie of Warwyke, the lorde Burleigh and all the Bisshops of the Realme be men of wicked governement. he saide that he trusted to see theym all hanged together with Sr Anthony Cooke' (SP 12/80/9). Judge Manwood wrote to Sir Walter Mildmay about the punishment of a man who had slandered the queen: 'Sr, concern• ing the lewd fellowe, who after his deserved punyshmf by Pillory, and Cutting of his Eares, according to the Statut, dyd persiste with more lewde and most detestable sclaunderous speaches towards her maiffe, in presence of the people, being at thexecucon, his offence is therby heinously aggravated and he therefore to sustayne a more grevous punyshmf [i.e. loss of all his goods, life imprisonment]... wch imprisonment perpetuall is to be executed wth all extremytie, wth yrons and other streight feeding and keeping [to bring him to repent• ance] ... from wch he seemeth now to be farr off (SP 12/118/27). On one Browne: 'This Religion hanges by one threde, for if the Quenes Matie shoulde dye... then the good Catholickes shoulde come uppe.... Mr Secretarye Walsingham shoulde be pulled down and made as a Comon man as he was then and .,. [his] nose shoulde be thruste out and the Recordes shoulde be pulled downe and other of the principall of the Realme who nowe doe persecute shall be but meane men as the said Browne is now ... those wch were at Roome shoulde be preferred when that that daye shoulde come and howe they shoulde be placed in Lordes and Knightes Roomes' (SP 12/171/ Notes 277

59). A man named Easton supposedly said that 'it was a brave lyfe to be in the warres, and that he coulde fynde in his harte to be the formost horseman, unto whiche this exaf answeared that he praied God that he might never come unto hit. Wheare uppon the said John Easton takinge a Cupp of drincke in his hande, saide, I do drincke nowe unto kinge Phillipp' (SP 12/198/401). Another man reputedly said that 'the Kinge of Scotts is coming into England to be revenged for the death of his mother, for she was put to deathe wrongfullie: and if anie harme happen unto us for shedding of her blud we have our iuste deserte and further he said that there was a greate many that should mysse her meaning the Queene of Scotts and they were catholike preests some that were in prison but they should lack no freinds that will prevylie send over to the pope and he would relive them' (SP 12/199/141). See CSP5, 420 no. 103 and 422 no. 107, which appear to be identical. Phelippes was in Cecil's employment at least by 16 June (442-3 no. 8). Alternatively, it may have been written to help establish Herle's cover. Herle's 'career' has not yet been sufficiently investigated, according to Pollitt (personal communication), but its variety can be gathered by pondering brief entries in CSPl (see index). On Herle's role in the Ridolfi plot see Read (1960, 38-9), and especially F. Edwards (1968, passim); see 67 for a baker's wife who threatened to inform on Herle while he was in the midst of his covert duties, which again suggests how people were constantly watching each other in this culture. On sermons devoted to political quiescence see MacLure (1989), passim. Those preached in the aftermath of the Essex Revolt are instructive. It is interesting to note that 'Lawrence Caddy, a spy expelled from the English college in Rome' (63), also preached at Paul's Cross. The locus classicus of politico-religious enforcement strategies is the Homilie Agaynst Disobedience and Wylful Rebellion (1571). LaRocca (110 and 114). de C Parmiter (19-20). Fisher (312-20). (Significantly, one member of Gray's Inn is discussed in an 'anonymous communication' [Fisher, 317], but it is unclear whether this is an 'information.' Undoubtedly some of the expelled members were identified by informers.) It is worth noting that the same kind of overlapping repression that characterizes Authority's response to the 1595 London riots also occurs at local level; despite Seaver's emphasis on jurisdic• tional conflict in his discussion of 'Community Control and Puritan Politics in Elizabethan Suffolk,' we could alternatively stress the im• portance of what Seaver himself cites - the meeting of local leaders 'for conference, to join our authorities together in helping the good and punishing the wicked;' and one leader encouraging another 'to join authorities together to the repressing of sin and wickedness' (308 and 310). The plot was used to create a wider conspiracy involving one Nicholas Wolf (CSPl, 131 no. 78, 132 no. 86, 135 no. 10). (It did not seem to matter that Somerville was from Warwickshire and Wolf from Sussex.) Wolf was apparently exonerated, but his identification as a 278 Notes

recusant probably led to further governmental pressure exerted through a demand to supply a light horse for military service (277 no. 38.VIII). Wolf's inability to pay led to imprisonment in the Marshalsea (285 no. 30). 29. Read (1925, 2.319). Intelligence-gathering was often facilitated by trade; see, for example, CSPl, 389 no. 23 and CSP5, 507 no. 21. 30. CSPl, 289 no. 59. See also 689 for a 'Warrant to the Exchequer to pay 10,000/. for secret service to such persons and for such causes as the Lord Treasurer is directed by Her Majesty/ which discloses that Burghley resumed primary control of the apparatus after Walsingham's death - and gave himself a huge amount of money presumably to begin new operations. 31. The overlap between foreign and domestic surveillance can also be epitomized in the career of Robert Poley, who was an inside man in the Babington plot; a court messenger on missions abroad; a witness or conspirator at Marlowe's murder; and is listed as 'Robert Pooley/ working out of 'Brusells/ among 'The names of ye Intelligencers' in a document tentatively dated 1597 (SP 12/265/134). 32. CSPl, 672 no. 38 (original cited in the Introduction). See CSPl, 468 no. 14 for the implication that Burghley had been paying spies for 'secret services' from the very outset of the reign. See CSP6, 245 no. 21 for payments to 'Ambassadors and intelligencers/ 33. See Breight (1990) for a discussion of treason punished by torture in The Tempest. I would now wish to argue that there is a complex dia• lectic between 'domestic' and 'colonial' treason. One possible though simplistic paradigm is that Irish 'treachery' influences the develop• ment of English treason and treason law in the 1580s, which sub• sequently affects colonization of North America. (Numerous critics have discussed the ideology of 'native treachery/ e.g. Greenblatt.)

Notes to Chapter 4: Propaganda Wars and the English Succession Crisis

1. See Sales (9) for a convenient transcription of the document; also Gray (682). 2. See Kearney's Graph on 40-1 and Prest (1972, 6, Fig. I). 3. See Nicholl, passim. On Poley see Southwell (31ff.). See Bakeless (1.174) for information that Catholics knew immediately after the 'uncover• ing' of the Babington Plot that Poley was an agent provocateur (also Nicholl, 162). 4. See The Sea-Mans Triumph, a pamphlet written to celebrate the cap• ture of the rich Portuguese carrack Madre de Dios. The prose has a Marlovian feel, frequently deploying a favorite Marlowe word ('reso• lute'). It also employs an idea perhaps drawn from the famous line in The Jew of Malta: 'Infinite riches in a little room' (1.1.37); describing how after the sea battle the sailors 'coulde not tell what to take, suche was the stoare and the goodnesse thereof/ the pamphleteer comments: 'yea, hee that hadd knowen, what thinges had bene worth, Notes 279

in a little roome mighte have contrived great wealth' (Civ). It is per• haps more plausible that the language of this pamphlet was inspired by Marlowe's drama. 5. Seaton (1931, 150). Boas (1968, 115-16). See also CSP8 for Parry's letters to Burghley (10 no. 27) and Walsingham (100-1 no. 46) about books. 6. Shakespeare, As You Like It (3.3.9-12). The latter part of this pas• sage from AYL is traditionally viewed as a commentary on the sup• posed argument over 'le recknynge' that led to Marlowe's death, not simply on its own terms but in tandem with Phebe's subsequent invocation of Marlowe's spirit: 'Dead shepherd, now I find thy saw of might, / "Who ever loved that loved not at first sight?"' (3.5.80- 1). But given Phebe's exclamation and the passage's initial reference to interpretation of 'a man's verses' it is tempting to expand the tradi• tional speculation and wonder whether Marlowe was killed for his verses. For a typical view of 'le recknynge' and the 'Coroner's report' see Henderson (69-73). For a brief discussion of the accusations against Marlowe see John Shirley (180-6). 7. See Wernham (1984, passim). See also the index to L&A under 'deserters.' 8. See Verstegan, Declaration (74-6) for references to these types of pamphlets. 9. There is thus an astonishing difference between Marlowe's two his• tory plays and the patrio-drama being produced around the same time by writers such as Robert Wilson. 10. See Cheyney cited in Breight (1989b, 148-9 and 163n9). 11. Holmes (1985, 341). On Burghley's authorship of proclamations see Youngs (35 and his index). 12. See Clancy (238-9) for a list of works. At the time of writing I could not get access to all these works, but since the propagation of a party line entails much borrowing to make works by different authors consistent, I take it that sampling the most important of these authors is sufficient. Both Cecilians and Catholics wrote propaganda in a similar way, with much repetition and hence consistency of viewpoint. 13. See Persons (1592, 12-14) for claims that TRP no. 738 backfired be• cause it advertised the existence of a new English seminary in Spain and thus attracted young English Catholics. 14. Note that in discussing Advertisement I shall say 'Verstegan' rather than 'Verstegan summarizing Persons' to avoid awkwardness. (Some of the pages of Advertisement are misnumbered.) Advertisement may be much shorter than Persons' Latin text (see Nicholl, 294-5, on one key passage), but it undoubtedly covers the main points. See also L&A 4, (376-7 no. 645), for an English spy's report that Persons' book was controversial even among Catholics. For information on Verstegan's career and later pamphleteering see Allison. See Verstegan (1959, Letter No. I) for evidence that much of Persons' and Verstegan's information came from Southwell's 1591 letter to Verstegan. Southwell blames the Babington plot on Walsingham, Leicester, Burghley, Gilbert 280 Notes

Gifford, and Poley; regarding the latter he asserts that 'Poly now liveth like him self: a notoryous spie, and ether an atheist or an heretike' (3). 15. See Meyer for non-Catholic historiographical confirmation of this and other Catholic claims. 16. See CSP5 (239-40 no. 80) for an interesting document which reveals the conduct of an espionage career as well as Phelippes' rejection of the 1599 invasion scare. Someone in government, perhaps Cecil, had information as early as 14 April 1599 that 'You need not fear invasion this year, the King is not fit for it' (181), but the scare was allowed (or encouraged) to occur. It was, among other things, a good excuse to hassle Catholics unnecessarily (see, for example, 288 no. 31), and it certainly facilitated military musters designed to dis• courage Essex from leading his troops back from Ireland. The inter• pretation on 327 overlooks the possibility that Cecilians adopted a defensive posture not against Spain but Essex. 17. See an example of Rich's language along these lines in Fernandez- Armesto (28). 18. Southwell also makes the Catholic accusation of English aggression, but in compact form (73). 19. See Harrison (1938,208,283,288, and 314-15). See also Nicholl, passim; and CSP3, passim, for details. It should strike us as curious and suspicious that Marlowe is killed in the midst of perhaps the most crowded year and a half of heinous assassination plots against the poor old Virgin Queen. It is also curious that Laton's 'voluntary con• fession' occurs within days of Essex's promotion to the PC (322 no. 55). It is almost as though Essex's rise signals the moment for Cecilians to begin demonstrating their superiority in intelligence work, regard• less of whether Essex was allowed to rise at the behest of Elizabeth or Cecilians themselves - for their own reasons (note how Norfolk rises before falling). A mere glance at CSP3 indicates that Cecilians mostly controlled the interrogation of these would-be assassins (e.g. 372 no. 98, 423 no. 38, 425 no. 42 and 44, 429 no. 54). In addition to Burghley and Cecil, Cecilian clients and allies such as Sir Edward Stafford (Read 1913, 52), Lord Admiral Howard, and Edward Coke dominated the examinations. It is clear that even some of the 'con• spirators' (promoters) knew enough to report directly to Burghley when they reached London (e.g. 436-7 no. 78, 438 no. 79, 442-3 no. 91). One of the reputed continental masterminds supposedly in• structed his hitman in 'what speeches to use to the Lord Treasurer, if intercepted' (424 no. 39). It is unsurprising that Burghley himself is represented as a target for assassination; of course, it is possible to extract virtually any statement out of a man when he is 'hanged up by the hands ... until... almost dead' (421 no. 33). 20. Manning (1984). According to Handover (128) by 1594 -5 Cecil reigned supreme at court, presumably through these intelligence coups. 21. See Clancy (62 and 211n36) for information about the controversy over date and authorship. Notes 281

Notes to Chapter 5: 'Danger is in Words': The Drama and Assassination of Christopher Marlowe

1. See, for example, CSP4, 54-6 no. 66, which suggests that Burghley had employed Phelippes to do some deciphering work long after Phelippes had supposedly joined Essex's intelligence team. Indeed, Burghley asked Phelippes to do some intelligence work for him, presumablv deciphering, within days of Marlowe's death (CSP3, 352 no. 27). 2. For example, probably Somerville (1583), Northumberland (1585), Copinger (1591), and undoubtedly many Catholics. (On Somerville see CSPl, 161 no. 30 and 295 no. 53.) See Barker's statistics en prison deaths (169ff., especially 178-9). 3. Greenblatt (1973, 99-101) shows that Ralegh himself maintained a scornful attitude during the 1594 investigation of his beliefs. This sug• gests that he was not worried about the investigation and thus hardly would have murdered a fellow poet over the issue of atheism. 4. I wonder if Cecil was the person to recruit Marlowe at Cambridge, since both were there at the same time (Handover, 24). Burghley obviously had a long-term plan to advance his gifted yet physically crippled second son, so it makes sense that he would begin instruct• ing the lad in covert operations by having him set up networks among other young lads at university. 5. CSP3, 21 no. 82. For entries on Perrot and dangerous words see CSPl, 704 no. 58-9. See also Manning (1984) on what happened to Sir Michael Blount. The culture of surveillance may explain why the government - in a period of massive financial pressure due to inflation, a worsening economy, and nearly two decades of milit• ary overcommitment - did not resort to the sale of honors that characterized the subsequent regime. Perhaps Elizabeth's govern• ment limited the number of aristocratic titles because surveillance is easier when the main group of potentially dangerous subjects is small. After all, it was widely believed (and basically true) that rebellions were led by privileged subjects. Thus if the number of these people could be kept down, and if surveillance worked properly, successful rebellion or even attempts at rebellion would be almost impossible to accomplish. Significantly, after the 1569 /70 Revolt there were no similar movements during the rest of the reign; and after Norfolk's decapitation in 1572 there were no more Elizabethan dukes. 6. See Harrison (1923, 71-4), for a transcription of most of 'Remem- brannces' and a letter on Cholmley. For the sake of simplicity I shall refer to both 'Remembrannces' and the letter (an informer's addi• tional report) as simply 'Remembrances.' 7. Throughout my discussion I shall use this definition of atheism because I believe it is the primary meaning of mutual accusations between Cecilians and Catholics. In a political context 'atheism' was a slur against one's opponent as a hypocrite who used religion to gloss 282 Notes

political maneuvers; hence anyone doing such a thing could be said not to believe in God. This is not the modern meaning of atheism. See Boas (1940, 109): 'the term "Atheism" had in the sixteenth cen• tury much of the sweeping sinister associations that "Bolshevism" has in the twentieth. It was a useful slogan with which to denounce doctrines or actions that challenged constitutional ecclesiastical or secular authority.' Boas seems to intend his definition to describe Protestant accusations against Catholics, but it also works the other way. 8. Nicholl (301) names Phelippes as his 'candidate for the puller of strings' against Marlowe, and links him with Essex. But since I show in notes above that Phelippes also worked for Burghley (not to men• tion later employment by Cecil), Nicholl's conclusion is questionable. 9. See F. Edwards (1968,398) for Ralegh's letter to Cecil, which includes the idea that it was well known that Burghley had destroyed Norfolk and suffered no repercussions. 10. Coroner's inquisition uncovered by Hotson (29). 11. See Nicholl (93-4) for other indemnities, de Kalb's figures indicate that Poley was paid a great deal of money (£172 13s. 4d.) in less than thirteen months between 23 June 1592 and 14 July 1593, covering the period of Marlowe's death. 12. See Foucault (1980, Chapter 2, 'Prison Talk') for institutional relation• ships between authorities and 'criminals.' 13. See Read (1955, 458-9), although he does not interpret Sadler's activities in quite this way. See also Wernham (1988, xxx-xxxi and 102-3, no. 77) for the appointment of Anthony Ashley to spy on Norris and Drake during the 1589 Portugal Expedition, somewhat euphemistically put by Burghley as 'for the observation of their actions and for writing of their common letters to Her Majesty or any other, and to assist them also with good counsel and advice.' 14. Macbeth, 3.4.131-2. Shakespeare may be indebted to Marston, The Malcontent, 2.3.42-4: 'Lay one into his breast shall sleep with him, / Feed in the same dish, run in self-faction, / Who may discover any shape of danger.' ('Fee'd' is a possible wordplay on 'Feed.') 15. See Strype (233): 'my house was possessed, at your honour's com• mandment, certain days and nights, whereby Ballard the priest, and Babington, with others of that traitorous crew, were apprehended in a garden near my house' (Anthony Hall to Burghley, 12 February 1592/3). The very fact that he gets some of the details wrong test• ifies, paradoxically, to the letter's reliability, since he would not be expected to know how all the arrests occurred; also, he is trying to enhance the importance of his services since the letter is a plea for preferment for his son. 16. For example, Summers and Goldberg. See Voss for an argument connecting the personal and political levels. Dray ton's long poem, Peirs Gaveston Earle of Cornwall (c. 1594), is far more explicit about sex and sodomy than El. See, for example, lines 181ff., especially 211- 14: 'This Edward in the Aprill of his age, / Whil'st yet the Crowne sate on his fathers head, / My love with me, his Ganimed, his page, / Notes 283

Frolick as May, a lustie life we led.' See also 769-74; and 1267-70, lines actually mentioning 'filthy sodomy.' I do not seek to displace modern gay readings of Marlowe's plays (and I highly recommend Jarman's excellent film, for analysis of which see MacCabe). After all, the opening of Marlowe's Dido, Queen of Carthage dovetails perfectly with Drayton's poem. I do believe, however, that 'homosexuality' in the modern sense is not the best discourse to apply to the politics of El, in which the barons challenge the king not over his sexual pas• sion for Gaveston but over his preferment of a base-born upstart. Sexual relations may, however, have something to do with the cir• cumstances of Marlowe's death. See also Southwell's suggestive language: 'Ballard was inchaunted with Poolies charmes' (40-1); 'the Gentelmen were also throughlye charmed' (41). Allen (1583, 27v-32r) includes a fascinating section - 'The Satisfaction of Edward Osberne Priest, Touching his frailties, and fall from the Catholike Church, at his being in England' - which describes how Osberne fell through 'frailtie of the flesh' (27v), or 'allurements ... of worldly freends' in 'that Sodom of our loste countrey' (28r), England: 'al came of mine owne concupiscence, evil desire, and delicaces, which warred against me in my members ... and caused me to yeld to flesh and bloode, making me to feare to suffer any paines, or abandon my pleasures for my Lord and masters sake' (29r). Threatened with torture - 'Phalaris bull,' or 'Sir Owen Hoptons schole' - Osberne tried to 'resiste their terrors/ but fell by 'frailtie': 'the adversaries for the time prevailed, and specially my carnal freends, who, by I cannot tell what secret swete poyson of fleshly love, and pretense of naturall kindnes, do more deepely wound and enchaunte their dearest freends, then other men can doe their deadly enemies' (29r-29v). It seems that Osberne was seduced by sodomy with a prison spy. See Clancy (205n34 and 238-9) for additional information on Cath• olic texts making this analogy, as well as Burghley's manuscript 'notes ... on the story of Gaveston and the reign of Edward II.' See also Holmes (1985). See Clancy (25) for information that Leicester was also branded in this way in Leicester's Commonwealth (1584). See also Potter (82nll): 'a character in Crafty Cromwell says that Charles I has had too many Gavestons (Li. p. 5).' Marlowe's El can probably be dated 1592 because of indebtedness to the 1592 edition of Stow's Annales, which includes the 'shaving' scene (343; Gill, 161). But Marlowe may have drawn this episode from Stow (1580,356), as Charlton and Waller claim (50). The 1592 version seems the more likely source because the 1580 version chronicles the episode under the reign of Edward III. Belt (152). Although we approach the play from very different angles, Belt's discussion of rhetoric in El dovetails with my view that Marlowe writes his play to align it with Catholic discourse as a rhetorical exercise intended to be persuasive. But whereas she argues that 'the claim to truth ... is itself suspect' (150), thereby mak• ing her discussion similar to Briggs' view of Marlowe's perspective 284 Notes

in Massacre as objective, I would argue that the mere choice to write El put Marlowe in a pro-Catholic or partisan position. 21. See CSPl, 517ff. (passim) and passages on soldiers from Verstegan's Declaration cited above. 22. See the introduction to the Yale edition citing Greenlaw (104-32), whose view is simultaneously illuminating and problematic. Greenlaw argues that MHT had two appearances, one c. 1579 and the other 1591 when it was first published, claiming that the latter was 're• touched' (116). He is right to identify Burghley as the fox in the second story (119), and to assert Burghley's unpopularity c. 1591 (122-3), but he seems incapable of allowing that it must have been the 1591 version that was suppressed. His own footnotes show that Harvey and Nashe quibbled over MHT in 1592-3 (210-11), and it makes sense that they would be referring to a 1591 controversy rather than something over a decade old because pamphlet wars tended to be topical. 23. When Young Mortimer achieves illegitimate rule by the end of the play it is arguable that he is contemptuous of everyone (5.4.48ff.), but not explicitly of the people. He does, however, express his power in Machiavellian terms (5.4.52), recalling Edward's bestowal of such power on Gaveston at the outset. 24. See also Southwell in Verstegan (1959, 14). 25. For a succinct description of Irish rebellion in the 1590s see Silke (25ff.), and for Hugh O'Neill specifically, 51-64. 26. On Elvetham see Breight (1992). See Allen (1588, 25) for Elizabeth's use of self-aggrandizing ceremonies to displace Catholic feasts from the calendar. On ceremony in El see Bevington and Shapiro. See the essays in P. Clark, ed. (1985). 27. Although these offices are drawn from Holinshed, it is noteworthy that Marlowe emphasizes the good intelligence Gaveston obtains as Chief Secretary. The five-line scene (1.3) condemned by some critics (e.g. William Briggs, cited by Gill, 54n) is written, I believe, to sug• gest the quality of Gaveston's intelligence network. See also 1.4.147- 8, in which Gaveston hints at the queen's infidelity with Young Mortimer. Even when Pembroke sarcastically welcomes Gaveston home by calling him 'Master Secretary' (2.2.68), he is using a typical Elizabethan expression for the Principal Secretary. 28. Note that Young Mortimer, in contrast to Gaveston, is loved by the people (2.2.234), presumably because he does not indulge in the kind of financial extortions practiced by Gaveston. When Mortimer demands that Edward ransom his uncle, the king replies that Mortimer can 'have the broad seal / To gather for him thoroughout the realm/ and Lancaster retorts that Gaveston has taught Edward this trick; Mortimer refuses to take responsibility for this unpopular form of taxation, preferring to sell his land and rebel against the king (2.2.140-52). Then he announces that he will sell Wigmore Castle to free Old Mortimer (195). The not so subtle message to the audience is that while Gaveston induces Edward to squander money in pursuit of pleasure, the king is unwilling to ransom his own military commander, and Notes 285

instead tries to foist financial blame onto Mortimer for the ransom. Mortimer, being a smart politician, refuses to compromise his popular standing. 29. On Burghley's offices see P. Williams (1979, 81-2). 30. Marlowe ironically stages Edward's brief success in gaining refuge at an Abbey (4.6), where the Abbot and Monks promise to protect him. The Mower betrays Edward. 31. Note that Pembroke's company also staged the lost Isle of Dogs (1597), which was censored by the regime (P. Williams 1979, 309; Dutton, 107-9). 32. See Verstegan to Persons, 1 April 1593: The late pamphlets written against him are greedely desyred of the courtiers and others, and any thing written against him is easely believed. In a late pamphlet entytuled A Suplication to the Divill he is girded at, thoughe not somuch as in Mother Hubberd's Tale' (1959, 115). 33. See Breight (1992, 39-40). See also Strype (64-6) for Smythe's letter to Burghley complaining about suppression of his book; apparently the regime did not even allow it to be sold. Note also that in 1590 Thomas Windebank wrote to Burghley about Elizabeth's 'disapproval of a certain declaration appearing in Hollinshed's Chronicle, and command to have the Chronicle called in.' She 'vehemently inveighed against the Chronicle to be fondly set out' (CSPl, 697 no. 3). 34. There is no need to censor the play when you can kill the author, as well as torture his former roommate so grievously that he dies the following year. This sends a far stronger message to writers and dramatic companies than mere meddling with the text. 35. For example, CSP8, 6-7 no. 17, 9-11 no. 25 and 27, 100-1 no. 45-7. Hicks (1964, 62nl 75). I owe most of this brief narrative on Parry to Hicks (61-70). See Breight (1989a, 40-1 and 1990,12) for some addi• tional information on Parry. 36. Note that some people disbelieved the case against Parry; see, for example, CSPl, 243 no. 76 and 312 no. 35. See also CSP5, 234-7 no. 74 for a Catholic letter on Charles Paget as a double agent: it claims that Parry's case was among other false and improbable as• sassination plots, and that Paget - like so many other spies at this time - was 'convicted of not being true to any party, but as times serve, to make gain' (236). 37. Cartelli (1991, 67-93). All the passages cited are from 1 Tamburlaine. Cf. Burnett (317), who suspects that Tamburlaine and his plunder• ing followers are versions of the returning armies that challenged and alarmed the Elizabethan government.' 38. See Cunningham and especially Minshull for the beginnings of such an argument. 39. In The Jew of Malta the opening statement by Machevill - 'I count religion but a childish toy, / And hold there is no sin but ignorance' (Prologue, 14-15) - as well as supreme Machiavellian maneuvering by Ferneze at the conclusion may allude to additional Catholic accusa• tions against the Cecilian regime: that whereas Spain was the bulwark of European Christianity against Turkish aggression throughout the 286 Notes

Mediterranean, England was in 'league with the Turks' (Allen 1588, 23-4). Verstegan's Declaration even specifies that the 'Isle of Malta being strongly besieged, & in very great perill to be lost/ Philip 'sent thether a great army to succor it, and defeated the forces of the Turk' (34). See Strype (213-20 and 221-4) for the government's anxious denial of complicity with the Turks in 1593, presumably a denial of accusations reiterated in the 1592 Catholic pamphlets. See also South- em (332-4). See Brenner (1993, Chapters I and II), for establishment of the Turkey and Levant Companies under Elizabeth. 40. Greenblatt (1980, 212) sees an analogy between the reported utter• ances of Hacket on the scaffold and Tamburlaine's fantasy of aggres• sion against the gods. Since Hacket's supposed blasphemy was recorded in an officially sanctioned account, I wonder whether the regime was already beginning the process of demonizing Marlowe in mid-1591 as a source of violent subversion. 41. CSP3, 109 no. 25; also cited by Nicholl (386n). 42. Kuriyama (1988a, 9). See also Kuriyama (1988b) for additional in• formation on Baines. Since Burghley was lord lieutenant of Lincoln• shire, one wonders if he had anything to do with Baines' preferment. 43. Note that one of Marlowe's sureties for his bail after being arrested over the 1589 killing of William Bradley was Humphrey Rowland. Eccles speculates, on the basis of Rowland having two servants from Antwerp in a 1581 certificate of strangers 'which are of no church' (94), that Rowland may have been related to Richard Rowlands, a.k.a. Richard Verstegan (99), whose base of operations largely as intelli• gence-gatherer for Persons was Antwerp. It is additionally interest• ing that the other surety, Richard Kitchen, was a northerner closely connected to families at the heart of the Northern Rebellion (71-5). Thus in 1589 we have Marlowe indebted for the huge sum of £40, or about three to four years worth of wages for a common laborer, to one man with strong Catholic associations and another who may be related to Verstegan himself. One of Poley's ciphers dated around 1591 includes symbols for Verstegan, Persons, and Antwerp, and another dated around 1596 has symbols for Persons and Flushing (Seaton 1931). Perhaps Marlowe's 1589 debt was paid off by serving Catholics, and Poley discovered this through his connections in the Low Countries. 44. See also Verstegan, Declaration (12): 'because so strange and extra- ordinarie a doctrine, being in an antipathia to all, and in unitie with none, was unlykely to have long endurance: espetially wanting such deepe roote of succession from Christ and his Apostles, as hathe these many hundred yeares preserved in vigour one only entire faith and religion, against all heresies, schismes, & dissections whatsoever, & the author [i.e. Burghley] fearing least with the decay of this late erected Churche, the creator with the creature might fall: he then as impudently reiecting all shewe of moral honesty, as late before he had don his hipocriticall cloke of devotion, studied to put all coun• tries in garbroiles round about him.' 45. See also 176 for 'this Politique, or Atheist'; 177: 'If our peace be main- Notes 287

teined by our neighbours warres, it is iniurious and dishonorable'; 178: 'piracies, proditions, spieries and foule artes'; and 179: 'the altera• tion of Catholique religion into this Calvinisme, or Atheisme.' 46. See Cecil (1809, 281): 'AH strange princes hate secretaries, all aspirers, and all conspirers, because they either kill those monsters in their cradles, or else trace them out, where no man can discern the print of their footing.' See also Stubbes (Aiiiv-Aiiiir): 'would god papistry might be punished with death (as it ought to be) and that al obstin• ate papists might sustaine the same punishments which traitors are to sustaine, for take this for a Maxime, that all papists are traitors in their harts, how soever otherwise they beare the world in hand.' 47. For a transcription of the entire libel see Freeman (50-1). 48. Another version of Burghley's speech is in Strype (149-56). See also 174-6 for Burghley's instructions to Puckering on what to say as an opening speech in the Commons, very similar to what Burghley uttered in the Lords. The simple fact that Burghley effectively told Puckering what to say indicates who exercised real power in Par• liament, and also reveals Puckering as a Cecilian client. It is thus not inconsequential that Puckering turns up in the Marlowe affair as the official to whom Kyd writes his desperate letters (MacLure 1979, 32-6). 49. For legislation passed in 1593 see Statutes at Large, 658-70. See J. E. Neale (1958, 241-323) for a narrative of this Parliament (also Hartley, passim). Despite Neale's naivete about realpolitik, he recognizes that numerous MPs were silenced by the regime both before and during Parliament: seven were 'imprisoned or sequestered' (278). Cecilians wished to control the legislative agenda, battling even discussion of matters of Church and State (274-5). No wonder they had trouble passing their own legislation. Neale wrongly tries to attribute anti- Puritan legislation to Whitgift, but unavoidably reveals Burghley and Whitgift working together (294). If one can overlook the occasional astonishing non sequitur, such as Burghley sponsoring a bill he really did not like (288), Neale's account is valuable for glimpsing the 'ruth• less handling' of Parliament (303). The very simple question to ask is this: if Cecilians went to such lengths to terrorize MPs through multiple imprisonments, how would they act against oppositional forces far outside the supposedly privileged and protected arena of Parliament? 50. See Verstegan (1959, 132n5) for information that two accomplices of Barrow and Greenwood died in Newgate, and another was exiled after four years in prison. Cecilian success in getting everything its faction wanted in the 1593 Parliament helps to explain why El could be published in 1594 - perhaps even mid-1593 (see Charlton and Waller, 3-5) - without constituting a real threat to the regime. Cen• sorship is a tricky business, and it always depends on context. El was a powerful and dangerous statement when performed at court in 1592/3, but once Cecilians got their war money and religious legislation, and once Marlowe had his brain punctured, El no longer posed a serious threat. Besides, the Catholic pamphlets were no longer 288 Notes

topical in 1594. The particular battle was over, although the long war continued. In any event, if a 1593 quarto was printed, its disappear• ance suggests the possibility of censorship. Certainly the poor state of the text of Massacre indicates censorship. 51. For example, LB. (1589, 18) suggests that this was part of Protestant propaganda. Although LB. is writing specifically against Burghley's 1588 forgery, undoubtedly Cecilians could use anti-foreigner senti• ment in many different ways. See TRP no. 738,90. See also Verstegan, Advertisement (60-1), cited above. 52. See also Persons (1593, 34r). See CSP3,153 no. 115: 'Petition of many poor inhabitants of Colchester, to the Queen. Complain of the great numbers of Dutchmen and foreigners settled in their town during the last 16 years, whereby they are deprived of sustenance for them• selves, their wives, and children, provisions being so dear; also com• plain of the inclosure of a heath, of 800 acres, by the townsmen of Colchester, by which they, the poor, are utterly spoiled. It is said to be done by leave of Sir Thos. Heneage; do not think good Sir Thomas would give such a leave. Pray for vengeance on them. Beg redress from the Queen, as mother of her subjects.' 53. It is not coincidental that Henry Young, listed in Remembrances (Nicholl, 283), also turns up in covert operations centering on Yorke and Williams in 1594 (Nicholl, 389n). See, for example, CSP3, 485 no. 69; and 531-2 no. 41, in which Young 'confesses' that he was suspected by Catholics abroad because he had been 'seen in England in the company of Cholmeley, who had dealings against them.' Obviously both Cholmley and Young were known or suspected as agents provocateurs against Catholics. 54. Nicholl (127-9, 302-13). Kuriyama (1988a, 10-11) concludes that the Baines Note constitutes good evidence for Marlowe's beliefs. A tan• talizing document in the state papers may be connected to Baines' arrest. See CSP8, 57-8 no. 77: in an advertisement from Paris to Walsingham on 2 May 1582, the anonymous writer says that 'Banes has had the strapedo, and is often tormented.' Nicholl (124) says that Baines was arrested on 28 May 1582. The document is thus tantaliz• ing because the dates are very close, but Baines is represented as under arrest (and torture) almost four weeks before the letter from Allen cited by Nicholl. Nicholl's discovery precedes a lengthy dis• cussion questioning the status of the Baines Note by Roy Kendall. I finished writing a draft of this argument before I had a chance to read Kendall (first in typescript and then quickly in article form). Kendall substantiates Nicholl and effectively demolishes the Note's previous status as a key to Marlowe's mind. I cite the Baines Note from Pendry's edition of Marlowe's works. 55. Strathman cited by Lacey (1973, 112-13). 56. See also 28v ('powrably' in another confession) and Allen's con• clusion, 'An Admonition to the Reader/ for 'powrable;' Allen (1584), 70 ('powrable') and 154 ('powerablenes'). See also 'powrable' in LB. (1589, 14), which I believe was written by Allen under pseudony• mous initials as a direct retort to Burghley's 1588 forgery. The title Notes 289

page of LB. (1589) is very similar to that of Allen (1587). See OED for examples of this unusual word, which is rare in Renaissance English prose. 57. For example, LB. (1589) versus Burghley (1588). In a kind of post• script LB. identifies the author of Burghley (1588) in the margin of his final paragraph as 'A counterfait Catholique' (38) and then mock• ingly invites him to write an account of England's disastrous 1589 Portugal expedition. See Haynes (88-9) for the (undocumented) claim that Burghley (1588) was identified as the Lord Treasurer's forgery as early as November 1588. 58. STC 373, Huntington Library copy. 59. Bodleian Library copy reproduced in facsimile by Scolar Press (see Bibliography). 60. See Southern (79-80) for paragraphs from a 1564 Catholic work by Thomas Dorman which include curious resemblances to circumstances surrounding Marlowe's death, such as a metaphorical story of a man not wishing to pay at a banquet followed by a 'reconing/ and lines on Moses and 'higglers.' 61. See Nicholl (277ff.). I agree with much of what Nicholl says about all the crucial documents, but I totally disagree with his ultimate Essex interpretation. I am, however, indebted to many of his insights. 62. See the index to F. Edwards (1968), and Kyd's letters to Puckering in MacLure (1979, 32-6). 63. Nicholl (265ff.). See CSP3, 173 no. 22 and 176 no. 35. See also 'Docquets' relating to Sir Hugh Cholmley on 178 and 199. 64. See Kendall (540) for Riggs' discovery of a letter from Buckhurst to Puckering dated 8 November 1592 which mentions freeing Drury from prison to do some service. Buckhurst and Puckering were Cecilians, and their involvement at this early stage only strengthens my hypothesis that Cecil was mounting a gradual covert operation against Marlowe. 65. See Garrett (142-5 and 154-60) for two opposed descriptions of the killing. See Hotson (31-4) for the coroner's report. 66. Nicholl (311-13) discusses the two versions of the Baines Note. He is right to say that the copy sent to the queen was edited to focus on Marlowe's 'religious position,' but only in the sense of religion as politics. (I assume Cecil as editor.) The removal of 'tobacco and boys' may reflect the fact that it was inappropriate as testimony against a demonic enemy of the state. The removal of the coining reference may be an effort to hide any trail back to the Flushing episode, especially since Baines was the informer against Marlowe in both 1591/2 and 1593. But the most crucial omission is the final para• graph, which includes the recommendation to stop Marlowe's mouth. It was removed because the queen would know that Marlowe's mouth had been stopped, and thus the recommendation would look suspi• cious. If Cecil were trying to convince Elizabeth of his intelligence capability, he would not want to be questioned about coincidences. Elizabeth would later doubt the guilt of Lopez and did not wish to execute Perrot. Decades earlier she had delayed signing the warrant 290 Notes

to execute Norfolk. This indicates not simply political caution but unwillingness to believe her own ministers. In this case, Cecil did not wish to put suspicions of wrongful murder into her head. On the other hand, accusations of sodomy (or deviant sexual behavior) fit into a recognizable narrative of demonization: 'Sodomy is not ... so much a set of forbidden acts as the performance of those undefined acts - or the accusation of their performance - by those who threatened social stability - heretics, spies, traitors, Catholics' (Alan Bray cited by Goldberg, 17). 67. Since I believe that Marlowe's murder was a covert operation tak• ing place over time, I am led to wonder even about the legitimacy of Greene's pamphlets, or at least the parts calling Marlowe an athe• ist and student of 'pestilent Machivilian pollicy' (43). After all, the pamphlets are post-mortem publications edited by Henry Chettle (Nicholl, 351n), who could have been persuaded by someone in authority to insert material. Note that Marlowe's early biographers could not have made any real case for a covert operation because some of the key documents (Dutch Church libel, Drury letter, and Sidney's letter from Flushing) were published only recently (in 1973, 1974, and 1976 respectively). 68. ABC, 'Nightline/ 25 February 1992; ABC, 'This week with David Brinkley/ 11 June 1989. 69. Note that Klan-style inducement of terror is equivalent to having a standing army, so regardless of whether or not the queen maintained the 2000 strong force in London throughout the second part of her reign (ordered 12 March 1577/8; SP 12/123/9), this force was ulti• mately immaterial to governmental control relying on a culture of surveillance. 70. I borrow this 'terror' quote from CSP3, 360 no. 49. 71. Ed. McPherson (425). Note that the South Bank, where the theater came to prominence, was well-known as a place suitable for espi• onage. See CSPl, 595 no. 20-4 for surveillance at 'Paris Garden, no• torious for secret meetings of Foreign Ambassadors and their agents' (no. 20). This 1578 case demonstrates intersections between the formal and informal sides of the apparatus, involving the highest level of state security epitomized by Burghley, as well as a lowly waterman who initially informed a mere assistant to the constable of a clandestine meeting (see SP 12/125/20, 21, 23). 72. 'An Epistle' (ed. Parfitt, 150-5). See also Jonson's 'The New Cry' (Parfitt, 64-5), which mocks 'statesmen' yet also reveals anxiety: they 'talk reserved, locked up, and full of fear ... / And whisper what a proclamation says' (17 and 20). They also study ciphers through Delia Porta (25), which indicates just how pervasive the mysteries of cryp• tography had become by the early seventeenth century. Jonson's poetry provides a wealth of allusions to surveillance, e.g.: 'To King James' (Parfitt, 45 and 50); 'To Sir Robert Wroth' (100, lines 85-8); 'Epode' (108, with an overlapping espionage/treason/rebellion meta• phor); 'Epistle' (115, lines 52-61, a covert metaphor); 'A Fit of Rhyme against Rhyme' (166-7, featuring an extended torture metaphor); 'An Notes 291

Execration upon Vulcan' (181-7); 'Epigram to My Bookseller' (203); 'On ... Lord Weston' (217, line 5 - 'That eye of state!'); 'Epithalamion' (218-24, passim, e.g. lines 177-8); 'To the... Lord Treasurer' (225, lines 18-19); 'Ode to Himself (282, line 5); and 'A Panegyre, on... James' (335-40, whose lines on the king's personal surveil• lance capability constitute a bizarre subtext for what former Presid• ent George Bush obscurely called 'a thousand points of light': 'and from his eyes are hurled / (Today) a thousand radiant lights, that stream / To every nook and angle of his realm. / His former rays did only clear the sky; / But these his searching beams are cast, to pry / Into those dark and deep concealed vaults, / Where men com• mit black incest with their faults; / And snore supinely in the stall of sin'). (The poetry of John Donne also contains numerous refer• ences to surveillance, e.g. 'Satire 4.') For a broader treatment of con• spiracies in Volpone see Slights, who includes important information that Jonson was 'cited for recusancy before the Consistory Court of London on January 10,1605/06' (116). Much remains to be said about Jonson's preoccupation with surveillance in Volpone. See the nervous Induction to Bartholomew Fair, in which Jonson wants to make a deal with his audience:'... it is finally agreed by the foresaid hearers and spectators that they neither in themselves conceal, nor suffer by them to be concealed, any state-decipherer, or politic picklock of the scene, so solemnly ridiculous as to search out who was meant by the gin• gerbread-woman' (ed. McPherson, 151). Ironically, Jonson himself may have spied for Cecil in 1605. See J. Archer (1993,119-20), citing De Luna. See also Archer (1990 and 1993, passim), for much valuable information and commentary on surveillance in Renaissance culture. 73. In this final note I would like to add a few speculations. On the same day as Marlowe was murdered, Thomas Edmondes, secretary to the English ambassador in France (Sir Henry Unton), wrote in cipher to Burghley about Henri IV's impending conversion to Catholicism. He even enclosed 'the King's declaration of the promise of his conver• sion/ now lost (L&A 4,215 no. 309). Only a few weeks earlier Cecilians had worked ruthlessly in Parliament to extort unprecedented tax money for ongoing war in France. Would Protestant MPs have voted these taxes if they had known of Henri's planned conversion, a prag• matic yet cynical move supremely susceptible of being interpreted as atheistic? The staging of El and Massacre in 1592/3 made Marlowe the epitome of a realpolitikal prophet who understood and was willing to represent the deepest hypocrisy at the core of state power. Additional speculation involves Ralegh. Although he is usually por• trayed as implacably anti-Catholic, there are hints that Ralegh was flirting with a pro-Catholic position in 1592-3. Speaking about a bill against Brownists, Ralegh said that 'that law is hard that taketh life and sendeth into banishment when men's intentions shall be judged by a jury' (Hasler, 275). Although his speech concerned Protestant sectarians, its philosophical position could be construed as conducive to the Catholic position on the 'bloody questions/ condemned because they sought to ascertain what a person would do in a hypothetical 292 Notes

situation. Croft affirms that Ralegh promoted Anglo-Spanish trade in 1592 (1989, 287). Although he supported taxation for war (Hasler, 274), Ralegh promoted a Devon lawyer's argument questioning the legality of current conflict with Spain: the lawyer said that' "subsidies are granted to maintain the wars; but whether it be a war or no war yet, we know not. And the things which we take from the Spaniards is doubted by many not to be lawful prize." He wanted it set down in the subsidy bill that the money was granted "to maintain a war, repulsive and defensive, against the Spaniards, and the same to be a lawful war". The ground for his complaint was that both Elizabeth and Philip II were fighting without a formal declaration of war: a lawless state into which ... the "cold war" of ideological conflict tends to drift' (J. E. Neale 1958,300). Ralegh argued for 'exempting persons' from war taxes 'assessed under £3 and adding their contributions to those assessed at £10 and over/ but Cecilians favored taxing the poor who constituted half the taxpayers (308-9). Ralegh's move could be interpreted as a gambit for popularity. These interesting maneuvers must be assessed in relation to Persons' notorious accusation as condensed by Verstegan: 'Of Sir Walter Rauleys schoole of Atheisme by the waye, and of the Coniurer that is M. thereof, and of the diligence used to get young gentlemen to this schoole, where in both Moyses, and our Savior; the olde, and new Testamente are iested at, and the schollers taught amonge other thinges, to spell God backwarde' (Advertisement, 18). (Verstegan wrote to Persons concern• ing Burghley's grandson that the 'yonge youth is as pretely instructed in athisme as the Lady Arbella is in puresy, for he will not stick openly to scof at the Byble, and will folkes to spell the name of God backward' [1959, 40].) Nicholl writes that Persons' Latin text is 'much longer, and it gets into a whole idea of Ralegh creating an "atheist commonwealth" in which atheism is the "law of the land" ' (294). Nicholl then connects this notion to the similar accusation against Cholmley in Remembrances (295). It seems clear that Cecilians used Persons/Verstegan in concocting Remembrances, linking Marlowe and Ralegh in this document as well as the Baines Note. Adding up all these shards of evidence, it is possible to speculate that Marlowe and Ralegh were both at the heart of a pro-Catholic movement. Ralegh had been disgraced and imprisoned over the dis• covery of his secret marriage in 1592, and he had few alternatives in seeking to regain his position at court. Thus Nicholl and others may be right to see Marlowe's murder as an attack on Ralegh, but the bulk of the evidence still points to Cecilian culpability. Ralegh's possible flirtation with Catholicism is all the more plausible given the resist• ance of MPs to anti-Catholic legislation (J. E. Neale 1958, 280ff.).

Notes to Chapter 6: 'We Few, We Happy Few/ or 'Murdering our Men'

1. Among interrogatories administered to Hayward after publication of his history, one stands out: 'Might he think that this history would Notes 293

not be very dangerous to come amongst the common people?' (CSP5, 404 no. 58). See Daniel (67) for a typical view of the uses of history. 2. To make this argument I do not need to claim that Shakespeare was sympathethic to Catholicism (as I believe Marlowe had become by the end of his career), but note that Shakespeare has been linked to Catholicism (see, for example, Honigmann). 3. See Levy (1987, 8): 'As Livy had once been the model for those yearn• ing to imitate life in a republic, so now, in the iron age of nascent absolutism, Tacitus was the appropriate school for those anxious to flourish, or at least to survive, under a tyranny'; and 12: 'seeking desperately for a key to understanding their plight, Essex and his friends turned to the analogy of imperial Rome The English interest in Tacitus seems to have begun at Oxford in the 1580s.' 4. Incidentally, Simpson is right on 'Burghley's ill conduct of the Span• ish war in 1588' (393; see also 408-10), although he does not provide the necessary documentation for his claims. 5. Campbell (229-36). Campbell also speculates about a possible iden• tification between Mortimer and Mary, Queen of Scots (233). For multiple references to 'rumour(s)' in letters before the rebellion see, for example, CSP7, 85-6 no. 94, 96 no. 6; and Sharp (7 and 8n). 6. See Cruickshank (1946 or 1966, passim). On corrupt captains wit- holding 'imprest' (weekly pay) until the time of full pay (six months), presumably to pocket the pay of men killed in the meantime, see BL MS Harleian 287, 59v. For other manuscripts documenting corruption in 1587 see BL MS Galba D 1, 25r, 61-3, and 122v. In 'The Abuses, deceites, & deteinementes made by James Quarles, victuller of yor highnes Navie, since his coming to that office from .1. Julii 1587 to .31. Sept. 89' there is a nice reference to the 'victuallers insatiable desire of gaine' (SP 12/226/85). For a critique of abuses see A Breife (1590, especially 12 and 25-6). The best pamphlet on military corruption is perhaps Rich (1604). The policy on making soldiers pay for gunpowder even in battle is perhaps the most aston• ishing, and was unchanged until near the end of Elizabeth's reign (Cruickshank 1946, 69-70). See, for example, CSP4, 221 no. 102 for troops at Flushing that had the price of gunpowder 'defalcated from their pay' in 1596. 7. Fernandez-Armesto (226). He also cites most of the documents which I use here, but from a nineteenth-century printed text using the Gregorian calendar. 8. Fernandez-Armesto (223, 226). Francis Bacon's (1592) 'Certain Obser• vations upon a Libel/ 386 might be a response to accusations regard• ing these kinds of abuses. See CSPl for more letters mostly addressed to Walsingham: Sir John Hawkins: 'The English mariners have been long unpaid and need relief (517 no. 71); Thomas Fenner: 'The want of powder, shot, and victuals has hindered much the service' (524 no. 27); Captain Henry Whyte: 'Our parsimony at home hath be• reaved us of the famousest victory that ever our nation had at sea' (526 no. 43); Sir Thomas Heneage: Howard's fleet was 'driven to such extremity that the Lord-Admiral had been obliged to eat beans, 294 Notes

and many of the men to drink their own water' (527 no. 53); Lord Henry Seymour: 'Desires pay for the mariners: four months behind' (531 no. 9); Seymour to Howard on sickness in his ship (533 no. 33), and to Walsingham: 'they will die faster than they did last year with Sir Henry Palmer' (533 no. 34); and Howard: 'It is difficult to dis• charge the ships the men being unpaid, and not one penny to relieve them. It is pitiful to have men starve after such a service. As we are like to have more of such services, the men must be better cared for' (538 no. 66). 9. CSPl, 528 no. 63 and 64. In a recent revisionist article Croft demon• strates that, contrary to Elizabethan Protestant propaganda as well as historiographical distortion, England continued to trade with Spain from 1585 to 1604 even at the height of what is usually represented as a titanic struggle. 'Trading with the enemy/ as she calls it, fully characterizes the mercenary attitude of the elite. Even Ralegh, 'usu• ally an inveterate protagonist of total war/ wished to engage in Anglo- Spanish trade in 1592 (1989, 287). 10. CSPl, 489 no. 26. I borrow from Fernandez-Armesto's discus• sion (92-8), but draw a different conclusion stressing governmental ruthlessness. 11. See CSPl, 539 no. 70 for another entry on the practice of discharging men for bribes. 12. Wernham (1988, Entry no. 22 and no. 23). Further Entry numbers cited by 'no.' 13. According to Guy, Elizabeth's total investment eventually reached £49 000 (343). 14. Smythe in Hale's introduction (xxxiv). See also Anthony Ashley's report to the PC dated 7 May 1589: 'For such private persons as are deeply interested herein I find already disposed to seek by all means possible to recover themselves in their particular, which if they can• not through want of things ... whatsoever advice be given, they will attempt the Islands or take in hand some such matter' (no. 111). 15. See also Harrison (1935) for Elizabeth's letter expressing concern over Henri IV's treatment of English soldiers in 1591 during the Rouen expedition, 'that you will not carry them into too great danger' (209; emphasis mine); and 'we do firmly hope that he will have no less respect to them for putting them to desperate hazards than he will have to his own subjects' (211; emphases mine). But once we understand the reality of massive casualties and that Henri was unconcerned about how many French subjects died in order to seat him on the throne - witness the numbers at the siege of Paris, some 13 000 - then we can grasp that Elizabeth's concern was similar to her Portu• gal ploy. She enjoyed maintaining a maternal image, not least of all because it was cheap. Undoubtedly Elizabeth expected her motherly solicitude again to be communicated to the troops. 16. See TRP, no. 704 for a proclamation affirming that men were pressed for this expedition and subjected to martial law. (See also CSPl, 614 no. 74 for another impressment authorization issued to Frobisher.) I wish to emphasize the corruption of late Elizabethan militarism, but Notes 295 not to suggest that corruption was a late development. A few cita• tions from moments before the formal war period suffice to indicate the range of phenomena. See descriptions of the following letters: 8 February 1559/60, Norfolk to Burghley: 'Remembering his promise to her Majesty concerning "the reformynge the inordynaunce of captains in robbinge here Highnes" ... To be plain with him, thinks there is not one captain of Berwick, or if there be any very few, but that doth rather serve for gain than for any good will of service. "And what good service is likely to ensewe of such myndes? I can judge, nothing but polling and pilling of the Quene's Majestie's treas• ure" ' (HMC Hatfield, 1.178); 10 August 1563, L. Blundevil to Burghley from Portsmouth: 'Reports his progress in making out the captains' warrants. The number of soldiers tarrying and exclaiming for their wages is nevertheless very great, and a great charge to the town and neighbourhood. It pitieth him to see and hear of the miseries of numbers of them dying for want of relief and otherwise' (1.278); 14 September 1581, Lord Deputy Grey to Burghley from Dublin: 'Refer• ring to the defalcations upon the assignments for Ireland. The uni• versal nakedness and wants of the men here, and the necessity to keep them under the yoke of service, driveth him into no little per• plexity. Without some speedy relief he shall not be able to contain them under discipline and order' (2.428); and again in October 1581 from Cork: 'Marvels at the great slackness in sending victuals. The discontent of the towns, when ... soldiers lie upon their cess, breeds quarrel and division, and can hardly be done without offence of the better sort and the famine and consuming of the poorer sort, upon whom the soldiers are for the most part placed' (2.432-3). A grocer writing to Burghley shortly after Walsingham's death to claim recent service as a spy abroad asserted that knowledge gained through travel would have enabled him to save '.10000. mens lives and A million of gowlde' lost in recent wars (SP 12/232/67). Al• though the letter is self-serving, it indicates contemporary perception of high casualties as a huge waste. See also P. Williams (1984, 131) for resistance in Sussex in 1591. H. Webb (187n91) claims that Smythe was at least partially wrong about this. See Strype (64-6) for Smythe's letter to Burghley com• plaining that his book was 'forbidden to be sold' (64). See Greenman and von Grimmelshausen for early modern narratives that capture miseries endured by common people in war. See Cruickshank (1946 or 1966) on Ireland, which was the scene of greatest fraud over supply of uniforms. Hale cites a 1596 report: 'Of all the captains in Ireland, Sir Thomas North hath from the begin• ning kept a most miserable, unfurnished, naked and hunger-starven band. Many of his soldiers died woefully at Dublin, some whose feet and legs rotted off for want of shoes' (1985, 114). (Incidentally, it must be noted that Hale, although a widely published historian, may be unreliable since he fails to provide sufficient citations for many of his claims.) See also CSP5, 151 and 167 no. 53. In 1597 the Lord Deputy of Ireland returned home 'fat in body' and 'purse' (CSP4,437 Notes no. 99). See Highley (93): 'In February 1597.... Maurice Kyffin re• ported that Elizabeth's army was in a state of disarray, and the coun• try approaching anarchy: "our soldiers die wretchedly in the open streets and highways; the native subjects spoiled and brought to extreme beggary; no service in war performed; no military discip• line or civil justice exercised; briefly, the whole kingdom ruined and foraged" (C.S.P. Ireland 1596-97 233).' See Cruickshank (1946, 107): 'In Ireland, where conditions of service were more rigorous than else• where, desertion was particularly rife. Often whole companies melted away as soon as they reached the country.' See also Advertisements, especially 49-51, for continuing abuses in Ireland as late as 1623. According to Wernham (1984, 111 and 173), on one occasion some 2000 men deserted. Soldiers deserted from Willoughby's equally brutal 1589 French campaign, whose casualties drew a seemingly nonchalant response from the PC: 'Her Majesty is informed, and we do feare the same to be true, that few of the men returned againe' (Cheyney, 229). According to Willoughby, his troops from Hamp• shire and Sussex were 'ill-furnished, ill-chosen and badly armed' (Cheyney, 221). See also CSP4, 3 no. 3 for men levied for Ireland in 1594/5 who 'lost and defaced their arms.' At Burghley's instructions two men who deserted at Chester were pursued and imprisoned (99 no. 102), and were still in jail more than two months later when Sir John Brockett wrote to Burghley requesting their release (127 no. 102). Burghley's personal interest in such cases may explain why Smythe singled him out for criticism in 1596. Smythe's challenge to the draft included a statement to members of the Essex trained bands 'that there were traitors about the Court, and that the Lord Treasurer was a traitor of traitors; that the common people had been a long time oppressed, and should have redress' (236 no. 16.1). Under examination Smythe reported that he knew 'there have been 2,900 pressed out of Essex, besides a great number of volunteers, who are employed in foreign service, and that not 200 have returned' (243 no. 27). Smythe is recorded as saying 'that as our country and nation were daily con• sumed in foreign wars, and there was a new press for more men, he would seek to stay them at home if they would be led by him, and those that would be so were to hold up their hands, which divers did' (245 no. 33). Shortly after Smythe's challenge Burghley began gathering statistics about the number of men drafted for foreign expeditions (275 no. 127, 289 no. 40). Reform was no better than sporadic: in 1597 'Capt. Long of Somersetshire was condemned in the Star Chamber, in 500 marks, and to stand on the pillory, for chopping and making sale of his soldiers' (438 no. 99). Although OED lists the first use of the word 'press-master' in 1673, Essex and others were using it in letters dated 7 and 8 July 1597 (451 no. 11,452 no. 12), explaining why 'some ... have run away' (456 no. 20). For additional passages indicating exploitation and resistance see Jorgensen (143, 147, 155, and 221). See Smythe in Hale's introduction (xxxvii-xxxviii). Unfortunately, Notes 297

I could not find the document that Hale cites as 'Lansdowne 66, 62 (2).' 24. Sutcliffe (62-4). Further citations in the text. Sutcliffe's reference to military discipline seems to be an implicit attack on Smythe. Note that Sutcliffe's etymology on 'pressing' renders the military draft and outright execution virtually indistinguishable. See also Fernandez- Armesto's citation of 'Barnaby Rich's Captain Pill/ who 'sees what he thinks is a vagrant being dragged off to be hanged. On closer inspection, he finds an idle rogue pressed for a soldier. He confronts the recruiting sergeant with a demand that he enlist better men. The sergeant is outraged. Pill, he perceives, would like to have honest householders placed in the ranks, "of wealth and ability to live at home, such as your captains might chop and change and make merchandise of... But God defend that any man of honest reputa• tion should be levied just to be extorted"' (28). 25. Sutcliffe writes additional interesting passages on: poor campaign con• ditions (70); the dubious notion that soldiers could 'rise in honour' and 'wealth' through war (73); the merely analytical (not sympath• etic) statement that lack of pay causes disorder: 'It is not possible, considering first the poverty of the common souldier, and then their small number, that eyther they can live of themselves, or winne anything from the enemy. For want of pay they spoyle their friends, and associates, yea their companions, and commit many outrages, and who can execute iustice upon them, that eyther must famish, or live upon spoyle. For want of pay they sell their armes, their clothes, they growe sicke, weake, and unprofitable' (74); the miserable pay of soldiers - eight pence per day - which in the 1590s amounts to starvation wages even when paid (76); and finally (albeit briefly and indirectly) mercenary commanders who 'are the cause of the death of many valiant souldiers' (77), although the full implications of the term 'dead payes' are not provided (78). Sutcliffe, like Smythe, will not name names (79). The connection between militarism and (hetero)sexuality is of course an old one, and a mere glance at British recruiting posters available at the Imperial War Museum in London will suffice to establish the connection. For an interesting discussion of gender and war in relation to Vietnam see Jeffords. 26. Hale (1983, 487). Further citations in this paragraph in the text. 27. On the other hand, Hacket also engages in social critique on be• half of maimed soldiers and against racking landlords (Blv-B2r). See CSPl, 619 for an entry indicating the importance of having 'a learned and discreet minister to accompany the troops levied for the aid of the French King'; at '20s. per day' he would also be a well paid minister.

Notes to Chapter 7: Military Conflict Among the Elite

1. Henry's advice thus validates Worcester's refusal to convey the king's (false) offer of pardon to Hotspur before the battle in 1H4 (5.2), a Notes

refusal doubly verified by Prince John's Machiavellian deception of the rebels in 2H4 (4.2). Limited accounts of the Rebellion which I have consulted include Reid; N. Williams (1965, 126-88); Wernham (1966, 290-305); Pollitt (1985); James (270-307); and Fletcher (82-96), who asserts that 'although the sources are more comprehensive than for any other Tudor rebellion no full study of the revolt of the earls has been made' (133). Fletcher points out that seizure of Philip II's bullion ships was 'a landmark in the breaking of Spanish amity' (82; see also his useful bibliography.) Pollitt (1985) details how the Anglo-Scottish relation• ship was altered by the Rebellion, citing documents indicating the pervasiveness of Cecilian realpolitik yet drawing conclusions less bold than the materials warrant. On the Story affair see Pollitt (1983). Read (1955, 431ff.) indicates that even near-contemporary historians such as Camden were confused about events in 1569, hence it is all the more difficult for a modern critic lacking decent modern historio• graphy to make sense of complex events. See 442-3 for the French ambassador's account dated 8 March 1568/9, which seems most realistic about contemporary politics. On the Norfolk/Dacre conflict see N. Williams (1965, passim); also Read (1955, 445-6). For imprisonment and persecution of Hertford and Grey see Breight (1992). Lady Grey conveniently died young, like her sister Jane. Read (1955, 446). See Bartlett (1992) for evidence that Burghley and Leicester joined forces in covert operations in the early 1560s. I specu• late that they conspired to destroy Norfolk and induce rebellion by having Leicester support the marriage proposal while Burghley gave Norfolk the appearance of a power base in the north. Leicester and Burghley were Protestant new men who shared the need first to sur• vive and then to solidify their positions by destroying aristocrats who far outranked them but were excluded from real power at court. They also needed the property of attainted Catholic nobles to enrich them• selves and buy support among other Protestant new men. James, on the other hand, cites another case suggesting that 'what was lost on the swings may well have been regained on the roundabouts' (302), yet even he cites evidence indicating the regime's reduction of Northumberland's status, such as the imprisonment of the earl's officer George Clarkson in 1562 'by Lord Grey of Wilton, the earl's enemy and his successor as warden of the East March' (281). He admits that 'by 1569... the earl's authority [was] questioned and flouted' (297). Even Lowers, whose account is pro-Protestant, describes how Northumberland had been degraded by the regime (15). At least four earls of Northumberland were victimized in one way or another by the Tudor monarchy. Westmoreland's fear is evident in his letter in CSP7, 109 no. 25.11. See Lowers (22-3) for the earls' first proclamation at Richmond, which indicates concern with Cecilian foreign and domestic policy, and their belief that Cecilians now sought 'destruction' of the traditional nobility. Notes 299

9. Both parts of H4 stress the Roman Catholic Church's support for rebellion, hence linking medieval revolt to 1569 as well as the 1590s. Humphreys' note on 1H4, 4.4, in which the Archbishop of York pre• pares for rebellion, misses the point: 'The chief, and very real, interest of this otherwise unremarkable scene is in its foreshadowing of further trouble after Shrewsbury' (139n). On the contrary, the chief interest (similar to Marlowe's El), lies in its contrast between the secular House of Lancaster and Church-supported rebels. The role of the Church is much enhanced in 2H4. Describing the failure at Shrews• bury yet adding a note of hope, Morton says: 'but, for their spirits and souls, / This word "rebellion" - it had froze them up, / As fish are in a pond. But now the Bishop / Turns insurrection to religion' (1.1.198-201). This passage, among others, was cut from Quarto and appears only in Folio (Humphreys, lxx). It was probably censored because it associates religion with rebellion while giving the Lancas• trians no similar religious backing. The Archbishop's long speeches justifying rebellion are also cut (1.3.85-108; 4.1.55-79). Other cuts in• volve ideas of planning rebellion properly (1.3.21-4 and 36-55), which is precisely what the earls failed to do in 1569; praise of the dead rebel Hotspur (2.3.23-45) as a 'miracle of men' (33), implying the glamor of rebellion; and Westmoreland's great Machiavellian speech beginning, 'Construe the times to their necessities' (4.1.104). It is, of course, highly ironic that Prince John invokes 'God' after deceiving the rebel leaders and ordering the slaughter of commoners: 'God, and not we, hath safely fought today' (4.2.121). Shakespeare thus anti• cipates Henry V's constant hypocritical references to 'God' in H5. 10. See Rappaport (193) for an example of mobilization: 'Merchant Taylors sent word to thirty-three apprentices and twenty-seven journeymen to be ready to serve the Queen "upon an hour's warning."' 11. See also CSP7,108 no. 25; and Sharp (11,13, 20, and 22) for the earls' fear. 12. In the same scene, Hotspur's complaint that Henry 'sought to en• trap' him 'by intelligence' (1H4,4.3.98) has far more resonance for an Elizabethan audience than for us. Like Henry, the regime and north• ern loyalists enjoyed good intelligence by dispatching spies among the rebels (e.g. CSP7,134 no. 71-3,136 no. 75,171 no. 135,189 no. 20 193 no. 22,196 no. 27, 220 no. 67). Indeed, Sussex informed Burghley that his espionage network was so good that a servant to the Regent of Scotland 'declared he had better intelligence by me than his mas• ter could get in Scotland' (CSP7, 187 no. 15). See Sharp (13) for Sus• sex's recommendation to Sir George Bowes to 'have good spyall, and send good advertysements' (also 19 and 59; cf. 63 for counterespion• age by the rebels against Bowes).

Notes to Chapter 8: The Days of Villainy7

1. Far more Catholic 'rebels' were executed in 1569/70 alone than Protestant 'martyrs' since the Reformation. See Byman (627n8): Notes

'Approximately three hundred and fifty Protestant reformers were burned at the stake between the onset of the English Reformation and the accession of Elizabeth.' See Sharp (160) for orchestration of execu• tions in certain locations; and 163 for the impact of massive retribution: 'theyr ys of theym executed, six hundreth and odd; so that now the auctors of thys rebellyon ys curssed of everye syde; and sure the peo• ple [are] in marvelous feare, so that I trust there shall never suche thing happen in these partes agayne; neyther can th Earles, with the rest of there conspyrators, wynne credyt to styrre any mans heart.' In each case there are no subsequent CSP entries indicating that any of these offenses were punished by the government. See also SP 12/165/42: 'Francis Jones ... prest six souldiers [and] released fyve of them againe and onlie sente one poore insufficient man to serve her Maffe in this service And this poore man hath a wiefe and thre poore children ... those fyve mens names that weare released weare... verie tall hansome serviceable men.' See Verstegan to Baynes: 'Sir John Norrice, having a large comission to take up sol• diers (which they say shalbe sent unto Britany), dothe presse the ritchest farmers and yeomen, and then taketh summes of mony of them to admitt them to put others to serve in their places' (1959, 75). On Dryden see Stoll. Morgann is even reprinted in the twentieth century. See Craig (14) for Sir John Harington's view of Falstaff: 'In his commentary on Book 6 of the Aeneid, presented to Prince Henry in 1604, he includes a reference to Falstaff ... the soldiers Virgil shows in Hades are "swaggring companions that follow war owt of theyr humor, and lyve thearin disorderly & lycentiowsly lyke Sir John falstaffe, robbing men of theyr pay, and selling or fleesing theyr companyes."' Note that the Epilogue to 2H4 speculates that Falstaff may 'already ... be killed with your hard opinions' (31), but without indicating why spectators might hold such views. See also BL MS Harleian 287, 5 for a letter by one Captain Hanteley indicating that Burghley had given him a company of soldiers. See also Henry Lok to Cecil: 'Observations on the benefits which would arise to me by a present foreign employment, viz., relief from my creditors, and a better means of diminishing expenses, and set• tling my own affairs' (CSP5, 509 no. 32). Rich (1578, Ii) corroborates the patronage network: captains 'are many times appoynted more for favour then for knowledge, more for friendship then for experi• ence, & more for affection borne them by some noble man, then eyther for valiance or vertue.' See also Rich (1574, Diiiv) on the dan• gers of the 'needy' captain. W. Palmer (711) includes a passage sug• gesting that Chichester also lived by slaughtering Irish: 'In 1601 Arthur Chichester boasted to Burghley of an attack near Dungannon "where we killed men, women, child, horse, beast, and whatsoever we found ..." Chichester was also proud of his capture of one of Tyrone's chief followers, and proud that he had killed "him, his wife, sons, daughters, and followers, being many, and burnt all to the ground."' Williams in Evans' introduction (lxix and note, li, lxxii, lxxv-lxxvi). Manning (1988,210). Hale (1985,118). A good indication of the queen's Notes 301

inability to control military affairs, and consequently of our need to locate other centers of power, is her letter to Norris and Drake con• cerning Williams' complicity in the young Essex's enlistment in the Portugal Expedition. She supposes that Norris and Drake might have already executed Williams for his offense, but if not, she orders them to imprison him. Walsingham apparently suppressed this royal let• ter. See Wernham (1988, no. 104 and no. 105; see also xxxv-xxxvi). 8. See Champion (120): 'the spectator is forced to question not only Hal's judgment but the king's, as well, for allowing his son the authority to make such an appointment' (of Falstaff). 9. Prisoners could be drawn to Tyburn in pairs or linked groups, such as the Babington conspirators in 1586. See also Bullcalf: 'In very truth, sir, I had as lief be hanged, sir, as go' (1H4, 3.2.217-18). Some readers might claim that Hal just banters wTith his tavern companions. But Hal's 'gallows humor' is serious, as evinced by his very first refer• ence to his companions as 'base contagious clouds' (1.2.193); even 'unyok'd' (191) punningly anticipates his later exchange with Bardolph: 'Bar. My lord, do you see these meteors? do you behold these exhalations? / Pri. I do. / Bar. What think you they portend? / Pri. Hot livers and cold purses. / Bar. Choler, my lord, if rightly taken. / Pri. No, if rightly taken, halter' (2.4.315-21). 10. On Smythe's problems with the government in the mid-1590s see Hale's introduction (lxxxii-xciv). 11. See Poins' defense of himself against Hal's insults in 1H4: 'The worst that they can say of me is that I am a second brother, and that I am a proper fellow of my hands, and those two things I confess I cannot help' (2.2.62-5). 12. Numerous sources mention disastrous harvests in the mid-1590s, e.g. Wrightson (145). Palliser (386-7) provides a useful table. See also Arden edn (38n). 13. See CSP4, 401 no. 151 for commoners in Norfolk who forcefully opposed transportation of food, including 'peas and beans/ out of the county. They 'assembled in a very riotous and tumultuous man• ner' to stop a ship, 'and forcibly unloaded her.' An accompanying document (no. 151.1) is an informer's 'Discovery' of 'an intended rebellion' by commoners who, if they could not get 'corn cheap ... would arise and get it by force, and if they did arise, would knock down the best first.' According to Spufford (1985, 48), 'the wage labourer's wages brought... less food in 1597 than at any other point recorded between the 1260s when the records open and 1950' (cited by McLuskie, 29). 1H4 was probably produced in 1597. 14. See the military treatises discussed above. Justice Shallow's corrup• tion is reiterated in another register at 5.1.34-49. Also, note that victimization of draftees follows a scene in which Henry IV whines about the burdens of kingship and fantasizes about the happy lives of commoners (3.1.4-31). Similar nonsense will occur at a crucial moment in HV. 15. See Myers' '"Murdering Heart.... Murdering Hand": Captain Thomas Lee of Ireland, Elizabethan Assassin/ whose descriptive title Notes tells the story. Although Myers takes a fairly conservative view of the documents he uncovers, it appears as though Lee was another henchman in a long line of such disposable men, and perhaps ren• dered a fall guy to help justify the execution of Essex. Langsam cites authors who stress preparedness - Gates (7) and Procter (10-11). Many critics note the ironic quality of the Chorus, e.g. Barton (1988, 12-13). For another potential connection between stage and pulpit note that Henry's threatening speech - 'Your fathers taken by the silver beards, / And their most reverend heads dash'd to the walls; / Your naked infants spitted upon pikes' (3.3.36-8) - has an ana• logue in Edmond Harris' 1588 sermon. Commenting on the Spanish threat, Harris claimed that '"Unlesse our soveraigne be supplied" ... you will "see your wives ravished before your faces, your friends slain, your children murdered, your infants dashed against the stones or broached on the picke, and all the land made nothing but the shambles of Castillian and Ignatian butchers'" (Hale 1983, 491). The enormous cultural power of Harris' anti-Catholic rant is suggested by its adaptation in a 1615 Paul's Cross sermon not discussed by Hale, preached on the tenth anniversary of the Gunpowder Plot, in which John Boys (future Dean of Canterbury) affirmed that if the Plot had succeeded, 'England would have become "a verie shambles of Italian and Ignatian butcheries'" (MacLure 1989, 102; see also 74 and 117). Note that 'beseeched' is an anticipatory pun: Henry must talk his way into Harfleur. Bardolph's 'crime' seems all the more insignificant when contrasted to English soldiers preying upon local 'boors' at Ostend, 'wherein divers of the boors have been slain' (245 no. 89). By 1610 the corrup• tion characterizing Elizabethan militarism was so well known that even Rich, who had earlier issued relentless indictments against corruption, expected his readers to understand the causes of military disaster in Ireland in the late 1590s without explanation (107-8): 'I will not speake how Tyrone was befrended by the English, neither will I make any repetition, how the English souldiors were generally enfeebled & broght so weake, that they were not able to perform a good daies march (I will not say how it came so to passe, but it is well enough knowne that so it was:).' The vast difference between H5 (1599) and Edward III (early 1590s) is evident through comparison of dismemberment alone: while the latter revels in severed heads and limbs in its aestheticized description of a naval battle evoking the Armada (1166-76), Williams quietly describes the same body parts as individual accusations against a potentially unjust king and unjust war. See Patterson (1989, 88-9) for the brilliant suggestion that the speech prefix 'Will' for 'Williams' in the Folio might be 'Shakespeare's own signature/ given the usage of 'Will' in the sonnnets (e.g. no. 135). If so, Williams' great speech on militarism is an even more pointed and personal indictment of the Elizabethan system than would otherwise be the case. Note that Henry's evasion of responsibility would be disputed even by Sutcliffe: Notes 303

'if the unjustice of the warres be not notorious, the subject is bound to pay and serve, and the guilt shall be laide to his charge that com- mandeth him to serve' (Hale 1983,496). Williams' concern for women and children parallels Verstegan's Catholic commentary cited in Part II. One wonders whether Williams might also counterpoint Sir Roger Williams. See Langsam (8-9) for contemporaries on God and war. Compare William Gouge's sermon declaring that 'warre is a kind of execution of publique justice ... and though by their [soldiers'] valour much bloud may be shed, yet they need not be any more daunted thereat than iudges, iuries, executioners and other ministers of iustice for putting many malefactors to death' (Hale 1983, 493). For example, l.Cho.18,23,28; 3.Cho.l-3,7,13,18,25,35; 5.Cho.8,15- 16, 22-3; Epilogue, 14. Mallin's new historicist essay on Troilus and Cressida is problematic. In a twist on the usual new historicist focus on the sovereign's gaze, Mallin is preoccupied by Essex's gaze, as though only Essex (not Ralegh, Howard, Vere, Drake, Hawkins, the Norrises, etc.) were the sole fulcrum of Elizabethan militarism. Mallin is wrong to assert that 'policy and ideology converged in England's national energies, which were largely directed to defensive as opposed to aggressive or inter• ventionist ends' (145). He mistakenly insists that Cecilians constituted a kind of peace party (146), whereas Wernham (1984, vi) argues for conciliar coherence in support of war at least from 1588 to 1595. Per• haps the major omission is any discussion of Thersites' role as com• mentator for the lower-class view on war. Mallin concludes with a typically new historicist gesture to the illusion of power: 'Troilus and Cressida is always deconstructing its subversions. Its exiguous relation to contestation stems from the thorough redundancy of that act in a political landscape lacking a clear authority; there is nothing, or not enough, to subvert' (170). On the contrary, there was enough 'clear authority' to continue drafting soldiers for Irish wars and hanging de• serters. On 10 October 1600, Chamberlain wrote casually to Carleton: 'Five or six soldiers have been hanged for desertion' (CSP5,477 no. 89). See Altman, whose historical research and selectivity are a welcome departure from anecdotalism on the one hand and ponderous foot• notes to a couple of county archives on the other. Altman briefly and brilliantly captures the central issues surrounding late Elizabethan militarism: extent of royal power, obligations of counties, and popu• lar resistance to a de facto draft (8-13). Yet he enacts a recognizably new historicist recuperation of his own historical materials. Altman argues that 'Shakespeare taps his audience's emotions and directs their understanding in such a way that they can admire the King and nurture hostile feelings toward him but also transfer those feelings, in solidarity with him, to the foreign enemy' (3n8) - the enemy being contemporary Ireland as well as medieval France. But Airman's argument is problematic in the following ways: he ignores the fact of difference in every audience in a society radically divided by wealth and status, as well as the country's lack of a clear ideology Notes of nationalism - 'great nationalist fervor' (8) - upon which his view of audience 'participation' must be founded; there are dubious racist presuppositions underlying a claim such as 'the audience's deep- seated hostility toward a notoriously barbaric neighbor' (7); and most importantly, he defies the logic of historical materials so im• pressively unearthed and so amazingly reburied. Ireland was not 'England's Vietnam' (10), but only because the entire 'war' period constituted an early modern Vietnam situation in which commoners consistently resisted the regime's attempts to siphon them off for never-ending conflict. For other relevant entries see 78 no. 18, 157, 182 no. 85, 245 no. 89, 516 no. 58. The men before whom these depositions against Chapman were taken might constitute an interesting minor case study in the political eco• nomy of relations between central government and local dominant classes. Hugh Beeston, for example, is recorded as purchasing the Queen's reversion of Neston manor and being granted Overmarsh pasture on 6 August 1599, presumably as a reward for loyal service to the crown (CSP5, 278). But another authority presiding over Chapman's deposition had a previous grant fall through because of 'misprision or negligence in the writer' (257). See Wall's recent transcription of a document indicating that one reason for the Essex Revolt was the earl's feeling that he would be treacherously murdered not only by Cobham and Ralegh, but also by Cecil. See Cecil's speech defending himself against libels (CSP5, 352 no. 37). Massive English musters in 1599 were probably designed as a show of force against Essex, especially since intelligence indic• ated that Spain had no ability to attempt another invasion (356). If the Irish situation in 1599 was anything like 1601, it is unsurprising that Cecilians feared (and probably undermined) Essex. Carleton writes: 'Should any accident of war befall us, the whole country would revolt, and half our army, which are Irish dispersed in Eng• lish companies, would turn against us' (CSP6, 134-5 no. 48). The typical English strategy of divide and conquer, practiced with great efficiency throughout the imperial era, could thus possibly backfire. Even if Cecilians did not directly undermine Essex's campaign, Cham• berlain indicates that even before it got started the crown had severe problems raising money in London, 'the city being so impoverished through decay of trade' (CSP5, 129-30 no. 6). On the other hand, 'divers young captains raise voluntary companies, as Sir Rob. Wroth's younger son has one of 200, and Dr. Doylie's son would fain make up another; there are more than 1,500 volunteers.' It is impossible to determine whether these men were patriotic, economically desperate, and/or similar to those mentioned in Smythe's report to Burghley on the Portugal Expedition. See The Oppugnation (1601, B2), for incidental information suggesting that men may have died 'by reason that they were rawe, and had not beene trained.' The pamphlet affirms that they performed well despite no training. Notes 305

29. Williams in Evans' introduction (xix). Williams in Evans' Appendix II (p. 158). Wernham (1984, 437). 30. Official corruption at the highest levels is suggested by numerous documents, e.g. in a letter from the merchant Jolles endorsed by Burghley: 'If the Queen and Council take the profit out of the apparel for the garrisons, so that I do not meddle with the exchange, I beg that it may be kept secret, for fear of mutiny among the soldiers (CSP4, 23 no. 80). See also CSP5, 376 and 472 no. 77; CSP6, 161 no. 52. 31. Boynton (1967, 175-6). Boynton seems to imply that evasion of all service by the better off occurred only near the end of the reign, but other documents indicate that this practice was an earlier phenom• enon. On 7 June 1596 the queen wrote to Lord Cobham: 'You are also to take order that all the soldiers of the trained bands may be chosen from the men of the country that have permanent habitation, and not taken up from loose men that are not to continue, and the said bands be assured to be only employed for the service of the country, or for our own person when we shall have cause to require them' (CSP4, 227 no. 8). The traditional exemption of the trained bands is emphasized, but by 1596 the better off did not trust the regime. See also 564 no. 113: 'The Privy Council wishing the trained bands to be of the better sort, poor and uncertain dwellers are to be dismissed, and none are to serve by deputy.' See also 398-9 no. 145 for instructions to ready men from the Essex trained bands for service abroad. For additional information on English desertion see Wernham (1984, 466-8 and 542). See CSP6, 61 no. 2 for a kind of double draft in which the queen ordered the Lord Mayor of London 'to levy 1,000 able men, especially such as have served in the Low Countries.' 32. Many historians who write about Elizabethan foreign policy either fail to note abuses or seem to endorse the policy of siphoning off vic• tims of Elizabethan society. Sharpe writes euphemistically - 'Levies were normally drawn from the bottom of society.... Those thought fit for service were packed off with practically no training in the hope, normally fulfilled, that they would not be returning' (101) - but then reveals a seemingly different attitude: 'the Tudor and early Stuart levy was seen as a useful way of purging society of ne'er-do- wells'; and 'in the Elizabethan period many criminal vagrants were returning soldiers' (102 and 103). Sharpe fails to distinguish his own attitude from that of the hierarchy. Cruickshank goes further in a statement reminiscent of Smythe's monstrous plan in his letter to Burghley: 'The menace of vagrants was great in the vicinity of London, and local authorities stressed the benefits that would accrue on their departure into the forces, especially towards the end of the reign. In 1597 the council authorized the levy of vagabonds to rein• force the expedition then in Picardy. In and around London there were large numbers who stole for a living, and 700 were rounded up, principally because the country would be well rid of them' (1946,10). 33. See H. Webb: 'during the Elizabethan era nothing really effective was ever done to cure the ills resulting from poor [command] appoint• ments' (71); commenting on 'corruption in high places/ he says: 'The Notes cause for the evil lay with Elizabeth's military organization - and therefore, ultimately with Elizabeth herself (72). Institutional culpabil• ity is right, but responsibility lies with Elizabeth's Cecilian masters. See CSP4,276 no. 2: after the 'successful' 1596 Cadiz Expedition, Cap• tain Thomas Parry was 'commanded by Sir Robt. Cecil to deliver ... knowledge touching the custom house at Cadiz': 'the day after the town was taken, I saw a great multitude of soldiers and mariners in the custom house, and Sir John Aldridge beating them forth. I endeavoured to assist him, but being too weak, he sent me to the Earl of Essex, Lord General, to inform him how they sought to ransack the place; whereupon Sir Geo. Carew was sent with me to put back the ransackers I saw packs of paper, cheats of red caps, and glass; if anything else was there it was ransacked before I arrived.' The book was published in 1604, but Thomas apparently wrote his part in 1592. See especially 13, 15, and 20. The best passage is cleverly and safely expressed on 80: 'But alas, as through the indirect proceeding of desparate Censurers, men oft condemne the warres for murdering our men, and wasting our mony in lingring fruitlesnesse, where many times the fault is in our souldiers disabilitie, poore hunger-starved snakes halfe dead ere they go out of England... whereas most times the corruptnes of Officers (such as seeke the wars for gaine only... such decayed unthriftie gallants as to gett a little money by the sale, spoile or slaughter of their Companies make meanes to be favorably sent, from the Court to the Camp, as Commanders, before they knowe how to obey) are true causes of extraordinarie spoile of Treasure, of making the warres seeme (if not be, [)] dilatorie and fruitlesse' (emphasis mine). Hale (1983, 497-8). See also Markham (31-2) on the draft and espe• cially for a 'Preacher' in Kent who repeatedly gave thanks for the deportation of 'all the dispised and base Rascalls of the nation' (32). Arden edn (112n, 329). Brockbank cites as evidence 2 Henry VI (4.8) and 2H4 (5.5), the former couched as a plea against Cade's rebel• lion and the latter a terse prophecy by Prince John. Neither of these examples, however, is quite so stark or explicit as Coriolanus' grim phrase. The examples from the history plays are harsh enough, but the first is rhetorically improvisational and the second is a verbaliza• tion of what the dying Henry IV had already advised Prince Hal to do, namely, 'to busy giddy minds / With foreign quarrels' (4.5.213- 14). Note that Digges apparently read North's Plutarch, since both spell 'forreine warre' the same way. See also Shakespeare's brief meditation on militarism in Pericles, where Boult retorts sharply to Marina's insults: 'What would you have me do? go to the wars, would you? where a man may serve seven years for the loss of a leg, and have not money enough in the end to buy him a wooden one?' (4.6.168-71). One wonders how Hale could assert that 'the instinct of high art and prestige literature' was to 'present' war, 'by and large, as predominantly glorious;' and that Boult's speech was 'designed to evoke a chuckle of recognition' (Hale 1985,115). I doubt that ex-soldiers would have chuckled at Boult's speech. Bibliography

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NB: For reasons of space, I do not cite modern authors.

Aldridge, John, 306n34 Beard, Thomas, 164 Allen, William, 4, 74, 99, 116, Bedford, Earl of (Francis Russell), 158-9, 160, 246n20, 251n58, 28, 204, 276n24 272n5-6, 286-7n45, 288n54, Beeston, Hugh, 304n26 288-9n56 Behn, Aphra, 9 Armada (1588), 113 Birchet, Peter, 85, 270n27 on Burghley, 153, 157, 286n45 Bishop of Carlisle (John Best), 202 on Elizabeth, 152, 157, 242-3n4, Blackadder II, 248n34 284n26 Blount, Michael, 125, 281n5 English alliance with Turks, Blundevil, L., 295nl6 286n39 Bond of Association (1584), 51, Ireland, 242n3 256n8, 274nl3 sodomy, 283nl7 Bornstra, Captain, 75-6, 267nl2 The Amateur, 272nl Bowes, George, 82, 299nl2 Armada (1588), 15, 16, 32, 60, 83, Boys, John, 302nl7 85, 113, 123, 176-80, 243n4 Bradley, William, 286n43 in propaganda, 40-2 Branagh, Kenneth, Arthington, Henry, 267nl5 Henry V, 18 Ashley, Anthony, 260n30, 282nl3, Bridewell, 63, 66-7, 264n39 294nl4 Brockett, John, 296n22 Brownists, 100, 291n73 Babington, Anthony, 134 Bruskett, Michael, 212 Bacon, Anthony, 161, 163-4 Buckhurst, Lord (Thomas Bacon, Francis, 256n9, 293n8 Sackville), 161, 229, 289n64 Bacon, Nicholas, 2, 118 Bull, Eleanor, 133, 162 Bailly, Charles, 267nl3 Burghley, Lord (William Cecil), 2, Baines, Richard, Chapter 5 4, 25, 104-5, Chapter 5 (passim), 288n54 (passim), 233, 276n21, 286n42, Baines Note, 158-62, 288n54, 292n73, 300n4-5, 305n30 289-90n66 aggressive foreign policy, 192, gets benefice, 151, 286n42 246n20, 249n39, 286n44 at Cambridge University, 112 Armada (1588), 293n4 at Rheims, 112, 158, 162 as 'atheist/ 148-9, 152-3, 157-8, Bales, Thomas, 276n24 286n45 Bancroft, Richard (Bishop of attitude to soldiers, 178-9 London), 164 authoring royal proclamations, Barnard, Robert, 107 279nll Barnes, Thomas, 236-7 Babington Plot (1586), 279nl4 Barrow, Henry, 156, 255n77, and Bull, 133 287n50 'conspiratorial thinking/ 25

337 338 Index

Burghley, Lord - continued and William Parry, 150, 255n77, court struggle, 265n2 279n5 covert operations, 24-5, 101, patronage network, 22-3, 128, 109, 251n56, 267nl5 149, 213, 249n44 destruction of Norfolk, 2, 24, payment to spies, 278n32 130, 149, 198-9, 282n9, and Phelippes, 128, 281nl, 298n5 282n8 on domestic versus foreign and Poley, 128 threats, 30 in political allegory, 134-48, establishes Church of England, 284n22, 285n32 99 poll tax, 119 against factionalism, 249n40, promotes Dutch rebellion, 61 272-3n9 'Regnum Cecilianum/ 1, 242nl in Fire over England, 15 reports of words against, 105-6, and Fleetwood, 132, 256nl0 276n24 and Anthony Hall, 133, 282nl5 reputation of, 26, 72, 103, 105, and Herle, 106, 242nl 117-25, 250n47 in historiography, 10, 109, response to Catholic 'libels', 123, 247n20 146 instructions to Puckering, 287n48 and Sadler, 133 intelligence apparatus, 5, 71, 73, and Smythe, 181, 217, 265n2, 101, 127-8, 280nl9, 281n4, 285n33, 295nl9, 296n22 282nl3 supports Hawkins, 192, 251n60 intelligence budget, 278n30 terror, 83-4, 246nl6, 267nl3 intelligence letters to, 39, 78, in Treatise of Treasons, 2 81-2, 105, 106, 181, 185, 186, on vagabonds, 63, 87 201, 203-4, 217, 265n2, 1588 forgery, 40-2, 254n75-6, 266n9, 267nl7, 275nl9, 288n51, 288n56, 289n57 285n33, 290n71, 291n73, 1591 royal proclamations, 117, 299nl2 152 Ireland, 192, 246n20, 268n21 1593 Parliament, 155-6, 287n49 kidnapping of Story, 73, 101, Burke, Edmund, 45, 46 150, 197 and Marian exiles, 251n54 Caddy, Lawrence, 277n27 and Marlowe, 35, 113, 127 Cahill, Hugh, 125 marriage alliances, 26, 249n47 Camden, William, 8, 13, 72, and Matthew Parker, 112 246nl7, 298n2 military impressment, 184 Carew, George, 39, 58, 225, military letters to, 177, 181, 259n24, 306n34 185, 186, 205, 209, 213, Carleton, Dudley, 25, 227 228, 258nl7, 295nl6-17, Catlyn, Malivemy, 107 296n22 Cavendish, Margaret (Duchess of military reorganization, 83 Newcastle), 9 Northern Rebellion, 83-4, 208, Cecil, Robert, 25, Chapter 5 269n25 (passim), 233, 265-6n5, 280n20, notes on Gaveston and Edward 289n64, 289-90n66, 291n72, II, 283nl8 306n34 offices, 285n29 on aspirers, 287n46 and the Parrys, 133 as 'atheist,' 157-8 Index 339

Cecil, Robert - continued Churchyard, Thomas, 55, 164, at Cambridge University, 112, 250n51, 258nl7 281n4 Clarkson, George, 298n6 and Cholmley, 130, 155, 159, Clinton, Lord Edward, 209 162, 163 Clyfford, Ascanius, 210 controls succession, 56, 125-6, Cobham, Lord (William Brooke), 129, 242nl 176, 177, 305n31 court struggle, 226-7, 265n2 Cobham, Lord (Henry Brooke), 24, covert operations, 24, 127, 304n27 267nl5 Cockerell, Robert, 270n27 versus Essex, 24, 130, 149, Coke, Edward, 77, 78, 248n37, 282n9, 304n27 271n35, 280nl9 foreigners in England, 154 colonization, 14, 33, 55, 64, 66, 68, in historiography, 109 257nl6, 263-4n38 intelligence apparatus, 71, 73, Copinger, Edmund, 267nl5, 281n2 101, 109, 113, 128, 151, Cordale, Francis, 226 280nl9 Cotton, Thomas, 29 intelligence letters to, 103, 105, Cresswell, Joseph, 117 106, 229, 230 Cromwell, Oliver, 72 letter to Carew, 39 Cromwell, Thomas, 23, 28, 52 military letters to, 186, 212-13, cross-dressing, 39 225, 226, 300n5 Cumberland, Earl of (George patronage network, 22-3, 149, Clifford), 121 164-5, 212-13 and Phelippes, 128, 277n25, Dacre, Leonard, Chapter 7 (passim) 282n8 versus Norfolk, 198, 202, 298n3 and Poley, 128 Daniel, Samuel, 293nl privateering, 31 Darcy, Francis, 226 promotion of, 123 Davis, John, 251-2n61 versus Ralegh, 130, 149 Davis, Nevill, 61 'Regnum Cecilianum/ 1, 242nl Dekker, Thomas, 34, 64 reputation of, 26, 237, 249-50n47 The Famous History of Sir Thomas Cecil, Robert (twentieth century), Wyat, 268n20 14 The Noble Spanish Soldier, 33 Cecil, Thomas (second Lord Old Fortunatus, 268n20 Burghley), 103, 226 Patient Grissil, 256n6 letter to Cecil, 273nl2 The Shoemaker's Holiday, 172 Chamberlain, John, 25, 227-8, 234, Dekker, Thomas, and Thomas 304n27 Middleton, Chapman, George, 226, 304n26 The Roaring Girl, 268n20 Chettle, Henry, 290n67 Deloney, Thomas, 41, 42 Chichester, Arthur, 213, 243n4, Derby, Earl of (Ferdinando 300n5 Stanley, Lord Strange), 124,125 Cholmley, Hugh, 162, 163, 289n63 Digges, Dudley, 234, 252n63 Cholmley, Richard, 124, Chapter 5 The Compleat Ambassador, 72, 73 (passim), 281n6, 288n53, Foure Paradoxes, 231, 234-6, 292n73 306n37 and Cecil, 130, 155, 159, 162, 163 Digges, Thomas, 234 and Essex, 130, 163 Foure Paradoxes, 232, 233, 306n35 340 Index

Dingley, George (oka James instructions to Norris and Young), 73-4, 266n6 Drake, 181-2 Don Juan de Idiaques, 124 letter to Lord Cobham, 305n31 Donne, John, 291n72 letter to Lord Mavor of London, Dorman, Thomas, 289n60 305n31 Drake, Francis, 16, 33, 176, letter to Thomas Cecil, 103 252n62 lieutenancy, 269n23 Armada (1588), 179-80 and Dr Lopez, 289n66 in Catholic propaganda, 120 marriage issue, 2, 118, 198 Portugal Expedition (1589), 181, martial law, 85 233, 282nl3, 301n7 military capitalism, 181 1585 voyage, 32, 251n61, 260n28 military letters to, 178, 199 1595 voyage, 32, 62 military levies, 176, 233 Drayton, Michael, and Norfolk, 289-90n66 Peirs Gaveston Earle of Cornwall, Northern Rebellion, 83, 84, 282-3nl6 244nl0 Drury, Thomas, 130, 161-2, 163-4, nostalgia, 72, 236-7, 265n3 Chapter 5 (passim), 289n64, orders standing army, 56, 290n69 290n67 and Perrot, 289n66 and Burghley, 164 petition to, 288n52 and Cecil, 164 policy of aggression, 235 popular discontent, 234 Easton, John, 277n24 Portugal Expedition (1589), ecclesiastical surveillance, 107-8, 181-2, 294nl3, 294nl5, 257nll 300-ln7 Edmondes, Thomas, 291n73 and Ralegh, 179 Edward III, 302n20 reports of words against, 105-6, Edward VI, 22, 23, 28, 65, 83, 276n24 268n22, 269n23 and Roger Williams, 213 Egerton, Thomas, 66 royal armories, 258nl8 Elizabeth I, 4, 8, 18, 20, 22, 28, 29, Scots queen/Norfolk marriage 32, 39, 41, 100, 118, Chapter 5 proposal, 199 (passim), 229, 259n24, 284n26, in The Sea Hawk, 16 305-6n33 the state, 19 anniversary of, 11 supports Camden, 246nl7 Armada (1588), 83, 178, 179 in The Virgin Queen, 16-17 assassination threats against, 50, in Young Bess, 16 51, 280nl9 terror, 84, 246nl6 as 'atheist/ 152 treason, 77-8, 267nl6-17 attitude to poor, 53-4, 64-5 Tilbury speech (1588), 15, attitude to soldiers, 233 247n30 covert operations, 251n56 Elizabeth II, 11, 18 excommunication of, 63 Elizabeth the Queen, or The Private exculpation of, 27 Lives of Elizabeth and Essex, 17 figurehead, 3, 9 Englefield, Francis, 124, 200 and Henri IV, 294nl5 espionage system, 102-10 in Henry VIII, 70 Essex, Earl of (Robert Devereux), versus Holinshed, 285n33 212-13, 214, 280nl6, 296n22, image, 271n36 302nl5, 303n23 Index 341

Essex, Earl of - continued Gouge, William, 262n35, 303n21 Cadiz Expedition (1596), 306n34 Greene, Robert, 64, 163, 290n67 court struggle, 22, 24, 124, 127, Greenwood, John, 156, 255n77, 226-7, 265n2 287n50 and Dr Lopez, 24, 71, 265n2 Greville, Fulke, 243n4, 245nl4, French campaign, 138, 254n77 257nl6, 261n31, 265n4 in Henry V, 231 Grey, Arthur (Lord Deputy of intelligence apparatus, 265n2 Ireland), 118, 295nl6, 298n6 Irish Expedition (1599), 24, 172, Grey, Catherine, 9, 24, 198, 199, 213, 224, 226-7, 280nl6 298n4 patronage, 149, 213 Grey, Jane, 9, 298n4 and Phelippes, 128, 281nl, 282n8 Portugal Expedition (1589), 301n7 Hacket, Roger, 189, 297n27 promotion to Privy Council, 123, Hacket, William, 77, 120, 124, 148, 280nl9 156, 164-5, 186, 267nl5, versus Ralegh, 129-30 286n40 rebellion, 56, 208, 258-9nl9, Hakluyt, Richard, 33 270n32, 277n27, 304n27 Hales, James, 177 Tacitean historiography, 293n3 Hall, Anthony, 133, 282nl5 executions, 33, 65-6, 82, 83-4, 86, Hall, Joseph, 164 183, 208, 209, 214, 263n38, Harington, John, 300n3 269n25, 299-300nl Harman, Thomas, 64, 262n34 Harris, Augustus, 41, 42 Family of Love, 267nl5 Harris, Edmond, 302nl7 Fenner, Thomas, 293n8 Harris, Robert, 262n35 Fire over England, 15, 17, 247n30 Harrison, William, 64 Fleetwood, William, 132, 256nl0 Hart, John, 74 Folger Shakespeare Library, 12-13, harvest failure, 216, 301nl2 14-15, 247n29 Hatton, Christopher, 85, 86, 118, Forster, John, 201 123, 149, 274nl4 France, 68, 249n39, 291n73 Hawkins, John, 33, 85, 252n62, English casualties in, 223 293n8 English subversion of, 29, 30, in Catholic propaganda, 120 242n3 slaving voyages, 16, 30, 31, 192, Huguenot revolt, 29, 30, 114 198, 247n31, 251n60 unpopularity of English 1595 voyage, 32, 62 campaigns in, 185, 254n77 Hayward, John, 100, 171, 292-3nl Frizer, Ingram, 95, Chapter 5 Heneage, Thomas, 128, 154, 217, (passim) 288n52, 293-4n8 congames, 131-2 Henri IV, 254n77, 294nl5 royal pardon of, 132 conversion to Catholicism, Frobisher, Martin, 179, 294nl6 291n73 in The Massacre at Paris, 114-15 Gargrave, Thomas, 39, 209 in 1591 royal proclamations, 117 Gates, Geoffrey, 221, 302nl6 Henry VIII, 4, 23, 27, 58, 68, 256n4 Gerrard, William, 258nl7 dissolution of monasteries, 20 Gifford, Gilbert, 279-80nl4 England as empire, 28 Gilbert, Humfrey, 55-6, 77, 258nl7 English Reformation, 1, 3 Gorges, Ferdinando, 225 'King' of Ireland, 21 342 Index

Henry VIII - continued Jonson, Ben, 2-3, 26, 34, 51, 131, navy of, 32 165-6, 264nl, 270n34, and northern aristocrats, 83, 201 290-ln72 treason, 77, 267nl6 Juvenal, 28 Herle, William, 106-7, 242nl, 256n4, 277n26 Kaurismaki, Aki, Herodian, 245nl5 Hamlet Goes Business, 248n33 Hertford, Earl of (Edward Seymour), Killigrew, Henry, 113 125, 198, 199, 230, 298n4 Kipling, Rudyard, 12, 247n27 Elvetham entertainment (1591), Kyd, Thomas, 128, 153, 162, 165, 138, 284n26 171, 287n48, 289n62 Hext, Edward, 67 Kyffin, Maurice, 296n20 Hitler, Adolf, 15-16, 17 Holinshed, Raphael, 64, 144-5, 194, labor surplus, 53, 54, 67 196, 209, 219, 284n27, 285n33 Lambarde, William, 65, 263n37, Holt, William, 125 268nl9, 268-9n22 Hooper, Richard, 266n8 land, House of Correction, 63 confiscation of, 84, 267nl7, Howard, Charles (Lord Admiral), 269n25 31, 81, 176, 177, 178, 180, 227, ownership of, 53, 221 280nl9, 293-4n8 royal sale of, 59, 259n25 Hunsdon, Lord (Henry Carey), 163 Laton, Gilbert, 124, 280nl9 Lee, Thomas, 24, 301-2nl5 inflation, 54, 67, 68, 216 Leicester, Earl of (Robert Dudley), Ingleby, Davie, 103, 274nl5 75, 118, 123, 149, 267nl3, Ireland, 84, 213, 222, 224, 228, 229, 272-3n9, 279nl4 233, 242n2, 249n39, 284n25, Armada (1588), 177 295-6n20, 303n23-4, 304n27 covert operations, 24, 251n56 English conquest of, 29, 30, 39, destruction of Norfolk, 130, 199, 55, 68, 192, 246n20 298n5 English terror in, 243n4, 258nl7 intelligence letter to martial law in, 81-2, 268n21 Walsingham, 50 1579 rebellion, 63, 118, intelligence letters to, 30, 106 269-70n25 Leicester's Commonwealth, 242nl, 1593 rebellion, 138 283nl8 1601 rebellion, 253n73, Netherlands expedition (1585), 269-70n25 175 reputation of, 105 James VI and I> 22, 24, 25, 66, 105, lieutenancy, 58-9, 82, 104, 231, 277n24 259n25, 260n26 colonization of North America, Lincoln, Earl of (Henry Clinton), 14 105, 276n21 English succession, 56, 89, 124, Lok, Henry, 300n5 125, 128-9, 234 Luther, Martin, 3 in Henry VIII, 70 Lymes, E. S., 212 Jarman, Derek, 35, Edward II, 133, 136, 137, 248n33, Machiavelli, Niccolo, 236, 245nl5 283nl6 The Prince, 7, 23, 70, 129, 204, Jones, Francis, 300n2 219 Index 343

Markham, Francis, 306n36 Mary, 9, 21, 28, 59, 83, 99, 118, Marlowe, Christopher, 34, 35, 36, 153, 268n22, 269n23, 270n27, 95-6, 126, Chapter 5 {passim), 272n6 171, 172, 192, 273nl2, 274nl3, Mary of Scotland, 17 279n6, 279n9, 280nl9, 282n8, Mary, Queen of Scots, 9, 24, 30, 286n40, 289n60, 291-2n73, 71, 123, 126, 144, Chapter 7 293n2 (passim), 277n24, 293n5 arrests of, 95, 112, 113, 127, 131, Babington Plot (1586), 131 151, 153, 162, 165, 286n43 as English tool, 29 as 'atheist,' 129, 149, 152, 156, flight to England, 198 158-60, 290n67 heir to English throne, 2 Baines Note, 158-62, 288n54, and Norfolk, 2, 130, 199 289-90n66 Northern Rebellion, 197 and Burghley, 35, 113, 127 Mathew, William, 78 at Cambridge University, 281n4 Maynarde, Thomas, 32, 62 Catholic propaganda, 112, Merrick, Gelly, 260n30 114-16 Mickley, Nicholas, 266n5 'homosexuality/ 133-4 Middleton, Thomas, as intellectual asset, 112-13 Michaelmas Term, 131 and the Privy Council, 111, 113, military conditions, Chapters 6 127, 128, 150, 162 and 8 (passim), 293n6, and Thomas Walsingham, 127, 294-5nl6, 295-6n20, 297n25, 162 305-6n33, 306n35 Dido, Queen of Carthage, 283nl6 military deportation and Doctor Faustus, 151 impressment, 1, 3-4, 6, 21, 32, Edward II, 35, 114, 116, Chapter 38, 56-7, 58, 60, 64, 65, 68, 69, 5 (passim), 193, 284n23, 88, 121, 172, 176, 180, 182, 284-5n28, 285n30, 291n73, 186-7, 189, 216-17, 225-8, 299n9: ceremony, 284n26; 231, 235-7, 244n8, 246nl9, date of, 283nl9; intelligence, 259n21-2, 260n29, 294nl6, 284n27; publication, 296n22, 300n2, 305n32, 306n36 287-8n50; rhetoric, military desertion, 175-6, 185, 186, 283-4n20; sodomy, 225-6, 227, 230, 279n7, 282-3nl6 296n20-2, 303n23, 305n31 The Jew of Malta, 151, 278n4, militia, 57-9, 82 285n39 trained bands, 57-9, 86, 184-5, The Massacre at Paris, 35, 229-30, 258nl8, 258-9nl9, 114-16, 135, 141, 148, 152, 305n31 160, 283-4n20, 288n50, Molyneux, Richard, 103, 226 291n73 More, Thomas, 1 Tamburlaine, 150-1 Utopia, 7, 53, 77 Marston, John, 34 Morgan, Thomas, 4 Antonio's Revenge, 78-80 Montague, Lord (Anthony The Dutch Courtesan, 33 Browne), 200-1 The Malcontent, 282nl4 Morison, Richard, 28 martial law, 42, 81-90, 182, 209, Mountjoy, Lord James, 64-5 214, 222, 223, 268n21-2, Mountjoy, Lord (Charles Blount, 269n23, 270n32 Lord Deputy of Ireland), 39, Martin Marprelate, 100, 146, 156 213 344 Index

Mowbray, John, 151 Olivier, Laurence, 15 Munday, Anthony, 164 Hamlet, 18 Mynnes, Thomas, 227 O'Neill, Hugh (Earl of Tyrone), 138, 172, 226, 227, 284n25, Nashe, Thomas, 49-50, 284n22 302nl9 navy, 6, 14, 32, 61-2, 67, 176-83, Owen, Hugh, 273nl2 264n40, 293n6 Nayler, James, 148 Paget, Charles, 4, 267nl7, 276n22, Netherlands (Low Countries), 285n36 248n36, 249n39, 302nl9 Palmer, Henry, 294n8 English intervention in, 29, 30, Parker, Matthew (Archbishop of 258nl7 Canterbury), 112, 271n36 English casualties in, 227, 228 Parker, Nicholas, 213 Leicester's expedition (1585), Parry, Blanche, 133 175 Parry, Thomas, 306n34 Nicholas, Thomas, 266n9 Parry, William, 126, 136, 150, Nichols, Philip, 38 254-5n77, 276n22, 285n35-6 Norfolk, Duke of (Thomas letter to Burghley, 279n5 Howard), 2, 24, 71, 149, 162, letter to Walsingham, 279n5 Chapter 7 (passim), 226, Patriot Games, 272rQ. 276n21, 281n5, 289-90n66, Peckham, George, 33 295nl6, 298n5 Penry, John, 156, 255n77 Dacre inheritance, 198, 202, Perkins, William, 39 298n3 Perrot, John, 24, 124, 129, 263n37, imprisonment in Tower, 201 281n5 and Mary, Queen of Scots, 2, Persons, Robert, 4, 99, 113, 116, 130, 199 117, 124, 135, 146, 243n4, Norris, John, 60, 181, 185, 186, 272n5, 279nl3-14, 285n32, 282nl3, 300n2, 301n7 286n43, 288n52, 292n73 North, Thomas, 295n20 Phelippes, Thomas, 25, 106, 128, Northern Rebellion (1569/70), 5, 277n25, 280nl6, 281nl, 282n8 48, 116, 173-4, Chapter 7 Philip II, 9, 60, 235, 277n24 (passim), 234, 244nl0, 269n24, Armada (1588), 32 275nl5, 281n5, 298n2 in Catholic propaganda, 118 execution of Catholics, 63, 83-4, English seizure of payships, 16, 208, 209, 300nl 198, 298n2 ongoing Protestant propaganda, fear of international 192 Protestantism, 244n8, Northumberland, Earl of, Henry 260n28 Percy, 281n2 in Fire over England, 15 Northumberland, Earl of, Thomas France, 114, 119 Percy, 84, Chapter 7 (passim), military commitments, 20 298n8, 299nll Netherlands, 30, 248n36 degradation of, 201, 298n6 in The Sea Hawk, 15-16 ordered to court, 197, 201 in 1591 royal proclamations, 117 Norton, Thomas, 27, 75, 164, plague, 53, 257nl4, 262-3n35 266-7nll Plutarch, 237 Nottingham, Earl of, see Howard, Poley, Robert, 27, 95, Chapter 5 Charles (passim), 278n31, 278n3 Index 345

Poley, Robert - continued in The Virgin Queen, 16-17 Babington Plot (1586), 112, 131, on writing history, 114 133, 134, 163, 164, 278n31, Randall, William, 274nl4 279-80nl4 Rankins, William, 164 as book gatherer, 113 Ratcliff, Egremont, 204 at Cambridge University, 112 Rich, Barnabe, 38, 121, 186, 208, ciphers, 286n43 280nl7, 293n6, 297n24, 300n5, court payment of, 128,131,282nll 302nl9 Popham, John, 229 riots, 77, 301nl3 population, 32, 53, 57 Colchester (1596), 125 'excess/ 33, 55, 56, 64, 67, 188, Enslow Hill (1596), 78, 88, 237, 257nl4, 257-8nl6, 268nl8 263n35, 264n38, 266-7nll London (1589), 86, 230 growth of, 53 London (1590), 87 Portugal, London (1595), 52, 56, 88, 214 English provocation of, 30, 31, Rokeby, Ralph, 82, 274nl5 32, 251n60 Rollo, Duke of Normandy, 268n20 Portugal Expedition (1589), 60, Rowland, Humphrey, 286n43 85-6, 181-3, 230, 282nl3, Rowlands, Samuel, 208 289n57 English casualty rates, 57 Sadler, Ralph, 133, 149, 202, 209, poverty, 68, 69, 261n31, 270-ln34 282nl3 prisons, 74, 262n33 Sandys, Edwin, 264n38 Counter, 74 Savile, Henry, 3, 173 Marshalsea, 106, 266n9, 278n28 Sayer, Robert, 113 Newgate, 215 Schwarzenegger, Arnold, privateering, 3-4, 21, 31-3, 37, 53, Last Action Hero, 18 61-2, 179, 244n8, 261n31 Scotland, 249n39, 299nl2 Procter, Thomas, 221, 302nl6 English intervention in, 29, 30, prostitution, 39, 238 192, 260n29 provost marshal, 81-2, 83, 86, Scrope, Lord Henry, 202, 203, 204 246nl9, 268-9n22, 270n32, The Sea Hawk, 15-16, 31 270n34 searches, 51, 103-4, 257nll, and impressment, 88 274-5nl5 Puckering, John, 153, 162, 163, sedition, 89-90, 271n35 287n48, 289n62, 289n64 Selden, John, 70 Seymour, Lord Henry, 177, 294n8 Quarles, James, 293n6 Seymour, Thomas, 125 Shakespeare, William, 34, 36, 46 Ralegh, Walter, 24, 37, 123, 124, Catholicism, 293n2 Chapter 5 (passim), 252n63, in education, 247n29 281n3, 291-2n73, 294n9 high culture, 14-15 atheism, 128, 130, 292n73 imperialism, 11-12 beneficiary of wine monopoly, myth of, 12-13 179 propaganda, 192 versus Essex, 129-30, 282n9, as 'Tory/ 247n24 304n27 As You Like It, 114, 165, 279n6 foreigners in England, 154 Coriolanus, 237-8 and Marlowe, 128-9 Hamlet, 51, 80, 220, 272nl 346 Index

Shakespeare, William - continued military disposal of rogues, 186, Henriad, 35, 171-5, 183, 189, 187, 216, 305n32 190-1, 192, 206, 210, 212, on militia, 57-8 220, 237-8: Richard II, 172, 1596 riot against impressment, 175, 190, 191, 196, 220; 1 122, 125, 148, 183, 296n22 Henry IV, 175, 180, 190-1, Sneakers, 272x0 192, 193-6, 202, 204, 205, Somerville, John, 24, 108, 267nl7, 206, 208, 210, 211-12, 213, 277n28, 281n2 214-16, 218, 219, 220, 222, Southwell, Robert, 99, 117, 278n3, 297nl, 299n9, 299nl2, 279-80nl4, 284n24 301n8-9, 301nl3; 2 Henry Humble Supplication, 76, 280nl8, IV, 174, 190-1, 196, 200, 283nl7 206, 208-9, 214, 218-20, Spain, 261n32, 292n73, 294n9, 298nl, 299n9, 300n3, 301n9, 304n27 301nll, 301nl4, 306n37; English provocation of, 16, 29, Henry V, 15, 172, 173, 206, 30, 31, 32, 33, 60, 62-3, 198, 215, 218, 219, 220-5, 228, 242n3, 243n8, 251n60 229, 230-1, 232, 233, 238, versus Turks, 285-6n39 299n9, 301nl4, 302nl7-20, Spenser, Edmund, 37, 247n25 303n22, 303n24 censorship of, 100, 148 Henry VIII, 11, 70 versus Burghley, 136, 147-8, Macbeth, 282nl4 284n22, 285n32 The Merry Wives of Windsor, 218 Prosopopoia, or Mother Hubberds Pericles, 306n37 Tale, 136, 147-8, 217, 2 Henry VI, 276x03, 306n37 284n22, 285n32 The Tempest, 278n33 A View of the Present State of 3 Henry VI, 195 Ireland, 12, 268n21 Troilus and Cressida, 12, 101, 220, Stafford, Edward, 280nl9 225, 303n23 Stallenge, William, 225 Shirley, James, standing army, 6-7, 32, 56, 57-9, The Traitor, 274nl3 258nl8, 290n69 Shirley, Thomas, 249n45 Stanley, William, 124 Sidney, Philip, 37, 257-8nl6, Stapleton, Thomas, 117 261n31 state formation, 18-22, 35 Sidney, Robert, 111, 167, 290n67 Story, John, 73, 77, 101, 150, 197, Sixtus V, 113 298n2 Skeres, Nicholas, 95, Chapter 5 Stow, John, 86, 246nl7, 283nl9 (passim) Stuart, Arabella, 24, 125, 292n73 congames, 131-2 Stubbes, Phillip, 287n46 Smith, Thomas, 264n39 Stubbs, John, 100, 148 Smythe, John, 136, 188, 211, 212, Suetonius, 46 221, 222, 223, 225, 234, 297n24, survey of foreigners, 48, 83, 301nl0 256n3-4 censorship of, 100, 148, 217-18, Sussex, Earl of (Thomas 295nl9 Radcliffe), 30, Chapter 7 Certain Discourses Military, {passim) 146-7, 155, 183-4, 215 Northern Rebellion, 84, 133, intelligence letters to Burghley, 199, 201, 202-3, 205, 209, 181, 217, 265n2, 304n28 299nl2 Index 347

Sutcliffe, Matthew, 212, 215, 218, Wade, A., 220-1, 234, 266n8, 302-3n20 blueprint for regime, 54-5, 67, The Practice, Proceedings, and 257nl5 Lawes of Armes, 182, 186-8, wages, 68, 69, 216 222-3, 297n24-5 decline of, 68, 264n42, 301nl3 Sydenham, George, 122, 183 maximum, 54, 69 Wales, 78 Tacitus, 173, 293n3 English incorporation of, 21 taxation, 55, 59, 189, 257nl5, Walsingham, Audrey, 128-9 292n73 Walsingham, Francis, 25, 118, 123, Three Days of the Condor, 96-8, 112, 272-3n9 239, 271-2nl ambassador to France, 73, 101 The Three Parnassus Plays, 268n20 Babington Plot (1586), 132, 133, Throckmorton, Francis, 76, 279nl4 267nl7 Burghley's protege, 22, 101, Thurloe, John, 72, 265n3 249n44 Tombstone, 248n34 commissions Norton's 'Devices,' Topcliffe, Richard, 27, 266n7, 75 274nl5 covert operations, 24-5, 109 torture, 5, 67, 74-6, 80-1, 253n71, death of, 149, 151 266n7, 266n9-10, 267nl3, foreign intelligence sources, 109 269n25 in historiography, 10, 102, 109, Tower of London, 273nl3 surveillance at, 51 in Venice, 28 transportation, 66 intelligence apparatus, 71, 101, Treatise of Treasons, 2, 123, 242n3, 102, 104, 106, 109, 127-8 249n43 intelligence budget, 108-9 Turks, 20, 63, 120, 285-6n39 intelligence letters to, 50, 58, 74, Tyrone, Earl of, see O'Neill, Hugh 102, 105, 107, 108, 183, 254n75, 274nl4, 276n22, Unton, Henry, 291n73 288n54 letter to Egerton, 66 Van Sant, Gus, military letters to, 176, 177, 178, My Own Private Idaho, 248n33 180, 183, 210, 233, 293-4n8 Vaughan, Henry, 250n52 and William Parry, 150, 255n77, Vaughan, William, 164 279n5 Vere, Francis, 227-8 and Phelippes, 106 Verstegan, Richard, 99, Chapter 5 and Poley, 128 (passim), 266n9, 279nl4, privateering, 261n31 285n32, 286n43, 287n50, 300n2, reports of words against, 105-6, 303n20 276n24 Advertisement, 117-19, 134, 135, reputation of, 73, 105, 265n4 136, 137, 140, 144, 288n51, on strategy of aggression, 30-1 292n73 suppression of Elizabeth's letter, Declaration, 119-23, 134-5, 136, 301n7 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 148, torture of Throckmorton, 76 152, 157, 279n8, 286n39, treason and land confiscation, 286n44 267nl7 The Virgin Queen, 16-17 and Whitgift, 274nl3 348 Index

Walsingham, Thomas, 127, 129, Willoughby, Lord (Peregrine Bertie), 132, 162 138, 183, 254n77, 296n21 Wentworth, Peter, 156 Wilson, Robert, 279n9 Westmoreland, Earl of (Charles Wilson, Thomas, 256n7 Neville), 84, Chapter 7 Windebank, Thomas, 285n33 (passim), 298n7-8, 299nll witchcraft, 39 ordered to court, 197, 201 Woodleff, Drew, 131 The Whistle Blower, 272nl Wolf, Nicholas, 277-8n28 Whitgift, John (Archbishop of Wolfall, John, 132 Canterbury), 274nl3, workhouse, 66-7 287n49 Wright, William, 105 Whitwell, Agnes, 81 Whyte, Henry, 293n8 Yorke, Edmund, 124, 125, 288n53 Widdrington, Robert, 204 Young Bess, 16, 17 Wilkes, Thomas, 108 Young, Henry, 124, 288n53 Williams, Roger, 27, 213-14, 228, 301n7, 303n20 Zeffirelli, Franco, Williams, Walter, 107 Hamlet, 18