october 1932

The Fascist Decade

Count Carlo Sforza

Volume 11 • Number 1

The contents of Foreign Affairs are copyrighted.©1932 Council on Foreign Relations, Inc. All rights reserved. Reproduction and distribution of this material is permitted only with the express written consent of Foreign Affairs. Visit www.foreignaffairs.com/permissions for more information. THE FASCIST DECADE

By Count Carlo Sforza

a THIS year completes decade of Signor Mussolini's rule in ; but it would not be fully accurate to say that it com a pletes decade of Fascist dictatorship. The Fascist dicta on torship in its present characteristic form began only January 3, 1925, when Signor Mussolini declared in Parliament that he took upon himself responsibility for the murders and other forms of violence which had torn Italy since the advent of Fascism in the autumn of 1922. to I have hesitated accept the task of writing about this period. on I resigned the Embassy the advent of Fascism, and maintained my resignation despite the written request of the Prime Minister that I continue to collaborate with him; present ? and in the Senate I so as was ? always spoke long speaking possible and voted against Fascism. I feared, therefore, that I to might lack the needed objectivity. But then I began consider as whether after all there is any such thing complete historical ob jectivity. And I concluded that the best French historian would find it difficult to speak serenely about Louis XIV if he were a an democrat, and that American scholar might not do full justice to to a . . . Jefferson if he happened be Republican But this much one a to an : has right expect of historian intellectual probity. In the present instance, intellectual probity will lie in the fact that I shall be on own my guard against my political opinions and that where I make statements of fact I shall try to be certain are at that they indeed facts. If the beginning I have recalled my it is in personal situation, order that my readers might beware, if they like to do so.

ten of a After years rule, eight of them absolutely dictatorial, on r?gime might fairly be judged its results. But although much on has been written the nature of Fascist doctrine, it may first of all be useful to sum up the characteristics of the Italian dictator not as were ship, they stated by early admirers and enemies of the as out r?gime, but they stand in comparison with such dicta torial as r?gimes have prevailed in Europe since the fall of the most of them the conspicuous all, Empire of the first Bonaparte. or In the first place, friends foes are bound to admit that there

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is an immense difference between Fascism in power and Fascism a as revolutionary movement immediately after the war. That was not a early Fascism lacking in certain sincere and na?ve pas sion for democratic renovation; the movement recruited its ad men herents from amongst the ex-service home from the trenches, men not want to to who did belong either the Catholic organiza tions or to the Socialist which in their had been ? Party,? eyes guilty the second one of been averse to the war. especially having movement was ex But this Fascist entirely lacking in political or was perience tradition; in the main it given substance by as war Syndicalistic doctrines such those preached before the by a French writer who had more in than in his gained vogue Italy " own was country, Georges Sorel. It mainly his theory of violence" most to which appealed those crude youths who had just stepped out war. of the unsurpassed violence of four years of movement a to Had this found really strong personality guide as case it, happened in the of the Russian Bolsheviks with Lenin, a Fascism might perhaps have represented genuinely original was not historical phenomenon. Such the case, however. The political ripeness and originality of its leader may be judged by wrote a the program he for his party in 1919, demagogic program in which momentous aims such as the abolition of the Senate, of service and of stock were thrown in at ran compulsory exchanges on a dom par with the suppression of titles of nobility and of orders of knighthood. When chance and the infinite stupidity of the Facta cabinet movement to at brought this and its leader power the end of 1922, and events to there occurred the trans turned tragedy, rapidly formation of what had been revolutionary Fascism into the most ever seen was complete police State inmodern times. It its way of masses. meeting the growing opposition of the are Almost all the present laws of the Fascist r?gime reproduc tions of measures invented by the government of Napoleon III between 1852 and 1867 to destroy the French democratic as a re opposition. Napoleon III kept up Parliament decoy but so duced it to impotence, and did Fascism. Napoleon III made so the prefects of the provinces omnipotent, and did Fascism. was Local government destroyed under the Second Empire; and same more the happened in Italy with much serious consequences, are since inmunicipal life the amongst the best in Europe ? a libero Comune. In the legacy of the old Italian love for the THE FASCIST DECADE 109

were to two periods similar laws enforced get rid of judges who to to refused obey governmental orders and muzzle university professors, editors and publishers. Most historic and political one parallels smack of literary artifice, but cannot help feeling an so as that seldom in history has analogy been complete that between the French Second Empire and Italian Fascism. even The analogy may be detected in the foreign policy of the two ? r?gimes in the psychological motives prompting them (which iswhat really counts), if not in external appearances. And more nothing is natural, for r?gimes which have suppressed the freedom which the people formerly enjoyed seek to divert their minds with successes abroad, and when success does not come turn to boastings about imperialistic conquest in the future. The foolish to Napoleonic expedition Mexico finds, morally speaking, its equivalent in the Fascist expedition to (1923), Fascism's to first attempt show the Italian people its diplomatic capacities. Compelled under British pressure to evacuate Corfu, Fascism to a coun had the wisdom realize that the foreign policy of great not on try could be managed the Strafexpedition lines which had been the main method adopted by the Fascists to seize power at we an home. And had in 1924 agreement with Jugoslavia, based on the principles of political and moral collaboration with new Italy's Eastern neighbor which I had inaugurated in 1920 with the and the anti-Hapsburg convention an and which constituted application of Mazzini's great concep tion in the fifties: the independence of the Balkan nationalities oppressed by Austria is the necessary corollary of the independ ence of Italy. a Unfortunately, few years later Fascist diplomacy gave the to impression of reverting the old paths; and the intimate relations which grew up between Fascist and the aristocratic oli garchy governing Hungary led the governments of Prague and to was success at Belgrade believe that the Fascist r?gime seeking their expense. Here again, to mention it for the last time, stands out a similarity with the Second Empire. Napoleon III needed to give the French "glory," and his diplomacy, in search of terri one torial conquests, fluctuated feverishly between contradictory method and another: secret negotiations with Prussia to win the annexation of Belgium, and shortly afterwards a declaration of war on this same Prussia. same Fascism has often shown the hesitations. The signature of no FOREIGN AFFAIRS

a case not the Kellogg Pact in 1928 is in point. Fascism did dare not to sign. But the personal organ of Signor Mussolini, the Pop?lo d Italia (he was its editor until the very day he became Prime Minister), commented as follows on the value of the Pact on morrow the of its signing: , and the may well speak with horror of the war which would alter the present status quo; but we, who breathe with great difficulty, we can but see in every League, in every collective move of those an who have and will give nothing, Insurance Committee working against the cannot a interest of the rising peoples. The result is that August 27 be feast-day for us. a on In speech in Parliament December 8, 1928, Signor Musso lini himself, in an ironical mood, declared: We have signed the Kellogg Pact which I declare sublime, so much so that one we might even call it transcendental. Were there other Pacts ahead should a hasten to sign them. But above, below and alongside of these Pacts is reality which we may not ignore if we do not want to be guilty of high treason towards the nation. This reality is as follows. The whole world is arming. Every day the the newspapers publish information concerning building of submarines and other engines of war. We must not delude ourselves regarding the political state of Europe. When the storm is brewing everyone speaks of calm and peace, as if a not want to prompted by deep urge of the mind. We do upset the balance of we Europe, but must keep ourselves in readiness. None of you will wonder, and none shall wonder, if I ask a new effort of the nation, once its convalescence on sea is over, in order to bring all its forces land and and in the air to the point of perfection. on a And one year later, November 4,1929, speaking to Fascist gathering: Comrades, there is too much talk about world peace. We must not delude no ourselves. Actually and truthfully country is disarming. This gathering should take one resolution: that, if need be, all ex-service men will once more be won. ready to fight until victory be

Towards the League of Nations, Fascist tactics may be divided into three distinct periods: the first, all contempt and irony; the as second, when Signor Grandi (appointed Foreign Minister in under September 1929) began admitting, the influence of the was no use permanent officials of the Foreign Office, that it ignor went on war ing the League, the while his chief with his customary until like speeches; the third, lasting Signor Grandi's dismissal on was July 20,1932, during which time unanimity reached in the was Fascist language and everybody advocating disarmament and Geneva collaboration. THE FASCIST DECADE in

too The first period corresponds closely with the original slogans of Fascism to be worth while considering. a The second period began in 1930 when for the first time went to as Fascist Foreign Minister, Signor Grandi, Geneva Italian delegate to the Council of the League. The Pop?lo dyItalia on was explained January 12, 1930, that this change of tactics made advisable by the need for "wary and vigilant" Fascist to over numerous delegates watch the "all-invading" advisory and deliberative bodies of the League. It added: "Too often the skepticism shown and boasted of by Italians concerning the work, authority and efficacy of the League of Nations has played into the hands of our adversaries, and contributed towards the success . . . of certain shows of wordy pacifism and imperialistic inter nationalism which a less indifferent attitude on our part would have lessened or even smothered in the cradle. Italy's share in the cannot or debates of the League of Nations be either passive decorative." merely a to On May 9, 1930, Signor Grandi declared in speech the Chamber of Deputies that "the idiotic calumny" representing Italy "full of warlike truculence" had exploded forever. "Musso to to lini's Italy," he added, "asks only be able progress freely in a pacified and quiet Europe: the words equal rights and equal a duties express the only foundation upon which one may build lasting understanding." text were The newspapers with the of Signor Grandi's speech a tour still being read when his chief began of the Tuscan cities. 11 to at : On May he said the Fascist crowds Leghorn ? ? Before your sea that sea which is ours after visited your having yards? where keen workers are building the future war units, I want to say to you and not only to you, but to the whole Italian and to the ? people peoples beyond our frontiers that we do not desire hasty adventures, but that, should our a anyone strike at our independence or future, he does not know to what temperature I would bring the whole Italian people. He does not know how tremendously I would work up the passion of the whole Italian people if the were Revolution of the Black Shirts hindered in its development. Then the people, old and young, peasant and workers, armed and unarmed, would form one ? more a a human mass and than mass, projectile, ready to be hurled against anyone, anywhere.

And six days later, in Florence: more Nothing is insulting to the pride of the Italian people than to doubt the fulfilment of our naval program. I here again affirm that this new program will be carried out, ton for ton, and that its twenty-nine units will put to sea. For na FOREIGN AFFAIRS

the will of Fascism is not only of iron, it is also mathematical. We are never allowed to sit down and rest. We are strictly forbidden to do so, not only be our cause of the exigencies of internal situation, but also because of the new and are unexpected ferments which boiling in all directions. You will tomorrow see an are here impressive army parade. It is I who ordered it; for words beautiful, even but rifles, machine-guns, ships, aircrafts and guns are more beautiful. Tomorrow morning, in this array of armed forces, the world will see the strong and warlike face of Fascist Italy. For right without might is but an empty word to and your great Niccol? Machiavelli used say that prophets unarmed would are perish. These lessons of history and experience particularly suggestive and eloquent. were not To prove that these and many other similar speeches mere outbursts of public oratory, the President of the Chamber of a two Deputies recalled them in speech which he made weeks later. He said: "The speeches, full of mettle and logic, which the Duce made to the crowds of and Lombardy have given an to this anniversary the savor and charm of historic hour. Let us live this hour with our martial heart, accustomed to face fear us lessly danger and responsibilities. Let live it with the faith us which led us to victory despite all obstacles and dangers. Let live it convinced that Vittorio Venesto is but the first step of our on same irresistible ascent." And the day the Under-Secretary of at Education, Dr. Bodrero, speaking Venice, exhorted the young "to learn to hate; for where there is no national hatred, there is no more also virtue." Many documents might be gathered. But these will perhaps suffice.1 During the last part of Signor Grandi's tenure of office the discrepancy between the speeches for foreign and home consump as to tion seemed, I said above, have been eliminated. The feeling was new both in Italy and in the rest of Europe that the tactics were dictated by the economic and financial situation, which (as we see a shall in moment) has been especially cruel in Italy. If was world opinion somewhat skeptical of this sudden turn, the partisans of Fascism should acknowledge that they therein simply paid the price for the style of their r?gime. When the policy of a one and on a man at that great country depends upon man, who often there is no assurance that a certain has changed, policy, newly adopted, will be lasting. The fact that the dictator's 1 For further light on the foreign policy of the Fascist Government I refer readers to the following recent books. Reale: "La politique fasciste dans la Soci?t? des Nations." Paris, Pedone, 1932. Salvemini: "Mussolini diplomate." Paris, Grasset, 1932. Trentin: "La Fascisme ? Gen?ve." Paris, Rivi?re, 1932. The authors are well-known liberal writers opposed to Fascism. But they arc are intellectually honest, and their books full of authentic documents. THE FASCIST DECADE "3 even change may be made in all good faith is of little importance: no he also, in his turn, pays for the fact that he is longer enlight as a ened to the demands of public opinion; dictator ends by mis taking for the opinion of the country what is but organized praise own prepared by his press service. One therefore understands the doubts expressed abroad as to to the genuineness of Fascism's conversion the pacific life. Mr. one most Walter Lippmann, of the thoughtful observers of world affairs, put it with his characteristic clearness when he wrote as at to follows the time of Signor Grandi's visit Washington: never It has been made quite clear in this country how it has happened that the Duce, who was talking about the beauty of machine-guns less than two years ago, is now the most eloquent apostle of peace and disarmament on the European continent. The transformation has been abrupt. It has not been ac companied by the usual debating and voting which, in the world Americans are a accustomed to, precede radical change of policy. It would be less than frank, therefore, to conceal from Signor Grandi the underlying fact that Amer ican opinion is as yet unprepared to believe that the apparent similarity in many of their immediate views of the European situation signifies that the two governments have a genuine community of purpose. It may, in fact, be said, that unless some way is found to clarify American on to opinion this point, and convince it that the present policies of the Italian Government represent a change of purpose and not merely a change of tactics, Signor Grandi's mission may have just the opposite effect from the one desired. For nothing could be more fatal to the purposes the United States will be to to pursuing this winter than give the impression Europe that it is aligned with the bloc of dissatisfied nations who seek by means of a radical revision of to a the territorial settlements effect radical redistribution of political power. on an The point, therefore, which understanding needs to be reached is recent whether Signor Mussolini's enthusiasm for disarmament, forgiveness of a debts and treaty revision derives primarily from desire for peace and stability, or a from belief that in subscribing to the liberal formulae which he once de spised he has found a shrewd method of isolating France. ? I am convinced to see without Personally? trying things party bias that the changes which occurred in the phraseology were a of Fascist foreign policy something more than modification a of diplomatic tactics. The point is that, hidden by the notes of which as an orchestra its a press ? obeys ? obeys conductor, deep to change hardly visible strangers is asserting itself in Italian no public opinion. Sensational speeches with subsequent results nave not only ceased to work; they have become a nuisance for the prestige of Fascism itself. And its leader has probably begun to not to on on realize that it does pay go relying too much the 114 FOREIGN AFFAIRS wild Fascists whom Theodore Roosevelt would have put in his "lunatic fringe." The future alone will tell whether Fascism can renounce for are good the risky nationalistic ideologies which in such violent to opposition the democratic principle of international justice. Signor Grandi's sudden dismissal at the end of July 1932 has as an been interpreted indication that Mussolini is about to return to a war and to war talk. On other are policy the hand, there skep assert tics who that Grandi's disgrace simply reflects his chief's per over success sonal jealousy the of his peace speeches at Geneva. For we can come to the time being only the preliminary and ob not a to vious conclusion that it is prudent, under dictatorship, more to become talked about than is agreeable the master.

The in minorities problem the form in which it has developed in Italy under the Fascist r?gime is linked with the whole general which Fascism has of life nations. conception apparently amongst a That is why short study of the question may be useful. was war The problem novel in Italy. Before the Italy was one most was of the homogeneous nations in the world. It through the Treaty of St. Germain (September 10, 1919), which brought the to frontiers of Italy the natural confines of the Alps, and through the Treaty of Rapallo (November 12, 1920), the first of all to on post-war treaties be based essentially mutual understanding on more than force, that Italy received 215,345 Germans and 468,378 Jugoslavs. On December 1,1919, opening the first Parlia ment elected after the war, the King solemnly said: "The terri to us new tories newly annexed Italy confront with problems. Our liberal tradition will show us the way to find their solution, in respecting autonomous institutions and local usage as much as No trouble and no sacrifice should be avoided to the end possible.? ? that after inevitable forcible measures the return of these lands to their natural unit may not in their eyes represent a retro or a our grade step decrease in prosperity. We know that in sub on seacoast we jects in the mountains and the shall find precious collaborators in the progress of the nation." During the discussion in Parliament of the Treaty of Rapallo I even was made the following clearer statement, which strongly approved by the Chambers and by leaders of all parties: "We most shall guarantee ample liberty of language and culture. us once a an This will be for at point of honor and act of THE FASCIST DECADE 115

us political wisdom. Let be certain, therefore, that in this respect our new will soon feel a also citizens satisfied in belonging to Great Power which, strong in her incomparable culture, respects their local life with jealous care." Facts were true to words; and the administration of the new as as Italian provinces, long the Liberal governments were in to as an in Italy, could be pointed example of real respect or ? ?)owerthe rights and traditions of annexed populations, and also I am to as an ? as a proud add Italian model of political wisdom. If Liberal methods had continued, the national minorities would almost unconsciously have identified themselves in a few decades with the great body of Italians. The exactions of Fascist rule have worked dead against the very aim which they pursued. Today the rift is deep. The Fascist Government has: 1, destroyed the provincial and municipal of new autonomy the provinces; 2, shut down schools teaching in any language other than Italian, and by every means eliminated the use of in foreign languages education, government, justice and the even church; 3, changed the family names; 4, suppressed rights of association; 5, suppressed all freedom of the local press; 6, a forbidden any and every form of political life; 7, set up rule of terror and violence, legal and illegal (though, truth to tell, not more violent than in tne rest of Italy). The suppression of provincial and municipal autonomy was resented particularly by the populations which had belonged to the for Austro-Hungarian Empire, they had possessed complete machinery for collaborating in political, administrative and social matters with the central government. The provincial Diets which in realm no existed the Hapsburg exist longer. Fascist authority changed the elected mayors for extraordinary commissioners or "podest?" appointed by the Fascist Party, who may be removed sort or on without explanation of any by the prefect orders from Rome. The to prefect also has the right join several "comuni" or as together divide them up he pleases. On the other hand the Fascist r?gime seems to have been unable to realize that by adopting and intensifying the measures which the Hapsburg Monarchy used to suppress its Italian and Slav it has the over subjects, only mangled victory Austria-Hungary which cost the lives of 500,000 Italians dead on the blood-stained rocks of the Carso and on the chain. Alpine Italy's victory might have been one of the cleanest of the for it war; might have given ii6 FOREIGN AFFAIRS

not only independence to all Italians but also contentment to the to peoples transferred from Austro-Hungarian Italian rule. It was Mazzini's great dream. Fascism has destroyed it.

In another field has Fascism the yet gone entirely against ? Italian Liberal traditions established by Cavour in the fifties in the relations of Church and State. In this field Fascism has made an achievement which one may criticize or approve, but which is important: the official reconciliation with the Vatican a were and the setting up of Vatican State. These the results of on the Lateran Treaties signed February n, 1929. I have written "official reconciliation." A de facto conciliation one existed already under the Liberal governments; may even add that to most European statesmen it appeared the embodiment of at practical wisdom. As I have explained length elsewhere,2 the to an two or Popes used declare in encyclical, every three years, that the state of things created for them in Rome by the Italian Government was "intolerable;" the Italian Government took care not to answer. ? as on make any On the following day the ? come previous day confidential agents from the Vatican would to see Italian officials (or sometimes the Italian Minister himself, as more once to than happened me) and quietly and successfully for as those Italian arrange questions such, instance, concerning missionaries and bishops abroad. The settlement of this question now as were as one is quoted if it something new, and is painted of the advantages the Italian Kingdom will reap from the Lateran agreements. Benedict XV, the predecessor of the present Pope Pius XI, did not in the least favor the schemes brought forward by Germans war a state. during the for the reconstitution of small papal His essential aim was the maintenance of the old Italian Law of Guarantees which had satisfactorily worked since 1871, but a new to backed by Christian-Democratic Party, strong enough excesses withstand any possible (if improbable) anti-clerical from to was the Left parties. But Pius XI (contrary Benedict, who prob most was to ably the intelligent of modern Popes) and is hostile a ideas of liberty; moreover, he is scholar grown up in libraries, a afraid of life, and believing that treaty provides safer ground than was the eternally shifting sands of democracy. The Fascist r?gime * "Makers of Modern Europe." Indianapolis: Bobbs Merrill, 1930. Chapter XXXII, "Pius XI, or The Roman Church and Fascism." THE FASCIST DECADE 117

to to recon ready pay any price win the moral prestige which were ciliation would bring. So the treaties signed. Who is the winner? To my mind, neither the Church nor the are some State; for both faced with the danger of future reaction, a which might bring forth harvest of violence in the religious field such as the tolerant history of Italy has not yet seen. If either has gained it is the Fascist Government. At any rate, the transaction at as as has given it the certainty that the Vatican, least for long ? out common ? the present Pope is alive, is bound of interest to support it.

About the economic situation of Italy during the Fascist r?gime much has been written. But the control over debates in Parlia ment and the muzzle on the press have eliminated the best sources an for investigation. The Fascist Government may be right in complaining that certain criticisms of its economic policy are unfair; if so, these could easily be disposed of if impartial on sources are writers could draw the of information which usually available in a free country. The economic situation of any one country may be studied at present only in the light of the world crisis. It may be difficult, to eco therefore, for foreigners realize that the present Italian to nomic crisis has not very much do with the general world a over crisis. The general world crisis is crisis of capitalization, one while the crisis in Italy is of lack of capital. There are direct of this assertion. The Italian crisis several proofs ? began years before the American and general crises precisely, between 1924 and 1926. Evidence is found in statistics like the following: 1. Bankruptcies. In 1922, the last year of the pre-Fascist r?gime, there were 3,607 bankruptcies; in 1926, after four years of the more Fascist r?gime, this figure had than doubled, /'. e., it had reached 7,631; in 1927 it had become 10,366 and in 1929 it had In reached 11,106. other words, the greatest increase in bank ruptcies took place before the American crisis and only under the influence of the Fascist administration. 2. In were Unemployment. 1926 there 181,493 unemployed in Italy; in 1927 there were 414,283; in 1928, 439,211; in 1929, most 489,347.8 Which proves that the serious jump in unemploy ment took place before the American crisis. In were 3. Reduction offoreign trade. 1925 Italy's imports val 1 are These the official figures. In reality the unemployment situation is infinitely more serious. ii8 FOREIGN AFFAIRS

22 ued at 26 billion lire; the figure was billion in 1928. The value of same Italian exports during the period fell from 18 billion lire in 1925 to 14 billion in 1928. Still another proof that the Italian crisis is different from the one to international and that it is in part due special causes may seen be in the fact that the general crisis has been accompanied by a a slump in prices, while prices in Italy have had tendency to rise ? a tendency fought against in vain by Fascist police regulations. Nor could have been in it otherwise, view of the increasing lack of capital revealed by the feverish quest of the Fascists for loans. What, then, have been the real causes of the Italian crisis? cause on The general is found in the squandering of capital the sort of in which ?unproductive expenditures dictatorships always indulge unnecessary public works, the upkeep of the 300,000 men so on. cause of the Fascist militia, and One specific was the revaluation and stabilization of the lira, which Signor Mussolini at an fixed in 1928 exceptionally high rate, despite contrary advice from American experts. While France stabilized her franc at 25 a to the dollar, Italy, far less wealthy country, stabilized the lira at to one event 19 the dollar. Only in might stabilization at such a rate, determined considerations of have solely? by prestige, caused less serious harm if the government had reduced taxa to new tion and expenses in proportion the value of its monetary was unit. But nothing of the kind done in Italy. Taxation and public expenses constantly increased. The Fascist Government committed another specific error no which had bad consequences of trifling importance in the present Italian crisis. It practically forbade emigration. Before the war the annual exodus of some 600,000 Italians contributed as a largely to Italian prosperity. After the war, consequence of various these went down to foreign restrictions, figures 300,000; an but even only 300,000 were still effective source of riches for as Italy. Then, part of his scheme of international pressure, Signor or Mussolini invented his slogan, "Expand explode," and forbade a source all emigration. In this way he dried up of important revenue and the Italian economic situation. aggravated ? No wonder, that before the American crisis to be then, ?long two precise, years before American monthly consular reports most accounts began giving pessimistic of the Italian economic was not situation. That this predestined, that the Italian economy come might have fairly well through the general crash, is indicated THE FASCIST DECADE 119

was by the fact that the American crisis of 1921 (which also very serious) had not the least adverse influence on the Italian eco nomic situation of the time. Because I was in power with Giolitti in 1920 and 1921 is no reason why I should pass over in silence the fact that, thanks to the drastic, honest decisions of the old Liberal war leader, the recovery from the morbid inheritance began in Italy in 1920 and 1921. If the first years of Fascism seemed was prosperous, it because the courageous plans devised by were Giolitti bearing fruit. After ten years of Fascism the results of its financial policy may as a be summed up follows: tremendous decrease of Italian agri cultural and industrial exports; unemployment, much greater than official statistics show; an increase in tax burdens to an ex tent to can which people who belong naturally rich countries hardly realize. a to It would be impossible in the bounds of single article study otherwise than and therefore the whole rapidly,? inadequately, ? series of educational problems administrative, colonial, at a on which have, least in the moral field, bearing the subject we which are considering. Instead, I shall single out one of these, the draining of marshlands and swamps, because readers will find common to in it two traits all the problems of Italian life under Fascist rule: the cleverness of the of the Fascist advertising? policy and the inwhich this I am r?gime; way policy ? contrary, willing to believe, to the intentions of its authors always ends in the as as are abuse of the secular efforts, splendid they silent, of the Italian nation. This, indeed, has been the terrible punishment of those Fascists serve whose sincere thought it was to their country: that, in order to a an praise r?gime and exalt individual, they have been obliged to throw mud on their own or at least nation, asserting, tacitly to admitting, that Italians needed Fascist castor-oil keep in the are so right way, and that they degraded that they positively like to be bowed under the Fascist bludgeon. a It is favorite legend of the Fascists that only Fascism could have^saved Italy from Bolshevism; while the truth, of course, is that all revolutionary danger had disappeared by the time came a Fascism into power.4 A minor legend of later years, but

4 on Signor Mussolini himself wrote in his Pop?lo d* Italia July 2,1921, eighteen months before his as a appointment Prime Minister: "To say that Bolshevist danger still exists in Italy means taking base fears for reality. Bolshevism is overthrown." I20 FOREIGN AFFAIRS

concerns in tough one, the marvellous work done by Fascism one cases reclaiming lands. This is of the sad where the interests name a of a faction go counter to the good of country. The truth on a is as follows. The Italian people, very densely settled very one poor soil, has always been of the most tirelessly laborious on people the face of the earth. The creation of agricultural Italy is the work of the Italian people. Thus the rich plains of Lombardy a were, until the fifth century, nothing but string of desolate Professor one of the author swamps. Valenti, greatest European on wrote ities agrarian questions, in 1919: "The richest Italian lands, in Lombardy, around Bologna, and in the Venetian prov inces, have all of them been slowly reclaimed through long genera tions of workers, helped by capital." The progress of this agrarian revolution since the unification of Italy in i860 is shown in the sown: following figures: Lands tilled and 1869,12 million hectares; 1914, 13 million hectares. Meadows and pasture lands: 1864, 7 million hectares; 1914, 10 million hectares. Wheat output: 1864, 36 million hectolitres; 1914, 50 million hectolitres. Cattle: 1864, 18 million head; 1914, 27 million head. to was A general survey of all lands be reclaimed in Italy made in 1882. It recorded a total of 1,839,411 hectares. At the end of or 1922, 840,000 hectares, nearly half of the total, had already on an been reclaimed, and work had been started important part of the remaining 999,000 hectares. It therefore is impossible that between 1922 and 1930 the Fascist Government has done any more thing in this field than the previous Liberal government did. a was unre True, in December 1928 law passed stating that all claimed land should be reclaimed within fourteen years; but this law only became effective in 1929. It is evident, then, that the on were re Fascist boast of having reaped wheat lands which no claimed by the energy and foresight of Mussolini has founda tion in fact. as In this, in other forms of political activity, Fascism has In probably copied the Soviet Government. Russia, the State, as wants to source and sole regulator of all life?just Fascism be on a momentous in Italy ?has decided industrial and agrarian to out a transformation, be carried in comparatively short lapse an of time. But in Rome they forgot there is important difference was a between Russia and Italy. In Russia it question of changing the cultivation of lands which are amongst the richest and most fertile in the world; for those lands, little is needed but ma THE FASCIST DECADE 121

chines to and men able to do the sort of plough, simplest? ? agricul tural work. In a word, the main element the land exists on In already in Russia, and work it gives immediate results. reverse. an Italy the situation is just the Therefore artificial a on reclamation policy is drain capital, which in consequence is more enter lacking for immediate and productive agricultural prise. on Readers will understand that I have lingered this appar an ? one ently technical problem because it is example of ? a many of the way in which r?gime responds to the need for even to cultivating prestige (if it must) in opposition the real a progress of nation.

a matters From moral point of view, which is, after all, what a accentu most, there is the risk that policy of show and prestige, a never to a ated by the unanimity of press bound admit criticism to and always declare everything marvellous, will end by having an unfavorable influence on the critical sense of a nation. We have us seen traces all of of this pernicious result among the Russians, to coars whose ability think originally and freely has singularly one most ened under Soviet dictatorship. That is of the painful revere thoughts for Italian patriots who love their country and its traditions. men Mental prostration before dogmas and formulae and (ex alted on tomorrow on as now today order, forgotten order, hap pens constantly in Soviet Russia and in Italy), must be, in the long run, morally degrading. Whoever has travelled in the East has seen races poisoned incurably by long generations of subjection to despots. a not or Thucydides said of old: "The strength of city is ships but men." that belief I conclude that even a walls, Sharing " though so as to dictatorship may accomplish much good have the trains run on time," the net effects none the less will be lethal to the nation. I sometimes wonder to what extent Americans still remem ber Samuel Gompers. Of all the thousands of idealistic utter ances to me as during the Paris Peace Conference few seemed as sentence rich in deep, whole-hearted sincerity the following of not a the American labor leader: "Men do know how safe thing freedom is."