PAPER TO BE PRESENTED AT THE 7TH LATIN AMERICA & EUROPEAN MEETING ON ORGANIZATIONS STUDIES, LAEMOS 2018 – “ORGANIZING FOR RESILIENCE: SCHOLARSHIP IN UNSETTLED TIMES” – BUENOS AIRES, ARGENTINA, 21–24 MARCH 2018

THE BUSINESS OF FOOD & EATING: THE POSTCOLONIAL FOODSCAPE OF MASTERCHEF BRAZIL, SOCIAL DECONSTRUCTION & INDIVIDUAL RESILIENCE

Carlos Henrique Gonçalves Freitas, MA Cíntia Rodrigues de Oliveira Medeiros, PhD School of Administration & Business Management Universidade Federal de Uberlândia, Minas Gerais, Brazil

ABSTRACT

This paper investigates a rising business sector in Brazil, the business of food & eating, approaching it from the perspectives of a reality TV cooking competition – MasterChef Brazil, based on a BBC show of the same name – and of its participants. It attempts to interpret relations among them and the politics of their foodscape in terms of culture, identity, discourse, power and representations in media. The objective is to attempt an interpretation of such settings and dynamics in the light of a conceptual framework based on post-colonial studies, sociology of food and critical discourse analysis. It discusses if and how (post)colonialism, social deconstruction and individual resilience can be related to the show and the competitors. It argues that, in a diverse society in postmodern times, identities and aspirations are shaped by migrating tastes, food media and the spectacularization of the chef profession, and people are tempted to see individual resilience and action as idealised drives of success, instead of a broader and deeper understanding of society’s challenges, conditions and opportunities of economic, social, political and cultural emancipation.

KEYWORDS: business of eating; reality television; postcolonialism; culture; identity.

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INTRODUCTION It may be assumed that most educated people are likely to know the meaning of the word “resilience”. It has also been said that vocabulary learning is a long-term and comprehensive process (Hiebert & Kamil, 2005), that lexical inference while reading may be part of it (Fraser, 1999) and that the area of language development that is most influenced by the learner’s social context is the lexicon (Hoff, 2006). However, it may be equally reasonable to presume that a significant number of people may not know what “resilience” precisely is, especially if they are the people who most often need to resort to such an important personal trait or ability in their struggles through daily life. And these may indeed be unsettled times. There are plenty of theoretical arguments supporting such a claim, from Michael Foucault’s biopolitics and his particular vision of neoliberalism (Foucault, 2008), Giorgio Agamben’s interpretation of homo sacer and state of exception (Agamben, 1998), and Zygmunt Bauman’s fragmented modern liquidity (Bauman, 2012) to, more recently, Yuval Noah Hariri’s unsettling interpretations of the human sapiens conquest of planet Earth and its possible gloomy outcomes (Harari, 2014). According to Oxford Dictionaries (Resilience, 2018), “resilience” is either “the capacity to recover quickly from difficulties; toughness” or “the ability of a substance or object to spring back into shape; elasticity”. If our readers forgive a minor digression, I only understood this word when a lecturer at Boğaziçi University, in Istanbul, explained to me that no people could represent better the spirit of this word than the Palestinians. At different times of human history, the same could be said about the Jews, the Amerindians, the Armenians, the Mayflower peregrines, the Afro- Americans, the Brazilians living in the slums of Rio de Janeiro, the Tutsis, the Chinese affected by the Cultural Revolution, the Miners in Wales, the Vietnamese under napalm, the people who are daily abused because of their gender, the people from Dresden, Coventry, Nagasaki and Aleppo, any acquaintances one may have and many other people who as a group or individuals faced the dark side of our human condition at some point of their lives or daily existence. Back to our necessary and important scientific rigour, the point about the brief anecdote is that resilience is closely related to a potential and often unconscious inner strength people often may resort to overcome whatever obstacles and falls they come across and to return to their path forward in their life or daily existence, regardless of their origins, gender, political-economic status or any possible kind of social disadvantage. 3

Resilience, then, may be useful to any person, sooner or later. This paper attempts to look for some signs of it by delving into what most ordinary people see as a glamourous enterprise nowadays: participating in a TV reality competition show, even more if it involves cooking fancy food for some celebrity chefs. However, there are plenty of examples, in the academic literature, exposing the problems of bullying, excessive virility, chauvinism, peer-legitimised violence, incivility and abusive working practices in both real-life and make-believe kitchens (Bloisi & Hoel, 2008; Higgins, Montgomery, Smith & Tolson, 2012; Nilsson, 2013; Ram, 2015; Ariza-Montes, Arjona-Fuentes, Law & Han, 2017). A deeply rooted cultural trait of professional-kitchen work practices is based on a mix of violence, coercion, fear, authoritative status, rigid hierarchal structure, physical and psychological pressure (Giousmpasoglou, Marinakou & Cooper, 2018). So, for those people who venture into one of those TV shows, sooner or later, they may realise the price they must pay for it, and it will inexorably require a good deal of resilience from them. The business of food and eating is a rising sector in Brazil (Freitas, Fagundes & Medeiros, 2017; ABRASEL, 2012, 2015; IBGE, 2011, 2013, 2017) and its scenery has been characterised by a globalization of markets, media and tastes, and an associated human mobility, especially in the last three decades (Rocha, 2016; Bueno, 2016). The present paper attempts to investigate instances of resilience among competitors in the Brazilian version of the BBC MasterChef TV reality show and to relate them to broader aspects of Brazilian society’s path and context, raising questions about some challenges its competitors, or the society itself, may face, have faced for a long time, and may continue to face in the foreseeable future. As food becomes a social event, its scholarship moves towards a multidisciplinary or multidimensional field of study (Fischler, 1995; Lahlou, 1995; Carneiro, 2003), the same way as cultural studies are an interdisciplinary field (Haidle & Conard, 2011). Thus, a concept combining food and eating (henceforth “food & eating”) may be approached from the viewpoint of palaeontology, biology, food science, business, politics, sociology, psychology, history and so on. Food & eating touches people and society in varied ways, and to identify and comprehend its full reach, it is necessary to consider multiples perspectives (Fischler, 1995; Warde, 2016). In this paper, the food & eating concept implies the acknowledgement that food is not limited to the eating act or to nutritional and health perspectives. By the same token eating is neither a mere biological practice. Food & eating rather encompasses abstract and cultural representations 4

with political dimensions involving intricate relationships, expectations, decisions and negotiations (Watson & Caldwell, 2005). The paper approaches the theme food & eating representations in the Brazilian society from the standpoint of that reality TV show in an attempt to try to unveil veins of postcolonialism, deconstruction and resilience that are also present in society’s everyday life. At the same time, in view of the field’s multidimensional nature, its specific objectives have been twofold: (i) to conduct a literature survey to build a conceptual framework based on cultural studies, critical discourse analysis, sociology of food, the business of eating, Brazil´s nation building studies and post- colonial theory; and (ii) to analyse and discuss MasterChef Brazil’s discourse and encounters in the light of that framework. The study, then, has analysed MasterChef Brazil hosts’ and competitors’ discourses and encounters during one of its season, recording, transcribing and interpreting their interactions, symbols and representations. It investigates to what extent the competitors may perceive or demonstrate individual resilience as an idealised drive of personal success, in contrast with alternative forms of collective resilience grounded on the deconstruction of post-colonial ties and on an implied broader and deeper understanding of Brazilian society’s history, true challenges, conditions and opportunities for economic, social, political and cultural emancipation. First, the paper will start by presenting food & eating within the concept of foodscape, as political and cultural expressions relating it to the ideas of food media, spectacle, discourse and identity. Second, it will offer a contextual discussion on some aspects of Brazil’s nation building, food history and power. Third, it will tackle the foodie movement and gentrification phenomena in the fine-dining scene in Brazil. Fourth, it will examine MasterChef Brazil’s textual, oral and image components from the perspectives of critical studies, conversation analysis and critical discourse analysis, with special reference to cultural representation, power and resilience. Fifth, it will end by discussing its results and possible suggestions for further research.

THE POLITICS OF FOODSCAPE

Food & Eating as Culture: foodscape, discourse & identity 5

Food is a central theme of survival as it is the source of energy that every living thing needs to secure its existence as an individual and as a species (Rozin, 2007). However, along human kind’s path, eating has gained other significance. It has become not only an act of self or group biological preservation, as well as a socially and historically constructed ritual, a cultural phenomenon (Hegarty & O’Mahony, 2001; Carneiro, 2003). It has been a long time since people foraged for food. Humans learnt how to control fire (Fernández-Armesto, 2004) and the Neolithic Revolution introduced new arrangements such as agriculture, animal husbandry and permanent settlements (Lévi-Strauss, 1952). While research on human evolution may not agree on the precise role of sociability in mankind survival and evolution, there is recognition that social organization had a role in it (Bell, 2006). The act of cooking might even be seen as contributing to turn humans from individual food gatherers into members of a social economy (Wrangham, 2009). There is a distinction between food as a material element directly linked to the idea of survival or life maintenance and food as an intangible cultural asset. Food and eating choices, classifications and behaviours vary according to the symbolisms, representations and other imaginary constructions that reflect world views and social codes that are present in the way people interact among themselves and with their social and natural environment (Maciel, 2004). Food and eating, then, can be construed as a symbolic system related to the cultural life of a community. By food & eating one may understand different sets that operate complementary or supplementary to one another. It encompasses sets of ingredients and foodstuff; of cooking techniques and practices; of table manners or eating etiquette and practices; of economic relations and patterns of consumption; and of taste and other meanings. Those representations extrapolate the immediate realm of food or eating, such in religious symbols (e.g. the Holy Communion wafer) or in social markers (e.g. caviar). Food and eating goes beyond the idea of material culture as it involves abstract social rules, representations, symbols and behaviours that are arranged within a group in a given territory and time (Maciel, 2004). One of the possible ways to see culture is as set of symbols and images that complement themselves; which are shared by a group and order or guide it and its interactions with others according to a common context of practice (Smircich, 1983). This approach may suffice if one looks for a systemic and utilitarian view of that concept. However, often culture is better related to 6

a descriptive nature than to a prescriptive one; its better construed as “webs of significance” through which one wanders and interpret “in search of a meaning” (Geertz, 1973). Such web of meanings may be depicted in the form of discourse. Discourse in the social sciences has been a fertile and complex theme. One may define it as a non-linear and multidimensional structure of texts and images that reflect the entire social configuration in which it is produced (Howarth, 2000). Therefore, the descriptive and interpretative nature of culture may imply that any attempt to comprehend it will involve constructing discourses that are often fluid and unconscious, at least to a certain degree (Geertz, 1973). If culture is also discourse, then, the de facto representation of habits, practices, techniques, ingredients, and all universe of artefacts, practices and discourses related to food & eating become exposed as a network of significance, as culture itself. According to cultural psychology, food is the biological system – even in comparison to sex, for instance – that has been most notably transmuted into a compound of meanings, practices, representations, cuisines and social events to a point that its nutritional material value is eclipsed by its cultural aspects (Rozin, 2007). Food and eating have, then, gained a greater recognition of its importance in terms of the representations and symbolisms of social groups, which are often taken as either synonyms of or as concepts related to the fundamental notion of culture or an art of civilization (Geertz, 1973). This particular view of food & eating as culture certainly does not exhaust this wider concept. Food & eating is like a section cut of culture, representing a landscape, practices and specific influences on one’s way of life and choices. This may be defined as a foodscape or a snapshot of cultural spaces and practices of food & eating that are, thus, materially and socially mediated and constructed within society and its environment by its individual, collective or institutional agents, in line with Johnston & Goodman’s perception (2015). This cultural landscape peculiar to food & eating is the arena in which social, political and economic public and private forces, from individual to institutional natures, interact. The foodscape, therefore, includes what food is valued, produced, sold and consumed, the agents that can influence or control the resources and the choices in terms of food & eating practices and representations and who have access to that system, either as a consumer, as a producer, as an opinion maker or as any other agent. Foodscape reflects “dialectical relationalities” – which yet travel across “multiple and shifting scales” – among socially-constructed, cultural, elements of 7

food & eating and its material artefacts and its other reifications, including its political and economic dimensions (Johnston & Goodman, 2015). In this scenario, food & eating may be pivotal in several power arrangements within society, so it becomes important to discuss the idea of identity and power. Despite the importance of more materialistic studies on food & eating such as nutrition, hunger, food science, chemistry and psychology, this paper focus on identity, nation building, eating out, food media, globalization and consumer culture, as in Warde (2016). Identity in the scope of this paper relates to both the idea of individual performance and of social practice, close to Pierre Bourdieu’s concept of “habitus”, as to enable one to infer explanations both from individual behaviour in the light of a social-system society, and from the social system in the light of individual behaviour (Warde, 2016). However, identity may operate as an imaginary representation with a prescriptive value that can contribute to the construction of the social system itself. In that sense, a cuisine may function as cement for an imagined community, as indicated in Hobsbawm (2000) and Bueno (2016), but not without some controversy. The way members of a group prepare and cook their food may indicate their level of civilization (Lévi-Strauss, 1968) and what people eat and how they eat may even help define them (Rozin, 2007) and understand their social environment. Food & eating may be a keystone to individuals’ and groups’ identity; yet, Warde (2016) indicates it may contribute to defining one’s identify and life style, he acknowledges that consumption may be characterized by lacking any noticeable trait, and by generalisation. Further, the concept of a group’s cuisine, hence of food & eating, reflects a set of eating habits, cooking practices, cuisine and food preferences, which can unveil socioeconomic aspects such as patterns of consumption, production, labour division and relations, land and wealth distribution and political power arrangements (Silva et al., 2010; Carvalho, Luz & Prado, 2011). Such process is neither deterministic nor has an exclusive endogenous nature. It is open to exogenous influences and may be compared to a cosmology of influences that result not necessarily in a negative perspective of cultural loss, but rather in the transformation of the initial object or the intensification of some of its defining traces (Sahlins, 1988, 1997). As any other cultural expression, food & eating can function as an element of creation and continuity of social relationships that strength collective and individual identity, as well as it lends a sense of otherness and exclusion in terms of class, ethnicity, gender, nationality and so on (Mintz & Du Bois, 2002). A national cuisine, as already mentioned, can materialize an angle of group 8

identity within a given time and territory and reinforce people’s sense of belonging to a country and its “national culture” or vice-versa (Mintz & Du Bois, 2002; Collaço, 2013). Food & eating can also function as a social marker; for instance, a study showed that fast-food can be a marker of modernity among young people in Bangladesh (Zaman, Selim & Joarder, 2013). The increasing role of transnational agroindustry production and of industrialized-food consumption represents a major impact on identification through food & eating. This leads to the consumption of foods without historical or cultural bindings and disconnected from socio-cultural practices of preparation and cooking. As food is packaged and presented as any other consumer good, it becomes decontextualized and it significantly loses its identification function within the group (Fischler, 1988). Another reservation is about how cultural phenomena can be used as a power tool to create invented or imagined identities and communities. This has already been object of discussion in two classical works, respectively, Hobsbawm (2000) and Anderson (1991). Hobsbawm deals with the idea of tradition as an instrument to create a sense of national identity through artificial representations of practices and symbols that give the people of a country a sentiment of continuity, Anderson, on the other hand, is concerned with practices, symbols, technology and social representations that helped the coloniser, particularly in the Asian Pacific region, e.g. in Indonesia and the Philippines, to lend a sense of belonging to certain groups during the creation of the identities of imagined colonial domains. The national cuisine and gastronomy can perform both paradoxical functions (Bueno, 2016). This paper argues that the use of a TV cooking show imported from another cultural setting and starred by two foreign chefs out of three show-hosts may have similar impact. Vaughan (2004) recalls Georg Simmel to defend that the objective of social sciences is to infer essential social forms from content. According to her, through analogical comparison one may be able to study categories such as culture, conflict, hierarchy, labour division, power, inequalities that are common to all social organizations and improve one’s understanding about them. Hence, even heterogeneities resulting from cultural encounters may allow the researcher to complete his or her tasks. The deeper one investigates, further its objective moves, nevertheless, what is sought is beyond surface and dealing with contradictions is what matters (Vaughan, 2004). As any cultural phenomenon, food & eating reflects the way a group is organised, its representations, symbols and discourses. By the same token, it can be perceived as a historical 9

narrative of a cultural identification process leading to a cuisine that represents preferences and practices of a group (Fischler, 1988; Collaço, 2013). At one point, such a development may even be associated with the process of nation building, as a national identity may also be strengthened through its cuisine (Collaço, 2013). This social construction of food & eating representations, of its space and of its practices has a dynamic and heterogeneous nature, as it mediates cultural and material arrangements and their economic and political uneven dimensions (Johnston & Goodman, 2015). Yet the idea of narrative, identity, flow and heterogeneity should be considered in the light of postmodern and post-colonial fragmented, multiple, dislocated and de-centred subjectivities (Hall, 1992).

Brazil’s nation building, food history & power If one accepts that a society’s cuisine may be a language that translates and conveys subliminal structures on which the group functions (Lévi-Strauss, 1968), one may also accept that there are links between the group’s food & eating representations and other of their symbols, artefacts and discourses, including those related to social categories of analysis such as power and class. It may, then, become relevant to the scope of this paper to investigate aspects of the country’s nation building processes and of the development of a so called national cuisine. These will help to contextualise its discussions about the way local cultures are constructed and construed and about how different groups within the same society have diverse perceptions and representation of food & eating and how it is translated into power relationship and socioeconomic behaviours such as consumption and mass entertainment. Brazil is still a young country and its democracy is quite recent. Since it turned into a Republic in 1889, Brazil has seen alternate periods of elected governments and states of exception. The “Primeira República” (its longest period of elected civilian governments from 1889 to 1930) has been characterized as a “representative oligarchy” (Dos Santos, 2013). Since 1989, after 25 years of a military regime, the country has been striving to consolidate a democracy. Nevertheless, the country is still marked by a profound social divide, evident mainly through its historical income distribution gap. Yet, not even the last two socially-oriented governments’ attempts, from 2003 to 2016, to reduce such a gap are free of controversy (Arnold & Jalles, 2014; Grohmann, 2014; Salata, 2015). 10

The rise of a so-called “new middle class” during those governments has been criticised either as a limited tool of media discourse focused mainly on consumption power (Grohmann, 2014), as for an excessively statistical and economic metrical interpretation (Salata, 2015) or, from a more liberal view, as excessively stated-engineered (Arnold & Jalles, 2014). Regardless of the ideological orientation of the authors here referred, it is a common view that important historical and structural problems were left undealt with. Of interest to this paper is Salata’s conclusion which indicates that the local perception of a middle-class is constructed less on a strict purchase power dimension than on sociocultural characteristics such as Higher Education training, high prestige profession, access to entertainment and leisure, and stable life standards of living mirrored in European and US models – which somehow resembles Bourdieu’s idea of cultural capital and of class (Bourdieu, 1984). Contrary to what happened in the Anglo-Saxon “new-world”, the European settlement in Brazil was widely influenced by either extractive activities or by “latifundios” (large commercial states exploring mainly a single crop: sugar cane), all laboured by native Brazilians or African slaves (Furtado, 1959/2009). Such pattern of occupation of the territory had a two-fold effect on the society under formation: first, the population consisted of native Brazilians, the enslaved displaced black Africans and European males, who often mated with native-Brazilian or African- captive women (Freyre, 1933/2011); second, the land owners neglected subsistence produces in favour of exporting commodities’ higher profits – at one point, by law, they had to reserve small patches of land to attend the local demand for food (Freyre, 1933/2011). Again, contrary to what happened in the US, in Brazil, African slave labour was not limited to the work in the fields or to housework for their lords. Slave labour was used even in small urban businesses, for instance, a shoe maker would no longer perform his trade, but rather teach and exploit his slaves’ work, himself becoming a mere true petit bourgeois shop owner (Schwarcz & Starling, 2015). It is evident that such complex and unequal scenario has reflected in society’s power arrangements and structures, especially in terms of class, labour division and rentism, production means control, politics and culture. As Brazil abolished slavery in the end of the 19th century, Europeans immigrants arrived to replace that labour and as part of a state policy for “whitening” Brazilian population (Alvim, 1999). There came more Portuguese, Spaniards, Germans, Italians, as well as Syrians and Lebanese, these 11

mainly Christians (Fausto, 1999). There were also Japanese immigrants, especially during the coffee export boom in the early 20th century (Sakurai, 1999). As a result, in terms of cuisine, Brazil has become a melting pot of influences from different continents: Africa, the Americas, Asia and Europe. Although native Brazilians formed neither a single indigenous nation nor a homogenous culture, the nation inherited from them one of its most important staple: manioc four (Maciel, 2004; Freyre, 1933/2011). Like to everyone else, the potato arrived at Brazil from the Andes (Fernández-Armesto, 2004). The most typical German dishes did not reach outside their local communities, but their taste for smoked and salted meats matched the Brazilian Portuguese inheritance and the Italian influence, and all incorporated local habits as the taste for “cachaça”, a local sugar-cane spirit that replaced their traditional schnapps (Câmara Cascudo, 1983/2004). From Africa, Brazil acquired the palm tree oil (“azeite de dendê”) that became a hallmark of its African (cuisine) roots, however, not through the slaves, who could not carry a thing in the forced crossing from Africa to Brazil, but due to the intense African trade (Câmara Cascudo, 1983/2004). The Portuguese, holders of a vast overseas Empire stretching from Brazil to Asia, were prolific in conducting a rich exchange of native fruits, vegetables and greens among their dominions. One may argue that such food dislocation practice, or the “voyage of foods” (Maciel, 2004), was an indication that globalization may have in fact started very early. This interchange of tastes, ingredients and techniques – adjusted according to climate, social, power and economic conditions – lead to some quite peculiar results. For instance, the local dish most associated to the African Brazilians is “feijoada”, a stew of black beans mixed with the least prestigious pork cuts cooked over low fire for hours. Yet, pork was never an exclusive African staple and black beans were original from the Americas (Bitocchi, 2012; Carneiro, 2005), and their mixing with garlic and onion and cooking method are typical from the Iberian Peninsula (Carneiro, 2005). While black beans and undesired pork cuts fed the African slaves, one would expect the European masters to rejoice in abundance and variety. However, the colonial diet was limited and relied mainly on ingredients and dishes adapted from native Brazilian habits, dried meat and occasional produces brought from Europe that survived the climate changes and the long voyage to Brazil (Freyre, 1933/2015). Even the most important item on the Brazilian diet, beef, is not native from Brazil. Cattle came with the first Portuguese e Dutch settlers and was initially used in milk production and to 12

traction in extraction and farming, and jerked beef became the main source of protein for Brazilian pioneers (the “Bandeirantes”) in their exploration journeys inland in the 17th and 18th centuries (Da Silva, Boaventura, & Fioravanti, 2012). Today, fresh beef is the main protein in Brazil’s diet and “churrasco”, a local barbecue of large beef cuts, is one of the national dishes (Freitas, Fagundes & Medeiros, 2017). Moreover, Medeiros & Silva (2014) point out that red meat, almost a local synonym of beef, is largely associated with manhood in Brazil, and Ruby et al. (2016) indirectly support it by claiming that beef is distinctively preferred by males. While the authors recognise that such bias is also present in industrialized countries, it is interesting to note that in other large beef-producing countries, such as Argentina, Australia, Brazil and the US, man also identify themselves as the right cooks of beef-based meals, each of those nationalities cooking their own local version of barbecue. These seeds of Brazilian society are an important consideration as it reveals the roots for a divided and diverse society. One cannot speak of a Brazilian culture without acknowledging the huge socioeconomic and cultural gap between the two ends of its society and its regional particularities. All these imply quite different groups sharing some common symbols and artefacts, but having different perspectives, expectations, and diverse representations, practices and discourses. Above all, the uneven social fabric of colonial Brazil, reflected in its cooking traditions, continued to these days and reverberates in people’s consumption power, habits and food & eating representations. Furthermore, notions of postcolonialism and deconstruction have an important contribution to this paper, as the food & eating business expands combining with social media, globalization of markets and tastes and gentrification processes, implying a need to understand the Other to be able to understand the Self.

Food & Eating as Business and as a Spectacle In the last thirty years, the business of eating became a significant commercial sector (Henderson, 2011). Based on a citation in Hua & Lee (2014), it was verified that the US restaurant industry is the country’s largest private-sector employer, providing jobs for 14.7 million people, about 10% of its labour force, and generating circa of US$799 billion revenue in 2017, close to 4,1% of the country’s GDP (National Restaurant Association, 2017). Moreover, such has expansion has not been restricted to the US, it is has gone global. British chef Gordon Ramsay – star of “Kitchen Nightmares” and “Hell’s Kitchen” TV reality shows – owns 15 haute cuisine restaurants 13

in London and 13 around the world (Jones, 2009). In Brazil, The Brazilian Association of Bars and Restaurants (ABRASEL) states that the restaurant and eating-out sector encompasses circa of one million enterprises with estimated R$ 140 billion revenues in 2013 (ABRASEL, 2015). The sector went through a 40.7% growth from 2007 to 2013, and represents 2.7% of Brazil’s GDP, earning 31.1% of its population expenditure with food (IBGE, 2011, 2013, 2017; ABRASEL, 2012). Still, bars and restaurants represent 20% of the country’s service providers, with 13.5% of its employed labour force (IBGE, 2013), while the household expenditure is directly proportional to income (Claro et al., 2014). Further, while in the US, 8 in 10 restaurant owners started in the industry in entry-level positions (National Restaurant Association, 2017), the same cannot be said about Brazil. While there are no such statistics available at ABRASEL (Brazilian Association of Bars & Restaurants), there are plenty of glamorous news about middle and upper-middle class professionals who change their career to start a restaurant business (“Empresários de Sucesso…”, 2011; Zuini, 2016). Notwithstanding, it is important to acknowledge that the three chefs who are judges in MasterChef Brazil are professional who worked their way up in the industry and are accomplished and respected professionals. In fact, the current landscape of Brazilian gastronomy and its appeal started to take shape in the 1970s with the arrival of French chefs to head top hotels in Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo, and it later gained vigour with the stabilization of the local currency and the opening of its market to foreign produces in the wake of globalization (Rocha, 2016). Those first French chefs arriving were offsprings of the nouvelle cuisine and, twenty years later, in the 1990s, were joined by a new generation of young Brazilian chefs, who did not come out of local restaurant kitchens, but rather came from the middle and upper-middle classes, and trained in restaurants or cooking schools abroad; all of them catering for a high-income Brazilians who also started to develop a culinary taste also influenced by the gastronomy industry expansion in Europe and in the US, and by their restaurant experiences when travelling overseas or through the emergence of imported cooking shows on TV (Bueno, 2016). In any case, it becomes evident how the globalization of markets, media and tastes, and the resulting human mobility, has influenced the food & eating scenery in Brazil and its vigour, and how the society economic divide has been replicated in its chefs’ profiles. In the tale of the industry growth and global expansion, the celebrity chef and the TV cooking show have become nearly a binomial like bread and butter. Such a combination may 14

suggest Guy Debord’s “Society of the Spectacle”, for whom modern life would be a collection of spectacles, which may turn every experience lived by people into some sort of staged act (Debord, 1967/2006). Yet, the celebrity chef is no longer restricted to the realms of traditional cooking shows. An example is British chef Jamie Oliver whose acts have gone beyond his Naked Chef cooking demonstrations into lifestyle setting, as if he were a rock star, into class politics or into nutritional diet social initiatives (Scholes, 2011; Warin 2011; Rousseau, 2012). He becomes even just “Jamie”, as many people tend to treat those chefs by their first name is an exercise of intimacy and identification with someone they do not even really know (Scholes, 2011), as if confirming a complex fantasy mise-en-scène, reflecting shades of a hyperreal existence of the self “formed through a matrix of looks, of processes of seeing, being seen and of our self-conscious knowledge of being seen” (Biressi & Nunn, 2005, p.102; also cited in Scholes, 2011). One may argue, then, that such medium-mediated reality stretches further the notion of spectacle advocated by Debord. His conception of spectacle could be interpreted as a “de- subjectivation” of the self in face of market forces and state techniques – “The spectacle in its generality is a concrete inversion of life, and, as such, the autonomous movement of non-life” (Debord, 1967/2006, p. 12) – or as undesired agency – “The individual who has been more deeply marked by this impoverished spectacular thought than by any other aspect of his experience puts himself at the service of the established order right from the start, even though subjectively he may have had quite the opposite intention” (Debord, 1990, p. 31). However, it may be useful to consider spectacle form different perspectives. Žižek (2002) argues that such medium-created reality represents a current need to have one’s existence validated by it, by being seen by the camera, by being in the stage. Foucault’s (2008) notion of biopolitics implies subjectivity as the agent becomes part of a set of technologies of control that is not imposed, but it is rather embraced under the rationality of governmentality and his own concept of neoliberalism, which is not limited to the general idea of limitation of the state and laissez-faire, but instead implies his notion of homo economicus, human capital and the struggle between a subject of interest and a subject of right, as in his lecture of 28 March 1979. Why food television – either cooking competitions like MasterChef, or TV shows on food preparation and culinary culture, like Oliver’s Naked Chef and Anthony Bourdain’s No Reservation – and celebrity chefs have become so famous and common throughout the word is, thus, not a simple question, and there are many factors that contribute to it. Consumers of food television are 15

too heterogenous. Their motivations may vary from hedonic or other psychological drives: from an array of interpretations under the food porn label, carrying connotation of desire, indulgency and guilty (Bourdain, 2010; Rousseau, 2014), to a genuine interest in exotic cooking or a chef’s self-proclaimed authority on obesity (Rousseau, 2012), or some pursuit of distinction or social capital that could be gained by association with or by knowing who and what is trendy and sophisticated (Bourdieu, 1984; Seymour, 2004). Above all, especially relevant to this paper, remain those issues related to subjectivity, existence and power, in a too a fluid world of multiple, divergent and concurring acts of fragmented spectacles. Spectacles of food & eating unveil relationships of diverse dimensions, from material to abstract ones, and from economic to political ones, all of which have value to social scientists’ and food scholars’ inquiring minds (Johnston & Goodman, 2015). When BBC’s MasterChef show is franchised and aired in Brazil, a spectacle is translated to another public and cultural setting and multiple displacements occur. This cultural encounter has conflicting homogenizing and heterogenizing consequences that can no longer be reduced to a deterministic form of control based on an economic infrastructure. From a post-colonial perspective, it may be better construed as a negotiation between and across multiple national identities and borders, at different dimensions, and as a reconstruction of cultural representations and subjectivities (Hall, 1996). This paper, then, proposes to interpret food TV shows – including reality TV competitions, like MasterChef, and the celebrity chef – as ideological representations of a society influenced as much by the notion of market orientation omnipresence, as by Foucault’s idea of an aporia between the subject of interest (i.e. the homo economicus) and the subject of right (i.e. the people inserted in a historical, social, political and legal setting, which at some point was supposed to be grounded on their sovereignty as well as intended to guarantee it). The market omnipresence may be exposed by the celebrity chef’s intermediary role in reaching food media’s ultimate product: the consumer herself (Hansen, 2008). The aporia between the subjects of interest and right may be uncovered by the very notion of food porn notion, when possible links among sex, food and ethics can lead to wider discussion on the ethics of existence of a paradox between individuality and universality (Probyn, 1999), and the aesthetic of a society of appetite in which the individual may prevail over the community (Simmel, 1957/1994), in contrast with a general argument that food & eating, especially as a cultural concept, may be a collective ritual. In such context, it is not difficult to see how food media products may add force to individual action, preferences and practices and the 16

image of a self-made person who thrives in people’s imagination within capitalism or neoliberalism.

Postcolonialism, the foodie movement & food gentrification? Independently whether one attributes today society’s multiplicity of agendas and their legitimation to liquid modernity, postmodernity or hypermodernity, one should not neglect the way traditions are embedded into society and influence its multiplicities and its institutions stability in face of changes. Tradition implies a degree of resistance to invariability (Hobsbawm, 2000). It may be genuinely constructed within, by and for society or be invented by the holders of power on behalf of their vested interests (Hobsbawm, 2000; Anderson, 1991), for instance on behalf of nationalism. Nonetheless, it is fair to suppose that the impact of postmodern transformations on society is greater when such traditions are less deeply embedded, with less popular adherence or legitimisation by its members. According to Grossberg (1996, pp. 91-92): “Neither colonizer nor precolonial subject, the post-colonial subject exists as a unique hybrid which may, by definition, constitute the other two as well”. For the author, it implies, in post-colonial terms, that both subjectivities coexist in a “border-crossing” dynamic or in state of “between-ness” characterized not by clear-cut subjects, but rather by “mobility, uncertainty and multiplicity”. In that sense, the post-colonial notion, in this paper’s and in Brazil’s case, is closer to Hall (1996) than to the claim of restoration of original local identities or to the binary view about the relation between coloniser and post-colonised as in Said (1978/2003) and Spivak (1994). This paper argues that due to these factors, Brazilians could be more malleable with regard to new incoming trends. Brazilian foodscape should, thus, be found somewhere in the confluence of an array of traditions, identities and trends, then and now, and among those one will find the current rise of gastronomy, which is marked by the celebrity chef, food media, the foodie movement and the gentrification of food & eating consumption. By taking Clifford Geertz as a reference in the definition of culture, it may seem improper to remember Hofstede’s (1994) or Trompenaars’ (1993) analysis of cultural traces regarding time. Nonetheless, cultural traces, despite being only raw externalisations of deeper social multidimensional aspects, are worth of note. Limited functional perspectives may be used as a springboard to wider interpretative approaches to culture. Thus, when looking into Brazilians’ attitude to time, it is possible to accept that they are less past-oriented than their European peers, 17

for instance. Such trace may result from the cultural rearrangement within Brazil’s immigration matrix, in relation to their native Brazilian, African, Asian and European heritage: “the average Brazilian has been constituted as a tabula rasa, more receptive to progress’ innovation than the traditionalist European country man, the communitarian native Brazilian or the tribal African” (Ribeiro, 2006, p. 227, the translation is ours). The effects of such attitude to time may operate together with an inclination towards cultural influences embedded in the European organizational principles that has guided Brazil’s society from colonial times to its republic (Ribeiro, 2006), reinforcing an outsider’s hegemony in the local consciousness. Johnston & Baumann (2015) initially define “foodies” as food lovers, who often pursue exotic flavours and food practices from other cultures. Hence, they are consumers of food and food- related products, such as chef knives, cooking books or TV shows, as well as producers of food, food-related artefacts and food media, such as food blogs. The idea of foodie may also be positive and negative. However, in both cases, naming someone a foodie implies distinction between one who possess knowledge and taste about food and those who do not have it, establishing a close relation between class and food as in Bourdieu (Johnston & Baumann, 2015). Nonetheless, these authors argue that such knowledge is not always reflective, as one would presume given the idea of food & eating as a deep and multidimensional cultural phenomenon. Foodie is rather a functional social marker despite some exceptions. It is this perspective of foodie that this paper should pursue. That way, from this paper’s viewpoint, the subject of food is hijacked by a few people to distinguish themselves from the majority. In Brazil’s case, such tendency may be exacerbated by that cultural trace of orientation to the new, associated with nostalgia for some of their forbearers’ cultural roots and a leftover of colonized sentiment. Thus, Brazil’s MasterChef version may be construed both as an evidence of a cultural product that explores the wanting for innovation or of a genuine nostalgia from a colonial legacy, hence the externalisation of Brazilians’ longing for identification with, or insertion in, Western discourses. Taking part in MasterChef Brazil or watching it may indicate another form of social distinction or status improvement. However, the foodie phenomenon should not be reduced to mere consumption, neither consumption be reduced to an absolute negative value. If there is a morality in consumption, this should not be assessed on deterministic fashion, neither desires should be reduced to a sheer materialist dimension: “What we learn from the academic study of consumption is not that material culture is good or bad for people. Rather we learn that people have to engage in a constant struggle 18

to create relationships with things and with people…” (Miller, 2001, p. 241). The foodie movement may, then, not necessarily imply a conscious choice for class distinction, but sometimes a perceived moral proposition to consume better and more responsibly (Solier, 2013). On the other hand, Solier’s research shows that some foodie consumption practices still support an implied distinction in fine-dining experiences. Despite Miller’s and Solier’s arguments demystifying a critical and negative understanding of consumption, Johnston & Baumann (2015) argues that consumption of food, as fashion commodity, might still have some power to spread knowledge as the foodie movement becomes popular and attracts more people to its universe and, as a hypermodern phenomenon, helps individuality to break away from traditional social roles, as in Gilles Lipovetsky’s hypermodernity. The result might be that popular TV shows such as MasterChef Brazil may dilute the value of cultural capital relating to food & eating as factor of class distinction, at the same time that they confront global food discourses and consumption with local practices, symbols and representations, revealing a much more complex and less deterministic research- problem setting. Nonetheless, the pursue for novelty and distinction may lead to a process of “food gentrification”. Gentrification is commonly understood as the revitalisation of a poor area that, as a consequence of such changes, becomes occupied by new richer inhabitants; a phenomenon that urbanists often relate to the issue of cultural capital (Butler & Robson, 2001; Savage, 2011). It can be set off by a mismatch between economic and cultural capital, as when artists, musicians and students concentrate in a lower-rent urban neighbourhood and ended up attracting wealthier followers influenced either by direct contact with those trendsetters or by third-party media commentators seduced by an effervescent novelty ambiance (Zukin, Lindeman & Hurson, 2015). The transformations resulting from gentrification will eventually include reshaping symbols, practices and representations of the original group’s cultural life and decentring its identities and those of its individual members. By food gentrification, this paper understands a process of change in food & eating settings, resulting from the encounter of habits, ambiance (i.e. restaurants), taste and other related symbols less valued by trendsetters with “more desired” ones, hence related to Bourdieu’s notion of cultural capital and distinction. While a country’s cuisine may mirror its society unconscious contradictions, representations and structure (Lévi-Strauss, 1968); people also feed on imagination and symbols (Fischler, 1995). When one eats something, he or she may be taken back to a family memory, to 19

another place or time. One might also experience a moment of social achievement when tasting a tiny piece of true French or Italian truffle for the first time, since such delicacy is both rare and expensive. Thus, food is also a social marker and the way one consumes or produces it has an impact on their cultural capital and their relative and perceived position regarding others. The recent changes in Brazil’s food & eating business, especially those related to the influence of French cuisine and food media, has led to changes in upper-middle class consumption habits and a rise in top-end restaurants. This can be construed in terms of perpetuation of its cultural and economic gap between high-end consumers and labour force, reflecting further Brazil’s historical social inequalities. Nevertheless, this paper argues that such opposition rather than merely mirroring a structural radicalism – i.e. a dialectical view of social phenomena – also carries a fragmentation of interests, agendas and discourses of multiple agents, which is characteristic of postmodern times. Symbols, representations and discourses related to food & eating are present in society’s rituals of consumption and may be an aftermath of the far-reaching foodie movement and of foreign-designed shows presented by the media, which, in Brazil’s case, announce an outside influence over local colours and values similar to those of former colonial powers. While avoiding subscribing to a deterministic interpretation of the relation between capital and society, it may be said that such social phenomena bring cultural and economic capital together under the food & eating concept.

MasterChef: neoliberalism, individual acts & resilience As it has been seen, first, Brazil is marked by a serious and historical inequality gap, since its early times. Second, its population has been shaped by people from all continents, which favours diversity, but also makes it a highly porous melting pot. Third, it has been influenced by a globalised marketplace of food and media consumption. Add to this, the modernity failure to fulfil its promises (Bauman, 2012), and it would be not unreasonable to foresee that people may also transfer part of the blame for it to one modernity’s most notable offspring: the modern state so dear to capitalism (Braudel, 1977). As a result, in a postmodern and post-colonial context characterised by fragmentation, multiplicity, between-ness and fluidity, it would be no surprise if people bet their chips on the neoliberal call, whatever it may. Bauman’s notion of modernity failure exposes an ongoing socio-historical process of fragmentation of narratives and political agendas, which may 20

favour identity politics, private discourses and neoliberal conceptions of society, among the idea of entrepreneurship, human capital and individual act, regardless of collective actions as in the past, for instance. Although this paper focusses on an issue related to the medium of TV, the current state of society has been distinctively influenced by social media. One of the side products of such influence has been the advent of notions such as human capital (Becker, 1968, 1975; Foucault, 2008) and knowledge society (Beck, 1992), which may reinforce the appeal of individual action vis-à-vis collective agendas and efforts. The contemporary person faces a daily choice between freedom and safety (Bauman, 2012) and often the former seems more achievable that the latter in these “unsettled” times. No wonder, then, that the spell of neoliberalism may be a strong call for those people who are not economically, politically or culturally accommodate in society’s status quo. It may seem to them wiser to act on their own than to expect any effective action from a state that seems stalled under the pressure of postmodernity’s new and complex state of affairs. However, in such a context, resilience not only gains greater importance as it may seem the only effective strategy to one’s challenges through life and, more important, the connotation of it, in this paper, is actually opposite to the idea of “resilience-thinking” in Chandler (2014), which translates rather the idea of bottom-up social resilience against that same neoliberalism. In this paper, resilience translates a potential and often unconscious inner strength people often may resort to overcome obstacles and keep moving steady towards their goals. Given the antagonistic environment of kitchens, being them a real working place or a make-believe stage, and competitions, such as in MasterChef, resilience, then, may be useful to and the main strategy of the show’s participants to succeed, whatever it may mean.

METHODOLOGICAL PROCEDURES This paper attempted to analyse and interpret the MasterChef Brazil fourth season, screened in 2017 and available at its YouTube channel , in relation to its discourse, actual images and scenes, searching for textual elements, intonation and rhythm, symbols, images, body language and other cultural representations related to this paper´s discussions. 21

Each season is composed of 25 episodes, each of them divided into five parts, each with averaging circa of 25 minutes of show. This paper studied entirely the first two and the last two episodes and, from episodes 3 to 23, it selected randomly two parts of each. It first generated closed captions (in Portuguese, its original language) using the YouTube’s auto-generation tool, then it revised the captions while watching the show to obtain a correct transcription of the episodes, including relevant visual and phonetical clues. The season was watched on its YouTube channel once. Then, a second screening was watched, while the transcriptions were followed, and annotated. The discourse analysis was done using the AntConc software (Anthony, 2014). This software may seem less powerful than other CAQDAS because of the apparent simplicity of its controls layout. However, it has been used by us before to treat a linguistics corpus of 89,720 words (Freitas, Fagundes & Medeiros, 2017), responding very well to the task, besides requiring more involvement and attention from the researcher in his or her choices, and for that offering more freedom. As MacMillan (2005) argues: “… They (CAQDAS) cannot, however, bring about the kind of organization of materials required for an in-depth, in-context analysis of the level required for a detailed analysis…”. AntConc also is much simpler to use, not requiring the same amount of time, as other CAQDAS, to produce roughly the same information on the data available, at least according to this study’s objectives. Next, the transcriptions were fed, as text files, totalising a linguistic corpus of 95,557 words, into AntConc, to produce a word list with their frequencies. Each corpus was run again on AntConc, looking for these words/terms frequencies and computed on Excel. In order to clear eventual overlaps and double counting, it was used AntConc’s “Collocates” tool – with the “Word Span” box set, first, at 5R and 5L (i.e. five words to the right and to the left) and, then, at 2R and 2L to decide whether compute or not a word and to help to analyse its relevance in the light of the theory researched and its discussion. The show initially takes 100 participants or competitors that are selected through a previous round of auditions, having 75 of them gone to the actual on-screen competition. They must be all amateur cooks. The show host is Ana Paula Padrão a very famous former news anchor in Brazil. The judges are three: Ms. Paola Carosella, Mr. Erick Jacquin and Mr. Henrique Fogaça, who are famous chefs and restaurateurs in Sao Paulo, the most cosmopolitan and important city in Brazil and its restaurant capital. Mr. Fogaça is Brazilian, Mr. Jacquin is French and Ms. Carosella is 22

Argentinian. All of them are accomplished chefs, in operational terms, and cooks, having strong European training background – despite Ms. Carosella and Mr. Fogaça being well-known for their creativity and ability to translate foreign techniques to local palates. The show is aired by TV Bandeirantes, a major national free-to-air TV network. The initial group of competitors goes through 2 preliminary episodes when they must prepare a meal. The meal is assessed by the three judges with a yes or no, or a pass or fail that selects or eliminates the participant from the contest, leaving 16 competitors for the next 23 episodes. At any moment, any of the judges can eliminate or pass any competitor, adding a great deal of subjectivity to the process. This results in a process of evaluation that relies on subjective and unclear criteria. In the following episodes (one every week), participants face eliminating duels until only there are only two left. In the end, the showdown is between those two remaining finalist cooks. Using discourse analysis, this paper attempts to illustrate some of the considerations made here and elaborate about the business of food & eating as a cultural concept that runs through different layers of a country’s social life, allowing one to delve into deeper social, economic and political interpretations about the power arrangements of that society. This analysis has been based on critical discourse analysis, cultural studies, sociology of food and post-colonialism. That way, the discourse analysis was based on its textual/oral elements (Fairclough, 1992, 1995; Howarth, 2000; Hyland & Paltridge, 2011; Wodak, 2001) and its image components (Brait, 2013), present in the TV show and on arguments about the relationship between cultural representation and power. If culture is also discourse, then, communication and language are parts of it, being them conveyed through either verbal or non-verbal signs, or both. Moreover, meaning is only fully construed through use (meaning-as-use) or via language practice (Wittgestein, 1986). For those reasons, the context becomes essential to the realization of the meaning, signification and value of the sign and its signifier and signified. When these arguments are stretched over to the theme of food & eating, the de facto representation of habits, practices, techniques, ingredients, and all universe of artefacts, practices and discourses related to it become exposed as a network of significance as culture itself. Language is an underlining tool of social force and of the relations of power in society, and discourse analysis focus on different forms that language may assume in its spoken or written discourse, as in images, symbols and objects, too (Wodak, 2001). However, language is not 23

powerful by itself (ibid.), but it gains a dimensional power as it is used by agents who actually manage to operate Foucauldian institutionalised and ordered power and truth, which are closely related to social structures, discourses and representations (Mohr & Neely, 2009). Therefore, discourse analysis requires considerations about social processes and structures, functions or systems and their historical and contextual meanings (Wodak, 2001). Anticipating any claim about an axiomatic neutrality, it is important to inform that one of the authors of this paper Mr. Freitas) was a cook trained at Le Cordon Bleu and at restaurants and hotels in London, Paris, Bahia, Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo. In the latter he had no direct contact with the three judging chefs, but became acquainted with their work, leadership and management styles through exchanges with other chefs, as well as visiting their restaurants on several occasions as a customer. Nonetheless, such information indicates his familiarity with Brazil’s food & eating scenery and with practical aspect of the discussions, arguments and contexts object of the research. Mr. Freitas is also a former serviceman, which makes him aware of the military-like hierarchy structure typical of professional cuisines and of the general mood in MasterChef Brazil.

DISCUSSION First, the level of subjectivity and the lack of clear criteria in the judges’ actions and decisions, besides adding to the competitors’ expected high level of anxiety and uncertainty, exposes TV reality competition shows’ reliance on a game of personal relation trading, rapport and people’s charisma, leaving only one option to all participants: the pursue of excellence or, from another angle, the praise of exception (Viana, 2013). Second, the level of actual “harassment” by the chef-judges on competitors is great but is it important to highlight some general observations. Often, they play a bad-cop-good-cop game among themselves and with participants. Mr. Jacquin, known in the trade as a though boss, often plays the traditional French chef: technical rigour, with some flirting innuendos, bad language, very poor Portuguese, often unintelligible, and aggressive. Ms. Carosella often shows some expected female traits such as being motherly and understanding in her intonation, even when criticising, but she also often lets out the same aggressive chef behaviour observed in Mr. Jacquin and supported by the already mentioned literature. Mr. Fogaça, who also uses hard and aggressive language and treatment towards competitors, on the other hand, very often reveals a very common 24

and much publicised Brazilian characteristic: cordiality. This is a very distinctive characteristic attributed to Brazilians by Buarque de Holanda (1936/1995). In the season’s first episode opening, cameras show a long line of candidates wanting for their turn in the audition rounds, while introducing some of them, part of their histories and their expectation: a fireman, a nuclear physics researcher, and so on, from different parts of Brazil or other countries, like Venezuela and Thailand; all of them, as the host announces, “willing to change their lives”, and to that they cheer enthusiastically. What are their drives? To some it may represent a new career, life-condition improvement, glamour or social distinction. Whatever it may be, they seem highly motivated in their pursuit for some kind of opportunity to change for the better. And they seem to believe that participating in a TV spectacle, on their own, is that chance. The show’s obvious spectacle nature is reinforced by several remarks and gestures by its moderator and host, Ms. Padrão: her vocabulary choices (“scene setting”, “new and thrilling season”, “the most feared judging panel”), or her theatrical body language (e.g. touching her heart to mean the passion or her hands to mean the cooking abilities required from competitors). Also, Mr. Fogaça’s formal language structures in the beginning of the show (Episode 1), marked by perfect utterances with flat tones and rhythm, characteristics of someone using teleprompt, clearly denounces a staged act – yet. contrasting with his more colloquial language use when interacting with candidates during their trials. This is also in the case of Erick Jacquin (Episode 1). Although, along the season’s episodes, he intensifies his French accent, probably as a tone of professional authority in face of French chefs’ tradition in the cuisine industry (Scarpato & Daniele, 2003), and plays with his own Portuguese language mistakes in unnatural fashion. Good examples of it are the Portuguese wods “mágica” /´ma.ʒi.ka/ (magic) and “prazer” /pra.´zeʁ/ (pleasure), which Mr. Jacquin pronounces closer to their French equivalents as “magic” /ma.´ʒik/ and “plaisir” /ple.´ziʁ/. Adding to such foreignness markers, he, surprisingly, does not recognise “ora-pro-nóbis”, a local cactus plant and a very traditional “délicatesse” in the state of Minas Gerais, where Mr. Jacquin has attended a local cuisine workshop (Lapertosa, 2009). He has once openly declared that he came to Brazil with no interest in learning new techniques or ingredients (Pessôa, 2016). The fact that two of the three chefs are foreigners might indicate several points. It might be related to local cooks’ and chefs’ level of training: Brazil witnessed the creation of a proper and wider selection of culinary training programmes comparable to Europe and the US only in the last 25

15 years (Rocha, 2016). It might relate to the already discussed Brazilians’ trace that makes them look up to former colonisers, reinforced by French chefs’ and French cuisine’s social capital and reference in terms of taste since Brazil’s Imperial time (Lellis & Boccato, 2013). Anyhow, it may be a valuable evidence of a post-colonial relation between a former coloniser and a new local identity, both acting in a double direction. Even tough Ms. Carosella recognizes the quintessential relation between culture and food & eating – “Food is always culture and when food is not culture, it is not food”, she says (Episode 1) – appreciating the effort of several candidates to explore traditional dishes, the prevailing atmosphere is that of competitive culture – “struggle, combat, challenge, duel, tricks…”, Mr. Fogaça says (Episode 1) – that is closer to the show’s spectacle side than to its culinary theme. It is also worth of note that candidates are from different places in Brazil and around the world (i.e. Venezuela, Colombia and Thailand). This multicultural perspective is also present in candidates’ and judges’ perceptions of what is authentic Brazilian food or ingredients. The Thai contender says she has been practising cooking Brazilian food: black beans (Episode 16) – however part of Brazil’s cuisine; one must remember it has been mostly and mistakenly associated with our Afro-Brazilian influence, even by Brazilians themselves. The Thai lady (Ms. Yukonton) still mentions “I am going to practise cooking Brazilian food even more … with pasta…” (Episode 1, part 2, 00:13:32), which is a common ingredient in Brazilian cuisine, but brought in by Italian immigrants. The same can be said about palm oil (“azeite de dendê”), used by another candidate (Episode 1). Azeite de dendê was brought by Portuguese traders, as already mentioned. This fact is particularly relevant to demonstrate how Brazilian national identity and its cuisine are influenced by being a traditional immigrants’ destination and a melting pot. It sounds also intriguing that, in the first episode, the show’s official discourse privileges a family cuisine, an amateur cuisine, a grassroots cuisine and, nonetheless, Mr. Fogaça says that the show is a chance to grow professionally and Mr. Jacquin says that some will luckily come out of it as chefs (Episode 1). Ms. Carosella rebukes one of a candidate for cooking “purée” of “mandioquinha” (a traditional Brazilian side dish) for it being too obvious, despite the same official family cuisine discourse (Episode 1). Equally interesting is one of the candidates, Bruno Viotto (an Italian name), original from Rio Claro, a city almost 350 km from the sea, cooking his specialty: seafood paella, with wine (Episode 1) – a specialty that one would expect from Valencia, Spain, but still totally legitimate in the Brazilian melting pot, even by a cook who is miles away from the 26

coast. This interpretation finds further support along the season, as when Ms. Carosella praises a candidate for cooking sophisticated recipes (Episode 23). Finally, it is important to point out the social profile of most participants. They are mostly European descendants, like Ms. Adriana, who even argues with Mr. Jacquin about the correct way to cook an omelette following a family recipe from France, where her grandmother came from, in Episode 2). They are mainly professionals, with higher education, or HE students, some of them out of work. This is compatible with the audience of the show and its sponsors (e.g. Carrefour and Le Cordon Bleu, indicating a higher income audience target). However, the show is easily available on YouTube in these days of hypermedia and aired by a free-to-air network, so, it reaches other portions of Brazilian society, perpetuating representations and models that are very far from most of its citizens’ background or reality. As for resilience, it is important to argue that due to the level of demand and pressure participants must face, only a high level of “resilience” could help them to go through difficult and ad hoc challenges, such as one competitor, visibly distressed when presenting his dish, is asked whether he knew how to make Chantilly (a preparation not all related to his initial task and final dish) and to prove it by making right there and then, otherwise he will be eliminated (Episode 1). Participants are often confronted by threats such as “another duel, someone who stays and another that must go” (Episode 1), in fact duel and challenge are together one of the most frequent term in the show, with 51 occurrences. Competitors’ resilience helps dealing with a level of competition that often does not observe any ethic boundary, when one of the teams takes all tomatoes available to guarantee whatever his team might need and prevent the other team from using it (Episode 5). Or when, while some competitors try to concentrate on their tasks, others who are free stand from distance making jokes disrupting the others’ focus on their dishes (e.g. in episode 19). Such behaviours may indicate a level of individuality and lack of social compromise that often is found on common and general views of neoliberalism, at least by some portion of the population who internalise individuality as a notion incompatible with collective boundaries. Certain words seem to be closely related to competitors’ sense of duty, desire or hope to succeed and to the resilience or strength necessary to it. The most often used words related to those connotations are: (1) “to succeed” = 57 occurrences; (2) “to try” = 50 occurrences; (3) “God” = 42 times (it makes sense in a very religious country); (4) family-related terms with a sense of duty appears 80 times (which also makes sense in a country where family ties are still strong); (5) 27

“courage”, “strength”, “aspiration”, “accomplishment” “stamina” and “dream” summed up 89 occurrences; (6) “love”, meaning a driver, 27 times. On the other hand, negative connotations as (2) “giving up” or “failure” added only 29 occurrences; (3) “apologies” just 22 times; and (4) “regret” barely occurred, only 2 times.

Results & final considerations MasterChef is a TV show and as such it may be a measure of what unconsciously goes in the mind of the members of a society. The fact that so many liberal professionals give up some of their time or interrupt their career to take part in it shows how food & eating and the consumer and spectacle society may affect our lives. It is a powerful measure of how Brazilians perceive their culinary habits and how power infiltrates in our most intimate and apparently unimportant forms of life. There is no question that MasterChef is a staged act. In several episodes’ openings, Mr. Fogaça and Mr. Jacquin often speak as if they were reading lines from a teleprompt or as if their lines had been memorised. Despite participants’ clear genuine behaviour and emotional reactions, typical staged strategies and roles are observed among the judges, as in their several plays of the bad-cop-good-cop routine, or even how each of them impersonates a function: Mr. Jacquin the old school French grumpy chef, wearing European clothes; Mr. Fogaça a tough yet sensitive cool male, wearing jeans and tattoos (which today have almost become part of a chef uniform); and Ms. Carosella a sophisticated yet demanding lady, wearing a glass for distinction perhaps. Last, the music added later during edition leaves no doubt about it being a staged production, even though using real action filmed material. In terms of culinary content, despite the judges’ occasional verbal attempts to encourage the production of local and traditional dishes, these seemed more part of the screenplay than de facto intentions – as in the show’s first episode’s opening lines. Almost all dishes presented by participants indicate their attempt to produce food using advanced French culinary techniques, to present them the same way they would be presented in a fine-dining restaurant and to use exquisite ingredients whenever possible. There is no question that the judges’ palate is a trained one and under strict influence of European cuisine, with an expected exception for local and Asians flavours out of exotic interest (“fusion” food, as Ms. Carosella praises in Episode 23). Several times, Mr. Jacquin introduces French culinary terms, as in episode 11, when criticizing a participant for doing 28

a gratin with cheese on a fish dish – a fish and cheese being a “heterodox” combination in the French cuisine “manual”. He teaches the would-be chef the technique of “chapelure” – consisting of doing a gratin using breadcrumbs instead of cheese. The was a prevailing use of mainly European ingredients and techniques, with an occasional Asian touch, in detriment of diverse local ingredients and techniques. These appeared only occasionally, as in episodes 3 and 9, when, respectively, participants were asked to prepare a “picadinho” (a classical Brazilian home-cooking dish), or they had to prepare a meal using typical ingredients from the “Cerrado” (a typical biome of the Centre-West region of Brazil). It is opportune to once more highlight the way Mr. Jacquin mispronounce and makes Portuguese mistakes, despite being corrected in a humours way by the other two judges. This, as already mentioned, can be interpreted as how a European may reinforce their foreignness through language as an attempt to gain distinction and authority – especially if one is a French chef in a culinary setting. “Haven’t you heard me, or you don’t care to acknowledge me?”, asks Chef Fogaça, to whom participants reply together “Yes, chef” (despite the double negative, in Portuguese it means “No, chef, we heard you”). This exchange, in episode 3, gives the dimension and importance of military-like hierarchy in professional kitchens, which, due to the typical pressure of cuisine work, often leads to the use of coercion, fool or aggressive language, and bullying as already noted and supported by the literature. Last, it is interesting to listen to one of the participants, a lady called Aderlize, in episode 17, lamenting her elimination and the end, at least at that moment, of her dream to be trained at Le Cordon Bleu. Le Cordon Bleu is a very famous and posh French culinary school that carries a lot of weight and status in Brazilian restaurant market, as it does in some other countries, such as Japan, the UK, the US and Canada, for instance. A chef trained at that school is almost like a manager trained at Harvard and a guarantee of distinction, technical authority and market value. However, as Aderlize reminds the audience, it is a very expensive school and, as she says, out of her league, in a classical example of Bourdieu’s social capital argument. Between the many people who formed the audition queue in the beginning (Episode 1) to the two finalists and the winner (Episodes 24 and 25), the lucky participants faced an ordeal of challenges, frequent harsh words, eventual words of praising and encouragement, and huge and exhausting technical challenges given their previous experience. They had only their share of 29

resilience, of firm belief in their own actions (supported by 17 occurrences of reflexive forms indicating that meaning), and of self-determination could sustain their struggle though those challenges to reach the so desired fifteen minutes of fame or a breakthrough in a new career and venture. However, this could point to a limitation of this research and to future possibilities of investigation: to follow competitors’ fortune after they finish their participation in the show. The image and glow of fame in media-controlled society seem too powerful and luring to individuals under constant influence of the transformations from modernity to the present context. Hypermodernity, postmodernity, modern liquidity, biopolitics, whatever label or theoretical construction one may resort to, it seems common in all of them, at least to a minimum degree of significance, that the fragmentation of collective bounds and narratives into identity ones, and an apparent resulting coherence and individual internalization of neoliberal categories, especially with regard to Foucault’s (2008) conception of it, obliterate or hinder any perspective of emancipation based on wider political action in favour of individual action. The objective of this paper was precisely to expose how our lives are affected by what we eat, what we cook, how our food presentation influences the ritual of eating, how food & eating are incorporated in our economic, social and political lives, and how all those items mingle with and food media in a reality TV spectacle, more specifically in Brazil’s case. It also attempted to illustrate how professional and make-believe kitchens are prone to be a setting under a lot of pressure, highly emotionally charged and likely to follow very aggressive and competitive working ethics, demanding from people a great deal of self-control, acceptance and resilience. Politics relates to our choices of association, of consumption, to our identities, expectations and movements. Food & eating becomes political when we can understand part of our past through it, when we are able to choose to consume something that is authentic to our position and society and to change it if we decide so. Food & eating is political when we recognise all people that are part of its production chain and reward them accordingly and fairly. This paper has investigated food & eating in Brazil from a consumption perspective, in term of eating habits and food media, but it would be important to cover it from a production perspective. Too many young and mature people, women and men, every year learn a new profession in small and hot kitchens to pay for their survival, for a better life for their families and to cater for us consumers. They must be remembered. Therefore, as a suggestion for future research there may be 30

a space for investigating how professional cuisines operate in Brazil – as it has already been done in Anglo-Saxon countries.

ACKNOWLEDGMENT: this research has been partly supported by the postgraduate scholarship programme of the Brazilian Coordination for the Improvement of Higher Education Personnel (CAPES).

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