SPECIAL ISSUE The Globalising Effects of Solar Energy Access on Family and Gender Relations in Rural India Gender on Perspectives (Re)settlement Skilled Among Highly Commercial Surrogate Motherhood, Morality and Femininity Multi-dimensional Gendered Inequalities in Everyday Life How New Forms of Capital Create Differences within Class “The Daughters-in-Law“The Have Become Women Empowerment Delhi in Grassroots at the “Good Work“Good for Mothers”: Good To Stand on Own Her Two Feet: Uphill TasksUphill Kumaon Within Indians Return Migrants in Bangalore in Migrants Return Indians Himalayan Communities: Reluctant Returnees: Returnees: Reluctant the Mothers-in-Law”: Mothers-in-Law”: the SIDDHARTH SAREENSIDDHARTH CELIE AND MANUEL North-Indian Households North-Indian GUDRUN CECILIE E. HELLAND E. CECILIE GUDRUN CECILIE NORDFELDT KRITIN ENGH FØRDE ENGH KRITIN HELENE ILKJÆR HELENE KARINA STANDALKARINA

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– – – – – AUTUMN 2016 AUTUMN ASIA IN FOCUS Asia in Focus Editorial Editorial Focus in Asia Special Issue Editors Journal Website Graphic Design Graphic Committee Committee Copyright Publisher Contact ISSN written from permission theauthors. Authors &NIAS. Allrights reserved. Nopartof this publication may reproduced be withoutthe Müller Dennis NIAS -Nordic Institute Studies ofAsian rest solely with the authors. in articles published of the accuracy the facts and expressed for the opinions the responsibility of content in for Focus, Asia selection for the final responsible is While the editorial committee Christer Kold Lindholm, Inga-Lill Blomkvist, FoulkesNicol (Managing Editor), Savinetti Harold Wilhite, Waldrop,Anne Karina Standal, New Zealand. countries fromAsian Central to excluding Asia Oceania Australia and the sciencesocial The geographical and the humanities. focus is the from viewed societies Asian thestandpointsthe journalismodern of and transnational forum to publishtheirfindings.Thefocal of point Ph.D. students affiliated to aNordic institution awidelyaccessible in FocusAsia was initiated by NIAS to provide Master students and and service institute focusing onAsia’s transformations. modern by NIAS -Nordic Institute NIAS isaNordic Studies. ofAsian research inFocusAsia isapeer-reviewed onlinetwice journalpublished ayear SPECIAL ·2016 ISSUE www.nias.ku.dk [email protected] Denmark DK-1353 K Copenhagen FarimagsgadeØster 5 NIAS -Nordic Institute Studies ofAsian 2446-0001 www.asiainfocus.dk Kenneth Bo Nielsen, Kenneth Nielsen, Bo Centre for Development and the Environment, University ofCentre Oslo the and Environment, Development for University Oslo and Akershus University College Akershus and University Oslo Centre for Development and the Environment, University ofCentre Oslo the and Environment, Development for University NIAS –Nordic Institute of Studies Asian Asianettverket/Norwegian Network for Asian Studies Asian for Network Asianettverket/Norwegian University of Copenhagen University 2 NIAS –Nordic Institute of Studies Asian SPECIAL ISSUE - 1 Contents To Stand on Her Own Two Feet: Two Her Own on Stand To the at Grassroots in Delhi Empowerment Women – GUDRUN CECILIE E. HELLAND Editors’ Introduction Editors’ – KENNETH AND BO HAROLD ANNE WILHITE NIELSEN, WALDROP KARINA STANDAL, “The Daughters-in-Law Have Become the the Become Have Daughters-in-Law “The Mothers-in-Law”: North-Indian Classwithin Differences Create Capital of Forms New How Households – NORDFELDT CECILIE Uphill Tasks Within Kumaon Himalayan Com Within Himalayan Kumaon Uphill Tasks munities: Life Everyday in Inequalities Gendered Multi-dimensional The Globalising Effects of Solar Energy Access on Access Energy of Solar Effects Globalising The India Rural in Relations Gender and Family – KARINA STANDAL Reluctant Returnees: Highly Among Skilled Indian Return (Re)settlement Perspectives on Gender Migrants in Bangalore – HELENE ILKJÆR “Good Work for Good Mothers”: for “Good Work Femininity and Morality Motherhood, Surrogate Commercial – KRISTIN ENGH FØRDE SIDDHARTH SAREEN AND CELIE MANUEL AND CELIE SIDDHARTH SAREEN – 14 32 23 43 54 02 05 ASIA IN FOCUS the dominant ideal is the joint Hindu family, founded on patriarchal arrangements and and patriarchal family, arrangements Hindu joint on the is founded ideal dominant the India, among or variousof North-east non-Hindu minorities. across Nonetheless, India, the way these social arrangements work in, say, the Himalayan region, the tribal parts common or even hegemonic in the north Indian plains may resonate very poorly with of household, marriage, kin and family are practiced in avariety of ways, and what is ties, classes and contexts. Notions of relatedness that underpin specific arrangements than all of Europe combined, and there is enormous variation across regions, communi statistics lies an enormous diversity. India, after all, has apopulation agood deal larger inated against already in the womb. However, behind such aggregate indicators and among men, and the country’s child sex ratio reveals that women are actively discrim force low, is maternal high, literacy is mortality among women considerably is lower than men, something which registers in social indicators. Women’s participation in the work stitutions of family gender. and are occurring in everyday life-domains that we see as broadly co-constituted by the in how ordinary people experience, perceive, partake in, and understand the changes that the authors to analyse how global processes interact with particular local societies, and butions to the issue are all based on fieldwork of considerable duration that has allowed they see occurring in family and gender relations in their specific field sites. The contri and make sense of the stabilities, slow continuities, as well as the quicker changes that use the idea and concept of globalisation as acommon frame through which to assess Although necessarily slippery and imprecise, the case studies in the articles that follow thates have played out on Indian soil over several decades of economic liberalisation. used as ashorthand to subsume agreat diversity of economic and socio-cultural chang with Bollywood going truly global. The alluring trope of ‘globalising India’ is thus often my and cultural production, with global IT and ITES companies setting sail for India, and and capital. This has led to profound changes in, for example, the spheres of the econo creasingly integrated into globalised markets and flows of ideas, objects, images, people have affected, or have failed to affect, changes to the institutions of family and gender. this issue to meet and discuss the ways in which the contradictory trends of globalisation Asian Studies. The seminar provided the opportunity for several of the contributors to the same topic held in Oslo in early 2016 at the initiative of the Norwegian Network for This special issue on ‘family and gender in aglobalising India’ is based on aseminar on KENNETH BO NIELSEN, KARINA STANDAL, ANNE WALDROP AND HAROLD WILHITE Introduction Editors’ Gender relations in India are often associated with women’s status as inferior to It is commonly acknowledged that India has, over the past three decades, been in 2 ------SPECIAL ISSUE ------3 The articles by Ilkjær and Helland focus on urban India. In her contribution, Helene Helene contribution, her In India. urban on focus Helland and Ilkjær by articles The The articles by Førde and Standal deal explicitly with how specific technological as technological specific how with explicitly deal Standal and Førde by articles The In globalising India women and men are thus affected by and manoeuvre between a between manoeuvre and by affected thus are men and women India globalising In to be a modern Indian woman. In view of the many positive effects of globalisation on on globalisation of effects positive many the of view In woman. Indian be a modern to women poor which to extent the examines Helland India, in women middle-class urban, interventions the through been ‘empowered’ have Delhi New in colony ain resettlement Grounded in a textured account of one woman’s experiences, the article reveals the dif the reveals article the experiences, woman’s one of account a textured in Grounded points also and Bangalore, city, Indian a cosmopolitan in life to re-adaptation of ficulties means it what of notions changing courageously are women returnee which in ways to dia after having worked abroad, where gender roles and expectations on employment, on employment, and expectations gender roles where abroad, worked after having dia return. their on encounter they that those from different quite are housework and dress practitioners that the role of women is primarily that of homemaker and care-giver. and homemaker of that primarily is women of role the that practitioners In to return who women Indian facing challenges and dilemmas the addresses Ilkjær of women’s moral boundaries simultaneously limit their access to using these resources, resources, these using to access their limit simultaneously boundaries moral women’s of development international many of view the by accentuated further is which something powering for women. Standal offers a closer look at how electricity enables globalisation globalisation enables electricity how at look closer a offers Standal women. for powering media,through smartphones, and community participation in develop an international conceptions cultural but life, everyday women’s affects positively Electricity project. ment prism of family and gender. Standal’s article shows how the effects of solar energy elec energy solar of effects the how shows article Standal’s gender. and family of prism disem and empowering both as work Pradesh Uttar in communities rural of trification us with a nuanced analysis of surrogacy and its simultaneously empowering and disem and empowering simultaneously its and surrogacy of analysis a nuanced with us an in surrogates as work who women low-income mostly the for consequences powering the through viewed when dilemmas social and moral obvious with comes that industry changes that have come with globalisation. globalisation. with come have that changes presents Førde hierarchies. family and roles gender affected have globalisation of pects of this, the articles that follow present close-up case studies of some of the everyday everyday the of some of studies case close-up present follow that articles the this, of as a the consequence of and navigate experience and families individuals that dilemmas number of discourses of ‘tradition’ and ‘modernity’ that create new opportunities and the the and opportunities new create that ‘modernity’ and ‘tradition’ of discourses of number light In women. for a backlash to lead also may they yet agency, increased for possibility ways of life in the domains of family and gender also remain a persistent feature of public public of feature a persistent remain also gender and family of domains the in life of ways life and discourse. many parts of India. And, importantly, they underpin moral discourses about how women women how about discourses moral underpin they importantly, And, India. parts of many growing of—the because perhaps Despite—or behave. not should and should men and Hindu assert ‘traditional’ to appeals nationalist and religious globalisation, of impacts and nurturing children, preferably sons. Men, on the other hand, are cast as protectors protectors as cast are hand, other the on Men, sons. preferably children, nurturing and in and challenged been have ideas these Though family. the in decision-makers and in practices inform still they weakened, partially also cities, the in especially places, some move into the natal households of their husbands and his parents they are expected to to expected are they parents his and husbands their of households natal the into move producing as well as family, the in women other with along chores household perform ally caste-endogamous and village-exogamous, because people that have grown up in in up grown have that people because village-exogamous, and caste-endogamous ally one to refer actually places many in and related, as another one regard village same the they As village. the outside from recruited often most are Wives agnates. as another a certain division of both power and responsibility within the family, where men control control men where family, the within responsibility and power both of division a certain convention are Marriages lineage. male the reproduce and secure to sexuality women’s ASIA IN FOCUS the ways that globalisation affects many aspects of social, family and gender relations. poverty, inequality and social status continue to make manifest themselves in everyday life and to shape of social relations of all kinds which act as catalysts for change. Still, it seems that the persistent ghosts of of themembers younger generation to outside‘globalising’ access impulses the about conduct ideas and experienced by women. As several of the cases show, access to new technologies, media and mobility give bahu, and men who are poor or have low religious/caste status, face discrimination comparable to that – awoman with grown children (especially sons) will, for example, have more autonomy than her younger of intersectionality and positionality when analysing the multiple effects of globalisation on people’s lives considerably geographically, and across the urban/rural divide. The cases thus underline the importance sue reveal that the effect of globalisation on gender empowerment,equality, and family organisation varies both withinen, across and generations. earning power in acontext of increased labour migration, to alter intra-household relations between wom shows how increased levels of education among anew generation of women interface with their husband’s come about because of larger structural factors that are more indirectly linked to globalisation. Nordfeldt with conditions in the Himalayan region and engages with changes in gender relations within families that ties and use an in-depth qualitative study to fill the knowledge gap. Nordfeldt’s article is also concerned glossed over the multiple dimensions of gendered marginalisation and inequality in Himalayan communi and mainly negative consequences for women. They make the point that the development literature has the remote mountainous areas of the Himalaya, where the reach of globalisation has had quite different ‘empowerment’ called could be within ‘traditional’ boundaries. conflated with ‘gender’ ‘women’, did it not contribute to altering larger structures gender offered and what of sense increaseda empowerment. However, the as project did not challenge traditional roles gender and women only, offered a space for building self-worth and community among the women, and thereby offered of adevelopment project. She finds that the project, because it offered vocational training and was for Rich in context and representing the great variety that makes up India, the articles of this special is In their article, Sareen and Manuel take us far from cosmopolitan New Delhi and Bangalore into 4 - - - SPECIAL ISSUE 5 Commercial surrogacy, India, Commercial reproduction, family surrogacy, gender,

Keywords: of gender and family, yet still in close dialogue with local local with dialogue close in still yet family, and gender of and ideology. relations power gendered such, commercial surrogacy exemplifies how globalisation and conceptualisations new understandings to contributes aspects of traditional gender relations and feminine morality, morality, feminine and gender relations aspectstraditional of As self-sacrifice. and virtue sexual submissiveness, as such processes, negotiating and reconceptualising surrogate surrogate and reconceptualising processes,negotiating key to reference with general in motherhood and motherhood as hapless victims of global capitalist “exploitation”. I argue I argue “exploitation”. capitalist as global hapless of victims decision conscious and active in engaged women the that portrays surrogacy as the pursuit of individual self-interest by by self-interest individual of pursuit the as surrogacy portrays surrogates of notion a simplistic gives and actors autonomous decision to enter surrogacy. I challenge at once the neoliberal neoliberal the once at challenge I surrogacy. enter to decision that situation a “win-win” as surrogacy commercial of image commercial surrogates in Mumbai, India, this paper explores explores paper this India, Mumbai, in surrogates commercial their meaningful made and motivated surrogates the how Based on ethnographic fieldwork among women acting as as acting women among fieldwork ethnographic on Based

KRISTIN ENGHKRISTIN FØRDE Motherhood, Femininity and and Femininity Motherhood, Morality Commercial Surrogate MOTHERS”: “GOOD WORK FOR GOOD GOOD FOR WORK “GOOD ASIA IN FOCUS T less, theless, future of the surrogacy business in India was estimated at 25 (P. 000 Shetty, 2012). Nonethe surrogates in India is unknown. In 2012 the number and precisely how many children have been born to no official records havebeen kept of the business annually (V. Shetty, A. 2014). Largely unregulated, identified surrogacy billion as a2.3 dollar industry In 2014, the Confederation of Indian Industry (CII) India. in accelerating started surrogacy commercial ically related to the surrogate. From 2002 onwards, or an egg donor; therefore, the foetus is not genet tube”) with an egg from either the intended mother child conceived is through in vitro fertilisation (“test was delivered in 1994. “Gestational” means that the India’s first baby born from gestational surrogacy Surrogacy in India ology, Iwill present my data, analysis and argument. relations. Then, after briefly discussing my method gacy in the context of global and gendered power surro commercial to understand How contribution: dia, as well as of the debate to which this paper is a the recent history of commercial surrogacy in In eigners. to children on behalf of others, many of them for are paid to conceive, to carry term and give birth women Indian which in arrangement an as defined is surrogacy Commercial motherhood. and morality tions of gender and family, in particular feminine tribute to new understandings conceptualisa and The paper will first provide abrief account of and commercialisationand of reproduction con in India as acase for how the globalisation surrogacy commercial discusses paper his ------6 was cleared by the cabinet. This bill, which at the 2002 and 2015. In august 2016, anew surrogacy bill currently no longer the big business it was between foreign citizens. As aresult commercial surrogacy is ordered an immediate halt in surrogacy services to the profiled Hindu-conservative Narendra Modi— is unclear. In 2015, the Indian government—led by and commercialising of new and parts functions of whoars, see the practice rather as commodification repeatedlyhas challenged by been feminist schol self-interest in afree market. autonomous actors pursuingneoliberal subjects; itIn gives short, them the opportunity to become the private sphere to and economic dependency. transcending the traditional ascription of women to freedom to participate in the public sphere, and as portunities in an emerging market, as entailing new donation are seen as giving Indian women new op from it. Gestational surrogate motherhood and egg modity in demand, i.e. her fertility, and profiting to escape poverty by taking ownership of a com In this projection surrogacy enables the surrogate commissioning parents it is the other way around. has abundant fertility but pursues money; for the scarce and abundant respectively: the surrogate that are exchange resources of beneficial mutually business itself, surrogacy is a so-called “win-win”, a tive neoliberal self-imagery of the Indian surrogacy for the women who act as surrogates. In the posi empowering as some by and others exploitative as surrogacy. commercial on ban complete a proposes time of writing is awaiting parliament processing, This understanding of commercial surrogacy surrogacy commercial of understanding This Commercial surrogacy has been portrayed by - - - - SPECIAL ISSUE ------Departing from an understanding of transna of Departing understanding an from the fertility industry. I believe that the fact that our our that fact the that I believe industry. fertility the re were participants with contact and recruitment than rather relations social existing through alised sur arranging clinics fertility assistance the with employers, is, women’s the (that contracts rogacy comfort feel and trust always not did they whom surrogate motherhood in dialogue with traditional traditional with dialogue in motherhood surrogate feminine morality. Methodology con fieldwork ethnographic on based is paper The of A total 2014. May and 2012 June between ducted out carried was fieldwork the of months 10 almost active an in were who women 27 India. Mumbai, in surrogates as acted had who or contract surrogacy them of some interviewed, formally were past the in of help the with conducted were Interviews twice. the in trained was who assistant research a local English between translated She sciences. social especially and Surrogacy, Marathi. or Hindi and In in stigmatised highly is motherhood, surrogate establish and recruitment both makes which dia, quite women the with contact the in confidence ing participants surrogate study, this In challenging. through exceptions—recruited a few were—with were who women of networks in sampling snowball in work from other each or knew friends, relatives dia, and that of how care workers and care work has has work care and workers care how of that and dia, circulation. global into put been at enabled as India in surrogacy commercial tional class of relations local and globalisation by once them surrogates the how I discuss gender, and com into trajectories their for accounted selves and motivation that show I will surrogacy. mercial work, ethical active through formed were meaning “bad from surrogacy transforming at aimed which particu in work ethical This work”. “good work”to and shifting gendered complex addressed the lar sur enter to decision the which in context moral neo the employing than Rather taken. was rogacy self-inter of pursuit imagery autonomous liberal of reconceptualise to sought women the est,argue, I 7 ------two histories: that of women being produced as dis as produced being women of that histories: two caste, class and gender In in through advantaged and eagerness to please” (ibid: 30). Similarly, Vora Vora Similarly, 30). (ibid: please” to eagerness and (2015) argues commercial that surrogacy in India between intersection the as be understood should they replace: “[T]hey are thought to embody the the embody to thought are “[T]hey replace: they docility, nurturance, of qualities feminine traditional influences gender and family in complex ways. Not Not ways. complex in genderinfluences and family to seen are women Southern “modernised”, fully yet women the among lost a femininity retained have ditional female services, female home ditional as such childcare, globalisation how illustrates which sex, and making of female services is supported by an ideological ideological an by supported is services female of not as south global the from women of construction tra for suitable particularly also but available, only ments and institutions such as WTO. According to to According as such WTO. and institutions ments and HochschildEhrenreich globalisation (2003), vice labor, [which] itself [is] often transnationalised” often transnationalised” itself [is] [which] labor, vice development this how out point also They 87). (ibid: agree economic multilateral by facilitated been has with the post-fordist reorganisation of other kinds kinds other of reorganisation post-fordist the with domestic, formally [renders] and labour feminised of as ser aspects household of reproduction privatised that reproductive outsourcing, of which commercial commercial which of outsourcing, reproductive that entwined “profoundly is a subcategory, is surrogacy wider context of “globalisation of female services” female of “globalisation of context wider famously described & Hochshild Ehrenreich by argue (2014) & Waldby Cooper Similarly, (2003). and notions of differing femininity, surrogacy and and surrogacy femininity, differing of notions and the fit into market international an for donation egg and race intersect in the production of such bio such of production the in intersect race and global the shifts in by is it as Facilitated availabilty. labour of divisions gendered as by as well economy and thus another effect of what has been identi been has what of effect another thus and reproduction” of “stratification global fied the as class gender, of Relations 1995). & Rapp, (Ginsburg instance of poor women being made “bioavailable” “bioavailable” made being women poor of instance people, powerful more and richer to 2008) (Cohen, tion (Qadeer, 2010; Vora, 2009, 2015). In light of the the of light In 2015). 2009, Vora, 2010; (Qadeer, tion Indian poor conditions, their shape that structures an as seen is surrogacy in participation women’s women’s bodies, and hence just another form of of form another just hence and bodies, women’s subordination andpatriarchal capitalist exploita ASIA IN FOCUS person. Many ac struggledperson. often with huge debts, the World Bank poverty line of per USD day 1.25 per which means that most, though not all, fell below incomes ranged between EUR 15 and EUR 200, precarious situations. monthly Reported household this.port Many of the women in my sample lived in for the women hired as surrogates. My findings sup in the West in that it is averitable survival strategy claims that surrogacy in India differs from surrogacy analyse surrogacy in India as work, Pande (2009) (Qadeer, 2010; Twine, 2011). Arguing for the need to in the context of poverty as structural coercion dian surrogates’ motivation should understood be (2009, 2011). Several scholars have suggested In resonates with the findings of, for example, Pande they had entered surrogacy. Such “desperation” pressed as “desperation”, when they explained why conditions: poverty and social insecurity often ex The women always made relevant their material choice autonomy and did not it do willingly”:“I value the of intotories surrogacy. negotiated in the women’s accounts of their trajec on these reconceptualisations and how they were the interviews. In the following sections, Ielaborate gacy, this paper however draws mainly on data from ways of thinking and speaking of commercial surro addressed through areconceptualisation, i.e. new discussing how perceived moral dilemmas were where they lead their everyday lives. However, by in of some the women’s and other homes arenas also and arrangements, that makesclinic surrogacy subjects with aforeign researcher and her assistant. the potential tension of sensitive discussing very to the women, also contributed, Ibelieve, to relieve once aneutral ground and afamiliar environment extensivelyed in the recruitment). This location, at colony home of aformer surrogate (who also assist of the interviews were conducted in the small slum able setting for our meetings. Moreover, amajority able with) greatly helped in establishing acomfort I also conducted participant observation in a ------8 husbands who could not or would not provide for the a considerable proportion of those still married had most half were separated or widowed. Furthermore, fact acriterion for being recruited for surrogacy), al women had been married at some point (which is in ceptions and other special occasions. While all the in catering as cooks or waitresses at wedding re Some did occasional temporary work, for example, and earned between EUR 25 and EUR amonth. 45 wereity maids in private homes, usually part-time, toed enter surrogacy. those Of who did, the major any paid work outside the home when they decid functional sense. Most of the women did not have a much higher number were also illiterate in the six of the women were illiterate in the strict sense, cumulated over years of insufficient income. While gendered norms, possibly making it bad work. The implieders, aseries of perceived transgressions of modern technology and in exchange with Western perhaps even sexuality into the market by means of rogacy, the movement of women’s reproduction and sexuality. and Transnationalgender sur commercial of commercial surrogacy was largely associated with spectability. as money, parental obligations, and feminine re intowork” “good work”, by negotiating values such surrogate motherhood and converted it from “bad the Thus, women soughtable. to reconceptualise rogacy as utterly morally problematic and undesir rogacy. Most of them had initially perceived of sur enough to motivate the women Imet to enter sur the relatively big amount offered was not in itself often did operate over several years. who lacked job opportunities elsewhere, could and surrogates on behalf of clinics, where the women, tion and recruitment and care-taking of donors and ductive job market that also consists of egg dona situation, surrogacy formed of part awider repro the women functioned as primary providers. In this or other health problems. In effect, thus, many of family of substance (mainly abuse because alcohol) What the women perceived moral as dilemmas Their interest in the money notwithstanding, ------SPECIAL ISSUE ------Twenty-five-year-old Aisha provides a unique a unique provides Aisha Twenty-five-year-old In line with this, the women would often explic often would women the this, with line In into a violent rage. Aisha had to seek police pro police seek to had Aisha rage. a violent into hus the Though life. her for feared she as tection this basis, a regular on abusive physically was band found he that suggests reaction strong especially Aisha Similarly, unacceptable. act entirely Aisha’s wife, a good for line of out was this that expressed spite being the active party in this sense, married married sense, party this in active the being spite hus their implicate strongly usually would women deci the well—in as in-laws their often band—and submis own their stress and process, making sion so, doing In daughters-in-law. and wives as siveness permission for need absolute the underlined they respect to ready were they that clear it made and with line in decision their veto to right husband’s the position subordinated gender norms and women’s 2014). & Waldrop, Nielsen 2001; (Dube, acted she reported who a surrogate of example she interview, our In will. husband’s her against his to pointing by this justify to need the felt clearly a husband as obligations his with comply to failure who alcoholic unemployed an He was father: and Aisha financially. family the to little very contributed refused, had he and once permission his asked had work. bad was it that arguments standard the giving out about her found surrogacy husband Aisha’s go to him caused this and delivery, after pregnancy tion” functioned as a way of keeping the decision decision the keeping of a way as functioned tion” feminine acceptable an within surrogacy enter to not but “need”, for room was there which in morality for “greed”. deci their of agency individual the down tone itly by made often assumptions the to contrast In sion. evi any see not I did India, in surrogacy of critics by surrogacy into coerced being women of dence the contrary, the Quite others. or members family surro about out found they that reported women addi for first, searched then themselves by gacy con and knowledge established relevant the tional and/ husbands with tacts. who lived those Among ‘persuaded’ typically were they mothers-in-law, or De herself. mind her up made had woman the after 9 ------kids for 8-9kids for months. We do it because we are desperate for mon for desperate are we because it do We this Otherwise, problems. own our have and ey I would Why all. at me interest not does work choice! no I had because Only this? done have my without I stayed willingly. it do not I did And distancing oneself from the act. In the context of of context act. the the In from oneself distancing “despera to pointing work, ethical surrogates’ the “needy” and even “desperate”. However, as Pande Pande as However, “desperate”. even and “needy” (Pande, studied she surrogates the about writes of a way also was “desperation” to reference 2014), the women was indeed great and I certainly do do I certainly and great indeed was women the were they that claim surrogates’ the question not had “chosen”. For the most part, it was more or or more part, most was it the For “chosen”. had some a “non-choice”, as portrayed lessexplicitly among Poverty “desperation”. of out did they thing Like Jamila, hardly any of the women I met would would I met women the of any hardly Jamila, Like or “wanted” they something as surrogacy portray helplessness, submissiveness and self-sacrifice. For For helplessness, self-sacrifice. and submissiveness moth and wife house a Jamila, old year 32 example, issue: the about this said three, of er self-interest, and appealed instead to feminine vir feminine to instead appealed and self-interest, dependency, womanhood: subordinated and tues surrogates’ ethical work produced an understand an produced work ethical surrogates’ contest distinctly that motherhood surrogate of ing economic of pursuit the and choice of ednotions from this neoliberal imagery were indeed included included indeed were imagery neoliberal this from the work, good as surrogacy of construction the in ideological lines: as neo-liberal subjects exercising exercising subjects neo-liberal as lines: ideological to order in surrogacy choosing autonomy, individual elements although goals. that their pursue I argue neo-liberal ideology in discourses on surrogacy in in surrogacy on discourses in ideology neo-liberal sur how out point (2012) Pant and Kroløkke India, such along clinics the by constructed are rogates should be entitled to decide for herself if and how how and if herself for decide to be entitled should of analysis their In body. her from money make to is debated (Kroløkke & Pant, 2012; Markens, 2007). 2007). Markens, 2012; & Pant, (Kroløkke debated is em frequently is autonomy bodily to right Women’s woman each practice; the of supporters by ployed values of choice and autonomy often hold a cen a hold often autonomy and choice of values surrogacy commercial of ethics the when place tral ASIA IN FOCUS illustrates: illustrates: lations was a key issue, as this quote from Bushra prostitution. The possible involvement of sexual re sexuality, and distinguished it from bad work, i.e. rogacy that separated surrogate motherhood from providingon concepts interpretations and of sur of the women I talked to. Thus, recruitment relied wasty indeed the primary concern for close to all “dirty”ed work. Apossible link to immoral sexuali central reason for surrogacy being largely regard phasises the parallel often made to sex work as a surrogate motherhood in India, Pande (2009) em Discussing the highly stigmatised character of morally differentpregnancy “Conceived through medicines”: a “own”. she made adistinction between this child and her sense of deep attachment to the surrogate child, surrogates who, to the highest degree, reported a Aisha had to provide. While Aisha was one of the happiness to two”, i.e. the two children for whom in which she gave away one child in order to “bring the surrogate baby as an act of good motherhood, Along the same lines, Aisha portrayed relinquishing morally both lies disobedience. and encompassed parenthood, more specifically good motherhood, tion, namely to nourish one’s children. In this case, der to comply with an apparently superior obliga i.e. obedience in marriage, was in necessary or my kids and feed them.” band, it At is ok. least Iwill get money to provide for “desperation”: thought “I that even if Ilie to my hus but felt her transgression was justified in light of her I understood. plained how it was done medically, that is when relations (giggles). But then when Iwas ex to having without conceive physicalpossible doing it for my kids. Ithought that it was im Initially Idid not like it, but then Ithought of The breach of one set of feminine values, ------10 that surrogacy was practiced by doctors, seemed the surrogates “own” children. pregnancy and baby from ordinary pregnancies and conceptually it because distinguished the surrogate eliminated the need for sexual intercourse, but also gacy and ordinary procreation, not only because it derstood to imply aclear distinction between surro “medical baby”. The “medical conception” was un “madeas through medicines”, “done and medically” explained the procedure using expressions such generally unaware of the existence of IVF, agents role in the women’s ethical work. To apopulation cruiting agents from the clinic and played a crucial medically” was provided to the women by the re The notion that the surrogate baby was “conceived surrogacy was not wrong: the medical sphere and let the doctor explain why ceeded only when she physically moved him into an effort to convince her husband, and she suc money. Like many of the women, Preeti had to make vinced her to sign up for surrogacy to earn more several times when “Sir”, the fertility doctor, con Preeti, adeeply devoted Hindu, had donated eggs conflict with tradition. For example, 27 year-old seemed to away be of addressing such possible medicine with association surrogacy’s commercial resent apossibly immoral modernity. Highlighting they get to know of it.” I was scared of what the people would say when commercial surrogacy] was never spoken So aloud. and customs, and something of this [that sort is, does in this quote: “In India, we still follow traditions put surrogacy in opposition to tradition, as Beena from prostitution. Very often, the surrogates would to have amoralising effectbeyond distinguishing it Moreover, the label “medical” and the fact told my husband that there are many people icines, and how surrogacy is done. Sir also him to that Sir, who showed him all the med who thought Idid not talk any sense. So Itook I thought Icould do it, and told my husband, Opposing tradition, surrogacy came to rep ------SPECIAL ISSUE ------Seema: I thought that if I get more money, I will I will money, more I get if that I thought Seema: I would future, their for bank the in some put like. they which them, for things get to be able house a condi as little my the I renovate could I thought. what is That good. not is tion The surrogates’ ethical work on themselves themselves on work ethical surrogates’ The But injections. taking of scared I was Seema: kids, my for it doing I am that myself, I told then I When pain? that of scared I get should why so that about all forgot I kids, my of faces the saw back. looked I never on, then from And pain. of faces “the by mean you do Ok, what Kristin: kids”?your Motherhood lay at heart with practically all of of all practically heart with at lay Motherhood superior a value that out pointed had Saveetha motivational narratives of practically all the women. women. the all practically of narratives motivational act, the of sense moral making about only not was overcome to oneself motivating about also was but expect the endure and “unwillingness” own one’s What this. do not could “Money” itself ed hardships. replacing of value ethical perceived the could, was hap with others of suffering and illness, pain, the how explained Seema comfort. and health, piness, fac the on focusing by fears own her overcame she children. small two her es of morally good one. one. good morally surro undertaken have may they informants: my a means was money the but money, the for gacy described Saveetha itself. in goal a not good, do to to a wish motivation—as her of articulation her how surroga made future—had children’s her improve no, said he first “At husband: her to acceptable cy agreed he then but reactions, society’s the fearing children, the for is this that him I convinced when surrogacy.” I did when was That future. their and was value that and stake, at was respectability to children your of care take to obligation parental the pa the and Children future. the in and present in the in role crucial this played responsibility rental 11 ------Exploring the surrogates’ ethical work how work ethical surrogates’ the Exploring By contrast, the monetary motive is strongly strongly is motive monetary the contrast, By who come as [commissioning parents] as well as well parents] who come as [commissioning shameful, or wrong were this If surrogates. as it. do would people many not then surrogacy into good work, i.e. a morally acceptable acceptable a morally i.e. work, good into surrogacy a into surrogacy of act the and exchange of form ing them (“desperation”). I also argue that notions notions that argue I also (“desperation”). them ing form the in especially motivation, non-monetary of of sacrifice, maternal contributedtransforming to ue of monetary motivation was negotiated through through negotiated was motivation monetary of ue need and money desiring between distinction the the moral perils of exchanging something of ethical ethical of something exchanging of perils moral the a child) body, reproductive their (motherhood, value val moral the that argued already I have money. for tivation was far from unproblematic for the Indian Indian the for unproblematic from far was tivation addressing care great took they indeed surrogates; only thinkable and acceptable in the other? other? the in and acceptable thinkable only mo economic that me to evident became it ever, gates in this respect. Why was economic motivation motivation economic was Why respect. this in gates the apparently and context, one in dubious morally mentioned previously, the money involved was their their was involved money the previously, mentioned strik the with I grappled time, some For motivation. surro Western and Indian between difference ing emphasised by Indian surrogates. The women quite quite women The surrogates. Indian by emphasised as “work” as and, surrogacy to referred consistently which emotional reward and the value of gift giving gift giving of value the and reward emotional which is emphasised and financial gain downplayed. the agents, as opposed to a vocation or an act of of act an or a vocation to opposed as agents, the strategies recruitment the from differs This altruism. in (1994), Ragoné e.g. by described as USA the in recruitment phase, surrogacy was firmly placed in in placed firmly was surrogacy phase, recruitment “work” as by portrayed and sphere economic the “For my children only”: motivation and and motivation only”: children my “For morality initial the in accounts, surrogates’ the from Judging these lines, the moral authority of doctors was was doctors of authority moral the lines, these both symbolicallycalled and for, actually. linked to a brand of modernity that was predomi was that modernity of a brand to linked Along respectable. and positive as perceived nantly By highlighting its medical nature, surrogacy was was surrogacy nature, medical its highlighting By ASIA IN FOCUS was required for the women to make it an accept ethical work addressing perceived moral conflicts precariouscape conditions (“desperation”), active surrogacy was perceived as an opportunity to es selves. Nuancing this, Ihave argued that although which the women in this study motivated them obscures the active conscious and work through the impact of such power relation, i.e. “exploitation”, er hand, resting our understanding on pointing at in which the decision was embedded. Onthe oth ambivalence significant the and relations power to grasp both the impact of global and gendered available believe I acceptable and means, fails one surrogacy as the pursuit of financial gain through all merely understanding the decision to engage in the binary positions “win-win” and exploitation. By ing of surrogate motherhood from aspace between In this paper Ihave contributed to our understand Conclusion self-sacrifice. them withinpass feminine a meta-value: motherly with the moral dilemmas by attempting to encom of economic reward. The women interviewed dealt tion and maternal sacrifice, rather than the pursuit was portrayed as ultimately an act of kinship obliga liberal individual pursuit of self-interest. Surrogacy ity, and in effect distinguished from typicalthe neo adjust surrogate motherhood to traditional feminin rogacy. In this way, Iargue, the surrogates sought to gate’s accounts of their decision to engage in sur weremissiveness the core elements in the surro “choice”, (“desperation”) powerlessness and sub hood morally aless dubious choice. to the act of sacrifice and makes surrogate mother is painful—physically and emotionally—adds value imising player in the market, the fact that surrogacy al, utilitarian notion of the surrogate as autility-max to this understanding, which contrasts the neoliber and well-being, even her respectability. According self-sacrifice: the surrogate health her sacrificed Surrogacy was in fact often portrayed as an act of To Rather than my argument: summarise ------12 of Health and Society, University of Oslo. She is cur sis on commercial surrogacy in India to the Institute Kristin Engh Førde relationslocal of class. and gender interplay between processes of globalisation and of gender and family that are produced during the changing understandings conceptualisations and embedded, the present analysis sheds light on the complex moral reality in which the decision was meaning were actively formed with reference to the able option. Besides capturing how motivation and Email: Traumatic and lence Stress Studies. rently aresearcher at the Norwegian Centre for Vio [email protected] recently submitted her PhD the - - - SPECIAL ISSUE . . . - Indian Indian , 20(4), . Berkeley, . Berkeley, . New York: . New York: . New Delhi: India Together . Boulder, Colo.: . Boulder, , 380(9854), 1633-1634. 1633-1634. , 380(9854), Lancet 13 Global woman: Nannies, maids, and sex workers , 23(5), 618-625. doi:10.1016/j.rbmo.2011.07.007 Women, gender and everyday social transformation genderWomen, social and everyday transformation Clinical labour: Tissuedonors and research subjects in Conceiving the new world order: The global politics of , 16(2), 141–173. , 16(2), 141–173. . Durham and London: Duke University Press. University Duke London: and . Durham London: Granta Books. Granta London: NORA - Nordic Journal of Feminist and Gender Research Gender and Feminist of Journal - Nordic NORA Surrogate motherhood and the politics of reproduction of politics the and motherhood Surrogate Surrogate motherhood: Conception in the heart the in Conception motherhood: Surrogate Outsourcing Race, the womb: class, surrogacy and in gestational a . New York: Routledge. . York: New . Berkeley, California: University of California Press. California of University California: . Berkeley, Life support: Biocapital and the new history of outsourced labor outsourced of history new the and Biocapital support: Life (28), 266–278.(28), doi:10.1057/sub.2009.14 Wombs in labor: Transnational commercial surrogacy in India in labor:Wombs Transnational Anthropological explorations in gender:Anthropological explorations fields Intersecting New reproctive technologies and health care in neo-liberal India: Essays India: neo-liberal in care health and technologies reproctive New . London: Anthem. . London:

Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Minnesota of University Minneapolis: global market Subjectivity New Delhi: Centre for Women’s Development Studies. Development Women’s for Centre Delhi: New Press. Westview doi:http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/S0140-6736(12)61933-3 Journal of Gender Studies Gender of Journal Reproductive BioMedicine Online Colombia University Press. California: University of California Press. in India reproduction national surrogacy. doi:10.1080/08038740.2012.729535 233-248. the global bioeconomy Sage. in new the economy. Global assemblages: Technology, politics, and ethics asGlobal problems anthropological assemblages: Technology, (pp. 79-90). Oxford: Blackwell Publishing Ltd.

Vora, K. (2009). Indian transnational surrogacy and the commodification of vital energy. energy. vital of commodification the and surrogacy transnational Indian K. (2009). Vora, K. (2015). Vora, Twine, F. W. (2011). (2011). W. F. Twine, Shetty, P. (2012). India’s unregulated surrogacy industry. industry. surrogacy unregulated India’s (2012). P. Shetty, India. in entails parenting surrogate What 18.06.2014). A.(2014, V. Shetty, Ragoné, H. (1994). H. (1994). Ragoné, Qadeer, I. (2010). I. (2010). Qadeer, Pande, A. (2014). A. (2014). Pande, Pande, A. (2009). Not an ‘angel’, not a ‘whore’: Surrogates as ‘dirty’ workers in India. India. in workers ‘dirty’ as Surrogates a ‘whore’: not ‘angel’, an Not A. (2009). Pande, sisters? global Gifts for India: in surrogacy commercial Transnational A. (2011). Pande, Nielsen, K. B., & Waldrop, A. K. (2014). A. K. (2014). K. B., Waldrop, & Nielsen, Markens, S. (2007). S. (2007). Markens, Kroløkke, C. H., & Pant, S. (2012). “I only need her uterus”: Neo-liberal discourses on trans on discourses Neo-liberal uterus”: her need “I only S.(2012). C. H., & Pant, Kroløkke, Ginsburg, F., & Rapp, R. (1995). R. (1995). & Rapp, F., Ginsburg, Dube, L. (2001). L. (2001). Dube, A. R. B., (2003). & Hochschild, Ehrenreich, Cooper, M., & Waldby, C. (2014). C. (2014). M., & Waldby, Cooper, Cohen, L. (2008). Operability, bioavailability, and exception. In A. Ong & S. J. Collier (Eds.), (Eds.), A. In S.& Collier Ong J. exception. and bioavailability, Operability, L. (2008). Cohen, References ASIA IN FOCUS Keywords: inequalities. existing reinforce the same times the outcomes are not equally distributed and access to energy provided many important benefits, but at self-help group leader in her 40s—this article illustrates that bahu By exploring the everyday life of three informants—a young upholding traditional Hindu gendered culture and values. by counter discourses, as being made of a ‘different fabric’ family and gender. Still, India’s institution of family is depicted community, of hierarchies and norms to local challenges provided by the implementation of provides electricity are contingent to energy. access on The global access effects often related through media and communication bringing India ‘closer’ to the rest of the world. These globalising also to political, cultural and social relations in society, thus economic power in recent years which has brought change India has seen aremarkable transformation into an emerging of gender and family in rural Uttar Pradesh and Jharkhand. form of newly implemented solar energy, on the dynamics This paper discusses the effects of energy access, in the STANDALKARINA RELATIONSDER INDIA RURAL IN ENERGY ACCESS FAMILY ON AND GEN THE GLOBALISING EFFECTS SOLAR OF (daughter-in-law), ayoung educated bachelor, and a family, relations, gender rural India, globalisation, solar energy energy access, 14 - SPECIAL ISSUE ------Despite the continuing expansion of globali of expansion continuing the Despite necessary and the most revolutionary thing which which thing revolutionary most the necessary and life whole … The areas rural the into take can you 1). p. 2014, Kale, in (Nehru, changed” is people of has electrification India’s ambitions, Nehru’s Despite rural to extended significantly not years recent until de-cen in a growth seen has India a result As areas. as it is based on a selective construct of Hindu tra Hindu of construct a selective on based is it as ditions and scripts biased curtailment towards and also (see mobility and sexuality women’s of control and women’s influence Western 2007). Oldenberg transgressions of moral boundaries referred (often as seen are rekha’) Lakshman the ‘crossing as to protec the and values family traditional dissolving (patriar the of sanctity the within women of tion forward put been have views These family. chal) the as such transformations, India’s of several during period, voiced but also notably post-independence wide-spread to relation in figures public several by in violence sexual of incidents on recent publicity 2014). Agrawal and (Brown country the India rural Electrifying projects grand India’s post-independence One of 2014). (Kale country the of electrification the was JawaharlalNehru envisaged electrification that unification of process the both transform would most the perhaps is “Electricity modernisation: and security for women in rural India by allowing for bet for allowing by India rural in women for security 2014). (Tenhunen family natal their with contact ter re invoke that discourses counter are there sation, assert to ideals “traditional” and nationalist ligious gen to connection in particularly life, of ways Hindu brackets, in traditional term the I put relations. der 15 ------

ndia is changing as a result of increasing eco increasing of a result as changing is ndia socio-eco and urbanisation liberalisation, nomic these of Several 2012). (Costa polarisation nomic accepted Muslim discourse (Standal 2008). Further, Further, 2008). (Standal discourse Muslim accepted provide to found been has phones Mobile to access Oster 2009), while a study of rural electrification electrification rural of a study while 2009), Oster TV Iranian to access that indicated Afghanistan in an within rights their for argue to women allowed to have changed perceptions on women’s abilities, abilities, women’s on perceptions changed have to and (Jensen sonand violence preference domestic work responsibilities, and by providing resources and access incomefor generation information. to found TV was cable to access study, Indian an In studies have shown that energy access creates accessenergy creates that shown have studies care simplifying by women, for opportunities new of America, the absorption of technological inno technological of absorption the America, of “an process, cultural and social entail also vations Previous p ix). 1991, (Nye lives” human of extension and family hierarchies and of community, gender. electrification the of account his in shows Nye As ics of gender and family in rural Uttar Pradesh Pradesh Uttar rural in family and gender of ics world global the to Exposure Jharkhand. and (UP) local norms challenges access) electricity (through on access to energy and the aim of this paper is is paper this of aim the and energy to access on form the in access, energy of effects the explore to dynam on the energy, solar implemented newly of country. These globalising effects often related related often effects globalising These country. contingent are communication andmedia through of power and inequality based on gender, religion religion gender, on based inequality and power of a trans of aspects major the of One caste. and the of electrification the to linked is India forming nomic growth and development, and also for chal for also and development, and growth nomic old conceptions eradicating, and hopefully lenging transformations are welcomed eco as means for are transformations I ASIA IN FOCUS erators (VO) and Village Energy Committee (VEC) and ownership as the local positions as Village Op wereMen given role the primary in maintenance nificantly increased their income opportunities. physical labour for the women, and as aresult sig higher quality of yarn, more efficiency and reduced The electrification of the silk-reeling process meant ing centres where women self-help groups worked. the CSPPs were implemented to electrify silk-reel providedhouseholds by the project. In Jharkhand villages also had asolar driven water supply to the for lightbulbs, and sockets in the house. One of the (CSPP) provided villagers with electricity household implementation of Community Solar Power Plants opment Agency (IREDA). In the UP villages, the (MNRE) and the Indian Renewable Energy Devel the Indian Ministry of New and Renewable Energy gian Agency for Development Cooperation (Norad), solar energy company with in partnership Norwe 2016). The project was initiated by aNorwegian project (for more details see Standal forthcoming which had implemented asolar rural electrification in two villages in UP and one village in Jharkhand, tions carried out over about four and a half months 2016). Winther and (Standal ning micro-enterprises in the vicinity of their homes within their role as the family care-workers or run consumers as women are benefited being as seen main in terms of expertise and ownership, whereas frequently see the energy technology as men’s do also which beneficiaries, of ideas particular on build terventions are in themselves globalising they as ship of the energy system. a result of NGO implementation with foreign owner Severalfactors. such energy interventions as come intervention, technology contextual and community that differs considerably depending on typethe of the first time in contemporary India, an experience that ever more villages experience electricity for such as solar, hydro and bio. In reality this means tralised energy systems that take avariety of forms, This article draws on interviews and observa Energy projects initiated through foreign in ------16 ly Muslim) communities, the predominant family the Muslim) ly communities, the notable exception of many Adivasi (and part rare, especially in rural areas (Béteille, 1999). With alternative set ups for relationships couples’ are tions, is astrong cultural norm in India. Divorce and The institution of marriage, though with great varia and gender relations family Indian Conceptualising North the nomic status and, to some extent, caste. within the social markers of gender, age, socio-eco equally distributed rather but were contextualised were energymodern not solutions,benefits these new opportunities through the implementation of rate on, despite providing important resources and President, where held only by men. As Iwill elabo explain the hierarchy of gender and age in terms of Lamb the center-periphery model roles. uses to different fulfil all members mutually dependent inequality but is also asystem of reciprocity where (Fox 2001). survival the home under economic dependence of men for modes of production in society, so women work in division of labour, where men have confiscated the ley 1994). Patriarchy is also denoted as the sexual in public and only in whispers to male affines(Wad tions on mobility) and women should never speak sphere (often through their clothing restric and dah control. Women are expected to conform to of through mechanisms upheld is triarchal system (Lamb 2000, Wadley 1994). Male power in the pa service to their parents-in-law and produce sons husband’s family where their basic role is to provide Further, women marry out of their kin and into their behaviour and fertility to secure the male lineage. hierarchies with male control over women’s sexual eality. Family power is divided along gender and age patriarchy of patrilin systems and the on founded and unmarried daughters. The joint Hindu family is where fathers live with their sons and their wives, ideal in rural North India is the joint Hindu family , meaning that women are secluded from public The Hindu joint family is not just asystem of Pur ------SPECIAL ISSUE ------from a SC (Scheduled Caste) household; household; Caste) a SC (Scheduled from When I first met Leelah in 2012, she had a 2 a 2 had she 2012, in Leelah met I first When Despite reporting low income from their agri their from income low reporting Despite In the next sections, I focus the analysis on on analysis the I focus sections, next the In bahu en, had their own mobile phones. The family also also family The phones. mobile own their en, had a and fan TV, motorbike, tractor, bicycles, owned all were TV, the of exception the with which cooler, acquired as dowry gifts. with line In baby. old a 5 month and child year-old large joint household with her husband’s family in a a in family her household husband’s with joint large family The UP. in region Bundelkhand the in village (SC) Caste Scheduled only the Ahirwar, to belongs popu village the % of 18 (about village the in group Ya mainly of consists village the of rest The lation). Castes Backward Other both Kushwahas, and davs small is village The families. Brahmin two and (OBC) has village the 100 households with therefore and exten grid central for relevant as viewed been not through electrified was village the Instead, sion. ratio a sex has village The 2011. autumn in CSPP than average a lower men, 1000 to 899 women of enrollment school Though a whole. as India and UP families village, the in improving were girls of rates to sons their sent means financial sufficient with the widening further tutoring, or schools private divide socio-economic and educational gendered village. the in mem adult all 2015 by bighas), (5 output cultural wom the household, including bers Leelah’s of also has detrimental effects on family relations as as relations family on effects detrimental has also reali social and economic an in enclosed is fertility abortions sex-selection of rate the increases ty that 2011). (John ratios sex skewed produce and mother a young Leelah, man: one and women two and a more from bachelor educated a young Daarun, group self-help a Anita, and family; Yadav affluent pseud are names (all children adult with leader the on views three capture narratives Their onyms). so gender, access different energy of from impact situation. economic and position cial Leelah a in living 20s early her in mother a young is Leelah 17 ------In the rural communities in question the inter the question in communities rural the In concern for Indian families as the social and materi and social the as families Indian for concern This 2011). (Krishna poverty into many drive costs al through the practice of dowry, another important important another dowry, of practice the through ex The family. of institution Indian the in feature a perpetual are marriage a daughters’ for penses mobile phones, mobile and coolers. fans TVs, may This acquired often were objects because been have and purchase of expensive CFL bulbs). There were were There bulbs). CFL expensive of purchase and in households’ assets(beyond differences also few as such land) of and ownership standard housing all castes and socio-economic positions that chose chose that positions socio-economic and castes all 2000Rps (costing connection electricity an have to ences in caste and class were less obvious and the the and less obvious were class and caste in ences caste the of ladder “upper” the on all were villagers households it was from UP, in Interestingly system. nomic divisions where Yadavs in general seemed general in Yadavs where divisions nomic differ the Jharkhand In others. than affluent more quite homogenous, constituting only Hindus and and Hindus only homogenous, constituting quite were there villages UP the In groups. caste few with socio-eco in distinctions clear hand other the on section of women’s identities adhere to their class class their to adhere identities women’s of section the in position their as well as status caste and were project the in included household. villages The their power and agency. and agency. power their ing from daughter, to sister, to wife, to mother and and mother to wife, to sister, to daughter, from ing and age Women’s 2000). (Lamb mother-in-law to for greatly matters therefore family the in position most women’s social identities undergo significant significant undergo identities social women’s most progress as such events lifecycle during changes ties, but it also meant a gradual loss of power in the the in power of loss a gradual meant also it but ties, and family rural in role household.Hence, women’s Rather position. a fixed entail not does community ies” (Lamb 2000, p. 58). For the senior generation, generation, senior the For 58). p. 2000, (Lamb ies” periphery the household the of shiftthe towards responsibili less work and freedom more meant around them, including retirees and the young chil young the and retirees including them, around households on the peripher located who were dren were not yet married were felt to be at the warm warm the be at to felt were married yet not were food, knowledge gave they “center”… reproductive others the all for decisions made and services and of social position in the family in West Bengal: The The Bengal: West in family the in position social of a house of couple whose married sons principal ASIA IN FOCUS and she could nurse she and them easier: flicking aswitch for light helped soothe the children the birth of her second child. The change to simply was home her when electrified months some after village. Taking care of her children was also easier more depressing mood (dukhi) to happiness in the According to her, electricity had changed life from a members in the evenings (with light, fans and TV). er and included more socialising among family psychologically. In her words life was literally bright benefitted her family and community socially and well-lit kitchen. Leelah also felt the electricity had heat and mosquitos. Cooking was also easier in a inside their home, which reduced the problems of day for fetching water. Light and fans were placed in their house, thus relieving the women 4hours a wateren supply meant that water a tap was installed Leelah to agreat extent. The provision of solar driv ways the implementation of the CSPP benefited and words out of respect for her in-laws. In many modest gentle appearance and balancing her voice scribed by Lamb and Wadley as subservient, with in-law or husband’s sister did. fetching water or firewood, which Leelah’s mother- would receive also new responsibilities such as iated of Then a their members households. had borne two or more children and become affil in her community was gradually lifted when women veiled in front male affines. The practices of would not leave the house alone and was always the customs in her village she was in in Standal forthcoming 2016). forthcoming Standal in light and they don’t get scared anymore (cited frustration Ibeat them. Now, it’s easy with the cried and Isaid don’t weep, don’t weep and in light… Before when there was no light, they can feed them easily in the evening with the the darkness before falling asleep, but now I ten crying [in the night] because of [fear of] When there was no light the children were of Leelah exemplified the typical bahu purdah , who is de purdah bahu , and and , - - - - -

18 she had regular chores. am to preparing start food and throughout her day responsibilities. Every morning she would wake at 5 education and balancing childcare with her other welfare: feeding and nursing them, ensuring their small children was worried she children’s her about joint family with her income. As most mothers of her children, but at times she was asked to help the 1600 Rs monthly, which she used for herself and work in the evenings. In 2012 she was earning about workingher were hours more flexible could she and Rs800 a month. However, with light in the evening, she could work during the day and earn about 700- profited from electricity. Before she had children Leelah’s work as the village seamstress had also struction by her father-in-law, given birth in the local refers to as strategic life choices. She had, upon in decisions about her fertility or what Kabeer (1999) of energy Leelah access, was still not able to make dependent However, income. despite the benefits only woman in her village who was earning an in was also exceptional in the fact that she was the to fulfill the (practical) expectations of family. Leelah Leelah the light brought both happiness and means of socialising, to name a few. As mentioned, for creased income, easier everyday life and new ways several in from electricity: household benefits work. fewer opportunities for the children to do home felt compelled to go to early, bed and there were Leelah’s family and the village in general. They now was resentment against the energy project both in pered by 2015 due to equipment failure and there fortunately, the energy provision was severely ham grams, which limted their access to information. Un restrictions were put on a and watching in TV the evenings. In some families tomed to adapting their lives to more socialising 2015 this had changed and they had grown accus other than via mobile phones. When Ireturned in family did not have access to news and information In 2012 the family’s was TV not working so the As shown, Leelah and her family experienced bahu ’s access to pro TV ------SPECIAL ISSUE ------With his higher education and socio-economic socio-economic and education higher his With go low he stocks, when the price goes high he he high goes price the when stocks, he low go 2016). forthcoming Standal in (cited sells In many ways Daarun and his family were in a a in were family his and Daarun ways many In poor a really is he if money, the need people If is price the If money. some get to needs he guy … wait doesn’t He (sic). sells just he high or low price the … if wait just can family) (Daarun’s he status Daarun is not representative of the majority majority the of representative is not Daarun status illus a good is he but village, his in men young of of those on electrification of benefits the of tration to ability the have that gender and generation his Daarun energy. to access having of most the make Daarun benefits from the electrification of his village village his of electrification the from benefits Daarun village the in a position has He well. as ways other in he 2015, in met we when and, committee, energy re family his therefore and marriage for eligible was and home his scrutinised who guests many ceived more was it electrified, was village the Before family. be would many as wife a to find men for difficult un-electri an into daughter their marry to hesitant family his and Daarun marries, he If fied household. ‘modern’ including dowry considerable a expect can dowry Receiving electricity. on run that appliances had family the costs the of some alleviate also might gave; they when sister Daarun’s off marrying when We machine... washing iron, TV, fan, motorcycle, “… forthcom Standal in (cited [Rs]” 4-5 lakhs gave also items these all custom, to according As 2016). ing to taken was sister his when a car onto loaded were home. her new position to enjoy all the benefits of energy access. access. energy of benefits the all enjoy to position proficien and has a education college AsDaarun connect to phone mobile his used he English, in cy acquire and news media, read on social friends with phone mobile the used also family His information. for prices about out find to people with connect to if possible not is which market, the in agriculture a conver In economy. a robust have not does one he assistant, research my and Daarun with sation way: this in it phrased 19 - - - - - was free to voice her opinion; opinion; her voice to free was bahu Daarun’s village has 69 households and village about Daarun’s In spite of facilitating an easier everyday life life everyday easier an facilitating of spite In in their education and do homework in the evenings evenings the in homework do and education their in electrifiedin households. the government village school was that the quali the that was school village government the also electricity the because partly improved, ty had computers use to children the for possible it made sons to private schools in the nearby town a few a few town nearby the in schools private to sons of Nevertheless, perception the away. kilometers 883 women to 1000 men, and a child sex ratio of of ratio sex a child and men, 1000 to 883 women village this In boys. 1000 to girls 667 alarming an their sends possibility the has who anyone well, as 2000 Rs connection fee. The sex ratio of the village village the of ratio sex The fee. connection Rs 2000 a meagre with village Leelah’s than lower even is 90% of the villagers are SC, but households from SC, but households are from villagers the 90% of had status social-economic and groups caste all the of costs the despite CSPP the to connected phones that his mother was free to use. use. to free was mother his that phones stalled light in most rooms. They owned a tractor, a a a tractor, owned They rooms. most in light stalled His iron. electric an and a cooler fans, motorcycle, also had mobile and Daarun brother younger father, fluent in his village with income from selling buffalo buffalo selling from income with village his in fluent the among was household The farming. and milk in had and CSPP, the with connect to houses first his parents and younger brother. They belong to belong to They brother. and younger parents his af more the among are and community Yadav the Daarun is a young man in his early 20s with a col a with 20s early his in man young a is Daarun Bundelkhand another from comes who degree, lege with household a nuclear in lives He UP. in village Daarun community reinforced values that see women’s women’s see that values reinforced community care of provision as the life in accomplishment main 2016). forthcoming (Standal family the for work and a higher income, the narrow focus on women women on focus narrow the income, a higher and Leelah’s in project energy the in end-users only as matters where a where matters disrespectful. be gravely would so doing knowledge that young mothers in her village under her in village mothers young that knowledge their by ‘request’ upon abortions sex-selection went as deemed not were issues These parents-in-law. hospital which earned her 1400Rs with the National National the with 1400Rs her earned which hospital common also was It scheme. Mission Health Rural ASIA IN FOCUS it was claimed that sex-selection abortion was un pected in Leelah and Daarun’s village. freer mobility and did not veil in public as was ex electricity grid. Also, the women enjoyed somewhat ines UP, but the village is connected to the central lower housing standard in comparison to the villag village. Anita’s village generally considerably has means that there are no SC or OBC families in the ers belong to the Kshatriya or Vaishya group, which all and The households villag village 39 about has silk-reeling production in the local self-help groups. have implemented CSPP to electrify the women’s comes from asmall village in Jharkhand that Anita, who is in her with 40s grown-up children, Anita well-paid job in the city. he can continue his education and hopefully take a uphold the ideals of and home motherhood, while most likely have a wife at his side that will dutifully the traditional family life and “modern” be as he will also have the opportunity and freedom to live both some prerogatives. When he marries, Daarun will cation and being of the male gender provide him these norms in adifferent way to Leelah, eduas male relatives), but he has the capacity to challenge paying electricity bills and acquiring dowries for fe coveringas of the energy cost consumption (by al obligations to his near and extended family such in his community. This does not free him from mor to him in the same way as Leelah or other women of the traditional Hindu family values do not apply family. Despite his young age, the moral boundaries either live in ajoint family or establish aseparate has the privilege of choosing his family script and educated with prospects of steady income, Daarun consist of one or more sons. As the oldest son and dent whether on parents their to wished household not unique Daarun’s village, but said to depen be wife in the nearby town. Nuclear were households degree in natural science, when he settles with a plans to join the Police Academy or take a Master’s Despite son preferenceDespite son customs dowry and ------20 3000 Rs3000 a month. Several of the other women, es hours with the silk reeling and earned about 2000- the physical labour was Anita reduced. worked long was better, they and could work since hours longer greatly increase their income the as quality of yarn the silk reeling process had enabled the women to this position considerably. The electrification of ment and support from the CSPP project elevated leader in village. her The self-help group’s involve higher status in her position as a self-help group autonomy than young a she had care less work responsibilities and more terms center ‘the of the household’, which meant mother-in-law, now constituting what Lamb (2000) common. showed how the group provided support in cases discrimination. An incident in one of the meetings ant arena for solidarity challenge a and to gender help groups in the district area provided an import women feared her. The network of the women self- considerable has she power of some and the other charisma and authority. self-help a As group leader sponsibilities in the family household. the women’s labour was diverted to their unpaid re suspended for the greater good of the family, and the silk-reeling production (and income) had to be community meant that during harvesting seasons The families’ dependence on agriculture in Anita’s ings, which supports the value of son preference. sav for dowry or wishes withcomply the husbands’ saw However, fit. the income would also frequently group, the income was theirs to dispose of as they Anita and many of the other women in the self-help such as the World Bank and ENERGIA. Like Leelah, in developmentaccess discourse by institutions as one of the more empowering effects of energy heralded to often income is “independent” access regarding economic priorities in the home. Women’s andless, earned about 1000-2000 Rs amonth. pecially mothers with young children worked much Anita has freedom in her elevated status as a Anita is avery outgoing person with astrong Anita’s income gave more her independence bahu . She also enjoyed a - - - - - SPECIAL ISSUE ------is a Doctoral student in Human Human in student a Doctoral is [email protected] study is on the effects of decentralised solar elec solar decentralised of effects the on is study rural in beneficiaries women the on systems tricity India. Email: did not alter the value put on the traditional status status traditional the on put value the alter not did Daarun contexts. local the in marriage and family of uti to able being of example star the as out stands electric implemented newly benefits the the of lise com and Internet of use advanced more his ity in a partner attract to able being now and munication, as household his has electrified an As Nord status. the within ‘class the out points issue) this (in felt each household member’s household’ determines income, as de such education, access resources to restricting andcision-making mobile phones, TV, oppor these from benefit fully to ability women’s values. family traditional with accordance in tunities Standal Karina is she where Oslo of University the at Geography the and Development for Centre the with affiliated gen include Interests Her research Environment. South. the Her in PhD and development energy der, Conclusion and Daarun Leelah, of cases the in exemplified As many in family the accessAnita, energy “globalises” ways efficient more provides it instance, for ways; social chores, household do income, provide to with illustrated as However, communicate. and ise ener of provision the that evident also is it Leelah, upholding by agency women’s undermine gymay struc subversive strengthening even and perhaps though even dowry, and patriarchy as such tures of a ‘consumer’ being by empowered became she energy the Jharkhand in contrast, By electricity. model and group self-help the enhanced project ac that network a women’s to contributed thereby gender discrimina of some forms challenged tively tion. opportunities The income and of networking 21 ------in the self-help self-help the in bahus Thethree narratives described above repre As a result of long-time NGO support and the the and support NGO long-time of a result As their lives. sition in family and community. These informants informants These community. and family in sition and situations life and profiles social different have transform can access energy how on impacts this and illustrate how the potential benefits of energy energy of benefits potential the how illustrate and po and gender relative their to subject are access maneuver. maneuver. family the in of positions perspectives different sent For the younger generation of of generation younger the For to position challenging be a more would this group, position in the household enable her to earn an an earn household the her enable in to position publicly her voice and raise income independent about her concern issues and her community. that ping the sexual harassment), but she also stands but she also stands harassment), sexual the ping her in freedom relative and personality her as out, challenges as the other self-help group women in in women group self-help other as the challenges so in status inferior women’s and poverty of terms stop at attempts futile their by illustrated (as ciety they ideally should have adhered to, where the men, men, the where to, adhered have should ideally they had elders village the and police the case this in and benefits same the shares Anita say. last the criminatory gender norms in this case and others. others. and case this in norms gender criminatory boundaries moral the of negotiation involved This CSPP project, the women in the self-help group, group, self-help the in women the project, CSPP dis challenged actively forefront, the at Anita with sion was acknowledged by the man in question and and question in man the by acknowledged was sion elders.the house, ordering him to attend. The meeting ended ended meeting The attend. to him ordering house, fine a pay to had man the that decision joint the in deci This regulations. curfew obey and 5000 Rs of moral boundaries of women’s acceptable behavior. behavior. acceptable women’s of boundaries moral elders, the challenge to want not did women The his near tribunal a mock up set they instead so ishment, which had caused outrage by the (male) (male) the by had caused which ishment, outrage the crossed this that grounds the on elders, village they were asleep in their homes. The women had had women The homes. their in asleep were they The avail. no to police the to incidents the reported as pun man the had beaten women group self-help of discrimination: Allegedly, a man in one of the vil the of one in man a Allegedly, discrimination: of while women harassed years, many for had, lages ASIA IN FOCUS Wadley, (1994). S. Tenhunen, (2014). S. Gender, Intersectionality and Smartphones in Rural West-Bengal. Standal, Winther, K., T. (2016). Empowerment through Energy? Impact of Electricity on Standal, (2008). K. Giving Light and Hope in Afghanistan. The Impact of Norwegian Standal, (in K. progress). Lighting the Path towards Gender Equality. Viewing the ‘Village Oldenburg, V.T. (2007). Sita’s Epic Journey: Reflections on the Violence in the Lives of Nye, D.. 1991. Lamb, (2000). S. Krishna, (2010). A. Kale, (2014). S. Kabeer, (2001). N. John, E. (2011). M. Census 2011: Governing Populations and the Girl Child. andJensen, E. R. Oster (2009). The Power of TV: Cable Television and Women’s Status Fox, (2011). B.J. Conceptualizing ‘Patriarchy’. D.M. Juschka (ed.). Costa, A.P.D (2012). ‘What is this India? ‘New’ An Introduction.A.P.D. Costa (ed.), Brown, and C.M Agarwal, N.D. (2014). The Rape that Woke up India: Hindu Imagination Béteille, (1999). A. The Family and Reproduction of Inequality. P. Uberoi (ed.), References of California Press. California of mation India in WaldropNielsen, & A. K.B (eds). 27-47. Care Work Practices and Gender Relations. Norway. of Oslo, University Church Aid’s Barefoot Approach on Women Beneficiaries. (Ms Dissertation) tation). University Norway. of Oslo, Solar Electrification Project’ in India through the Gender Lens (Doctoral Disser Press. Pilgrim Women in Contemporary World Religions: Roots and Cures Hindu Women in North India. D.C. Maguire and Shaikh S. (eds.). Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press. India Poverty Stockholm.studies, Weekly Political India. in Religion Press. Long the Twentieth in Reflections India? Critical Century and the Rape of Jyoti Singh Pandey. India in marriage and kinship . Los Angeles: University of California Press. , Oxford: University Press. Oxford , (pp.314-334). Continum. Herts: The Quarterly Journal of Economics Journal Quarterly The Electrifying America. Social Meanings of aNew Technology, 1880-1940 Electrifying India Electrifying White Saris and Sweet Mangoes. Aging, Gender, and Body in North Struggling with Destiny in Karimpur, in -1984 Destiny with 1925 Struggling One illness Away. Why People Become Poor and How they Escape (pp. 33-47). London: Anthem Press. Discussing Women’s Empowerment: Theory and Practice and Women’sDiscussing Theory Empowerment: , 46(16), 10-12. . Stanford: Stanford University Press. Press. University Stanford Stanford: . (pp.435-452). New Dehli: Oxford University Press. (pp.435-452). Women, Gender and Everyday Social Transfor Journal of Religion and Violence and Religion of Journal Forum for Development Studies Development for Forum , 124 (3), 1057-1094. 22 (pp. 1-23.). (pp. London: Anthem Feminism in the Study of (pp. 153-173). Cleveland: . Berkeley:. University Violence against against Violence , 2(2). 234-280. Economical Economical . 43 (1), (1), 43 . A New New A , SIDA SIDA , Family - - . SPECIAL ISSUE 23 Gender relations, return migration, (re)settlement processes, India. Bangalore, (re)settlement migration, return Gender relations,

Keywords: times, unexpected ways of dealing with the upheavals of of upheavals the with dealing of ways unexpected times, return migration. Nalini’s story in and out of states of depression, the article article the depression, of states of out and in story Nalini’s at own, their find women returnee which in ways to points recent waves of return migration to Bangalore, a prominent a prominent Bangalore, to migration return of waves recent Tracing India. globalising a “new” of imaginary the in hub gender relations, family commitments, career opportunities, career commitments, family gender relations, of context the within conservatism cultural and social and of moving back to India after years of working and living living and working of years after India to back moving of of themes on touches article The abroad. families their with Taking its point of departure in the personal story of Nalini, this this Nalini, of story personal the in departure of point its Taking experiences women’s Indian skilled highly examines article

HELENE ILKJÆR Skilled Indian Migrants Return in Bangalore settlement Among Highly Among Highly settlement Gender Perspectives on (Re) Gender Perspectives RELUCTANT RETURNEES: RELUCTANT ASIA IN FOCUS “I cately linked with the imaginary of a“new” globalis a global destination for skilled in-migration are intri turn migrants the and emergence of Bangalore as Indians. Isuggest that the growing numbers of re the perspective of return migration of highly skilled sen &Wilhite, 2015), this article approaches it from and growth (cf. D’Costa, 2010; Kaur, 2012, 2014; Niel analyzed through themes of economic liberalisation the imaginary of a“new” globalising India is often ment in the so-called “new” globalising India? While experience and handle the return and the (re)settle return to India, and, if they eventually do, how they questions of why Indian women may reluctant be to personal story as an example, the article examines do so because their wives refused. Using Nalini’s to make the move back to India but who could not stories of friends or friends, of wished who friends, Many of the returnees Imet in Bangalore could tell ing willing less to return to India than their husbands. heard during my fieldwork about Indian women be ting her own dreams and ambitions aside. with her husband’s wishes, also when it meant put wanted. And Nalini’s father expected her to comply he said, but most of all because it was what Gopal aged four and eight. It was right for many reasons, dia with her husband Gopal and their two daughters me, of his daughter’s “right” decision to return to In homecoming to India. He was proud; he had told in the family’s history, in particular Nalini’s recent en it upon himself to talk me through key moments the hours prior to Nalini’s arrival home he had tak her gaze, Iwatched him uneasily shift in his seat. In the living room couches –adefiant Following look. she kurta, sentshort her father –who sat in one of upright in the doorway, dressed in Levi’s jeans and a Bangalore this made she when statement. Standing her flat in agated community in the eastern of part had only just stepped foot within the front door of back to India.” Nalini, year a35 old microbiologist, In many ways, Nalini embodies the story Ioften

absolutely not been happy about coming I was desperate to stay in the Ihave US. never had it in my mind to come back – ------24 have used primarily qualitative methods of partic interlocutors are pseudonyms. In collecting data, I low-ups on social media and All Skype. names of fieldwork in Bangalore in 2011-2013 and regular fol dissertation is based on 10 months of ethnographic tion among Highly Skilled Indians” (Ilkjær, 2015). The galore Beginnings. An Ethnography of Return Migra ticle form of part my PhD dissertation entitled “Ban Nalini’s story and the other empirical data in this ar Return migration “global and Indians” India. globalising issue’s themes of gender and family relations in a Bangalore as an entry point to discuss this special riences of (re)settlement among Indian returnees in ing India. The article thus takes the everyday expe migratory life situation at the time of my fieldwork, turnee” as acategory to describe my interlocutors’ abroad for at least two years. Yet, while Iuse “re and raised in India to Indian parents who has lived to count. Idefine areturnee as an individual born determination of who to label as returnees, i.e. who slippery nature of the category of return and hence of the difficulty in making accurate counts is the numbers are in uncertainty. clouded major A cause turnees by 2010 (Kalita, 2010, p. 22). Clearly, these the city of Bangalore housed around 300,000 re since the year 2000 (Varrel, 2011b, p. 305), and that have Indians annually returned to 20,000 10,000 hakrishnan, 2011, sources that Other 27). suggest p. turnees have been cited (Khadria, 2004, p. 19; Rad Estimates ranging between 29,000 and 60,000 re Indians who have returned to India in recent years. ly. They are among the thousands of highly skilled became key interlocutors whom Imet with regular ities. 15 returnees –eight men and seven women – with them and participating in their weekend activ the wives of the men I had interviewed, hanging out with return migrants in their homes, including with spentinterviews, considerable I amounts of time there are 37 men and 10 women. In addition to the interviews. the Of 47 individuals that Iinterviewed, informal and semi-structured observation, ipant ------SPECIAL ISSUE ------Varrel, 2011a). Although many of the returnee wom returnee the of many Although 2011a). Varrel, careers professional their continued had I met en some taken had others Bangalore, to moving after do to and/or family their on focus to work off years returnee the of Many work. community voluntary Bangalore in living while work not did who women servatismamong Indian migrants, IT for example arranged for preference continued their in visible marriages”) “love marriages (vs. and in their em & Narasimhan, Fuller (see values” “family of phasis 2006, 2008; Upadhya, 2009; Radhakrishnan, 2007; para the discussing In 2006). Vasavi, & Upadhya professionals’ IT Indian between relations doxical cul and exposure international paths, career global A.R. and Vasavi Upadhya Carol conservatism, tural seems industry a global in working while that write cosmopoli of kind certain a to rise given have to none “they professionals, IT Indian among tanism and values social class middle older to cling theless tra the as regard they what reproduce to attempt & Vasavi, (Upadhya structure” family Indian ditional are structures family traditional The 103). 2006, p. to dedication professionals’ IT the in e.g. evident that fact the in and members family elderly for care some in – or to expected not are women married in home the outside – work to allowed not cases also see 109-113; 2006, p. & Vasavi, (Upadhya India el this means, for example, that the husband and and husband the that example, for means, this el live they that and duties household the share wife than rather house own their in family a nuclear as it level On a broader parents. husband’s the with de in equality gender things, other among means, ambi career and cision-making support women’s of between link a direct formed returnees Many tions. and abroad working and living of experiences their Oth Indians.” “global as identity self-ascribed their their all lived had who Indians that out pointed ers they had Indians,” be “global also could India in life Indeed, mindset. open an developed and travelled cre does automatically not migration international change to migrants the cause or mindsets global ate life. family concerning e.g. values, and practices con social of a pattern noted have studies Several 25 ------Having spent considerable parts of their adult adult their parts of considerable spent Having When I met them, most of my interlocutors interlocutors my of most them, I met When Due to Bangalore’s history and current repu current and history Bangalore’s to Due a modern (as opposed to traditional) approach to to approach traditional) to opposed (as a modern lev everyday an On matters. gender and family as “global Indians.” According to them, a “global them, a “global to According Indians.” as “global Indian” is an open-minded, oriented internationally takes who and world the travelled has who person life abroad many returnees described themselves themselves described returnees many abroad life the wives in the returnee families were highly ed highly were families returnee the in wives the had wives and husbands both usually and ucated abroad. lived they while worked to study at university, then marrying in India and and India in marrying then university, at study to of Most visas. spousal on over wives their bringing to theto financial crisis, and value-based reasons to had men the Usually, lifestyles. and culture with do abroad going adults young as first, often left India to care for elderly parents, career opportunities in in opportunities career parents, elderly for care to due abroad unemployment of fear the versus India such as the UK, Canada, Germany, Australia and and Australia Germany, UK, Canada, the as such in often included, return to reasons Their Denmark. obligation the feeling family, to proximity the a mix, had children. Most of them moved back to India India to back moved them of Most children. had years 10 than more after – often later or 2008 in countries from also but US the from – many abroad were in their 30’s and 40’s, they were married and and married were they 40’s, and 30’s their in were – or adding to – the directionality of movement movement of directionality – the to adding – or among the so-called “best and brightest Indians” 2006). (Kalita, ed Indians leaving the country. The returnees thus thus returnees The country. the leaving edIndians changing is that migration of wave a new up make terlocutorsamong were those popularly described a counter i.e. drain,” brain “reverse like terms with educat of drain” “brain outbound the to movement professional experience in IT, engineering, and the the and engineering, IT, in experience professional de a BA least at Holding sciences. data and bio- in my degrees, PhD and MA also often but gree man, 2004; Nair, 2005; Nisbett, 2009; Vasavi, 2008), 2008), Vasavi, 2009; Nisbett, 2005; Nair, 2004; man, and degrees with returnees many attracts city the tation as an international science and technology technology and science international an as tation Heitz (see knowledge-based for industries hotspot the term is not intended to imply any finality with with finality any imply to intended not is term the trajectories. migration their to regard ASIA IN FOCUS for lunch. She had stopped in amall to buy them on and Nalini offers me “cheese bites” from Pizza Hut coffee. We sit down on the mattresses on floorthe one of the flat’s three bedrooms with our cups of leave her father in the living room and retreat to After some introductory small-talk, Nalini and I Nalini’s story change. One of them was Nalini. abroad. Some chose quite unusual means to inspire observations of relations gender they gathered had the of sense freedom and independence and the the family and in society, the returnee women used pectations of Indian women’s roles and behavior in – attitudes. In their post-return bids to re-sculpt ex of creating changes in their husband’s –and others’ the return to India that brought about their attempts ee women’s discomforting sense of restriction after bands’ conservative ideals. it was Often, the return tionalists, however, sought to challenge their hus abroad. The wives of some of these returnee tradi traditions of throughout country the home the stay and towards primarily values the oriented remained in King, 2000, p. 12), implying that the migrant has returnas migration driven by conservatism (Cerase bles what is referred to in return migration literature for the return move. This kind of motivation resem protect their “Indianness” had been akey motivation many in the latter category, wanting to preserve and For relations. gender and triarchal structures family pa including values, Indian traditional as described – mostly men –were happy to reproduce what they periences in their global becoming, other returnees and recognised the influence of their migratory ex proudly themselves described “global as Indians,” of the returnees Imet –both men and women – relations coexisted among returnees. While many and traditionalist attitudes to family and gender tioned studies found I that cosmopolitan lifestyles abroad. re-migration as they referred to it –at the time of alikely future intended to go back to work –“back to the rat race” In line with the arguments of the above-men ------26 accepted to quit her good job in Mumbai and “slog in search of better research opportunities. She had portive of, and shared, Gopal’s wishes to leave India in the From US. the beginning, Nalini had been sup in South Africa for two years and then three years The family had been away for five years, living first they had gotten married: “so it is like alove marriage.” lowing what Nalini described as “my own decision,” and Gopal had met as students in Mumbai, and fol a few months before Ifirst met them in late 2011. She dreadful post-return period. the turning point she had longed for in an otherwise the job, and she hoped that this would prove to be She was overjoyed because she had been offered her way home from ajob interview earlier in the day. said. Nalini, on the other hand, was firmly set against ing the decision to return to India was easy, Gopal Once he caught agood job break in Bangalore, mak the decision to return: him, Gopal explained his experiences abroad and wanted to return to India. When Ilater interviewed his mother had been diagnosed with cancer, Gopal insecure academic career path and factoring in that galore. Weighing this against the US recession, the of amajor government cooperation based in Ban a position as manager in the research department of return to India came up when Gopal was offered degree should have qualified her for. The subject along” in lower job positions abroad than her PhD Nalini had returned to India with her family just stability was also very important for me. stability was also much more important, family I have two daughters and so somehow their So, all this financial constraints were also there. […] A postdoc is not paid very much in the US. since my mother was ill and all these things. was the family pressure [I was] kind of having in the One was US. the work pressure, second ways felt that was I under tremendous pressure thing for me, Iwould say. For some reason, Ial Resettling in India has been the most easiest - - - - - SPECIAL ISSUE ------In the face of her obvious sadness, I asked I asked sadness, obvious her of face the In going wrong with the marriage. the with wrong going about her life abroad, “it was like seeing the castle castle the seeing like was “it abroad, life her about defeated.” … I feel there staying not and India, to returning on insistence Gopal’s about Nalini Nalini it. against set clearly so was she when even described herself asa very performance-oriented inter what not just was sphere home the person, than life to more is there “I most: think the her ested your to supportive being and boxes lunch packing and home to approach this Yet, said. she husband,” her after practice to Nalini for hard was life family increasingly felt she India In India. to return family’s hus her by neighbors, by family, her by scrutinised teachers colleagues, her daughter’s work by band’s mission joint Their employers. prospective by and traditional to according her judge to said, she was, a being woman Indian a good of ideals patriarchal non-working, who ‘home-loving’ places wife family Nalini 138-139). p. 2007, & Narasimhan, Fuller (cf. first approval short of fall would she that aware well was the with comparison In judgment. of a scale such on had abroad life Nalini’s India, in scrutiny everyday years the about talk to continued we As free. felt US, the and Africa South in stayed had family the cry started and emotion with overcome was Nalini said she face a tear-stained with me at Looking ing. But, said Nalini bluntly: “I am not channelised for for channelised “I not am bluntly: Nalini said But, called she what cook to like not did She housework.” in and recipes, traditional i.e. food,” Indian “Indian more is] it [because food “Western preferred stead an being on insisted she Besides, oriented.” health not was she that meaning time, own her of agent the when even guests on wait to home at always “short These advance. in planned been had visits fin her with marks quotation did (Nalini comings” labels of made her as a a target housewife gers) family husband’s her parts of from “crazy” as such with socialise not dared who neighbors from and values her with associated being of fear of out her Nalini Although behavior. her condoning as seen or 27 - - - labeled as not being a good house-maker and and house-maker a good being not as labeled seriously something is there that think people Outside India you are just yourself whereas in in whereas yourself just are you India Outside In mother. the then wife, the first are you India and home stay to supposed are women India, are you that do don’t you first. If comes family With Gopal determined to return to India, Nalini Nalini India, to return to determined Gopal With where “at parties I am sometimes just introduced as as introduced just sometimes I am parties “at where elaborated: Nalini wife.” the So, she applied for various jobs in Bangalore and and Bangalore in jobs various for applied she So, situation the end to hoping cities, Indian major other sue her goal of a career in science. Yet, while Nalini Nalini while Yet, science. in a career of goal her sue India, to returning in wishes husband’s her followed a homemaker. being with settle to want not did she and he had a reputable job. Nalini was depressed by by depressed was Nalini job. a reputable had he and pur to unable Bangalore; in a housewife” “just being being very loving and caring, was very “traditional,” “traditional,” very was caring, and loving very being preferred he that meant this that clarifying said, she India in back were they that now home at stay to her give up on the things she dreamed of in order to to order in of dreamed she things the on up give to had I have times “So many husband: her follow besides Gopal, family.” of because job] [my resign in. Her unhappiness about returning to India, she she India, to returning about unhappiness Her in. to having of feelings from stemmed explained, now my wife was completely opposed to coming, but he he but coming, to opposed completely was wife my it’.” do just and back come ‘you that me tell to used caved eventually discussions, of Nalini After months his father-in-law: “I remember that my father-in-law father-in-law my “I that remember father-in-law: his I mean, way. nice a very in me supported really he her own family members to go with his decision. In In decision. his with go to members family own her particu was Gopal averseness Nalini’s with dealing from received had he support the about happy larly said. and parents his him, from pressure intense faced but my husband did not – he never understood the the understood never – he not did husband my but she there,” it enjoyed never He culture. Western and she appreciated the many outdoor leisure op leisure outdoor many the appreciated she and flat rented their of surroundings the in portunities abroad], [being actually it “I enjoyed Louisiana: in it. After two periods of maternity leave, she finally finally she leave, maternity of periods two After it. track, on getting was US the in career her that felt ASIA IN FOCUS es surrounding Bangalore. Nalini also participated participated also Nalini Bangalore. surrounding es housing development going and through the villag of 60 kilometers a day, leaving from their gated an in India –she went cycling. She liked to take rides chose ameasure that was quite unusual for awom away from her mental state of depression, Nalini Seeking a way out of the home in Bangalore and An unofficialmen’s club said: She knew that he was reluctant to openly admit this. two daughters enjoyed in the US –although she increasing fears about the lifestyle Nalini and their explained that she believed it sprang from Gopal’s him to battle against the three of us. opinions then it is going to very be difficult for if the girls also grow up and having start their knew that Iam avery opinionated person and to more be difficult day by becauseday” they “you better pack it up now because it is going core ones [traditionalists], they told him that guys in the local Indian community, the hard it was very alarming for him. And then afew ing new for the local guys [the Americans], but shorter and shorter day by day. So it was noth [the house]. Our clothes started to become enjoying our weekends more and more outside za. We three are drinking Coke, we three are Indian food and we three would eating be piz [changing with us]. Imean, he would eat some So he could see that everything is dipping off as Itold you, he is avery traditional person. out [in the US]. So, he got kind of scared and, at the age of ten or 12 years the girls to start go right, and afew of his friends had told him that ful daughters. Our elder one was turning eight, coming too free. And then we have two beauti that Iwould out be of reach because Iwas be lots of friends. So he got scared. He thought pants. Istarted cycling. Iwas very jolly and had I was starting to change. Iwas wearing tight Somewhere in his mind it was spinning that ------28 sport and activitysport by most in India. Nalini explained: biking though, as was stillcost, considered man’s a continuing this activity. This did not come without cyclists being very unusual in India, she insisted on bike out for long rides in the and US, despite female ni had done lots of spinning classes and taken her tistic tattoo of acycle inked on her upper arm. Nali permanently featured her love for biking with an ar their sparsely furnished and apartment, had she took pride of place in an otherwise empty room in visit the family, Nalini showed me her bikes, which finished competitions abroad. Every time Icame to all acrosslenges the country, successfully she and in day-long races and week-long adventure chal “traditional” man, his support of Nalini eventually family. Although Gopal, in Nalini’s words, was a thus defended against her accusations from the mired courage, her strength endurance and and not agym guy at all but very academic” quite ad depressed post-return spirits. Also, Gopal “who is to keep on cycling in the hope that it would her lift ashamed of her behavior, yet they had allowed her dearly. She said that her family had been somewhat lifestyle she had led in the US and that she loved first been therapeutic; an attempt to cling to the Nalini confided that for her biking in India had at (cf. Bangalore in enthusiasts 2016), Anantharaman, tions cited by many of the new middle-class cycling In contrast to the environmental and ethical motiva There are now five or six ladies who are in the bear the consequence of the consequence it. bear you to try break the boundary. You just have to fore [ago]. So, Imean, it is not that easy when very insulting. It just happened eight days be came and he tightly slapped my butt! It was ments, but Idon’t care. But one day this guy one village guy came … usually they pass com happen. One day Iwas going in one village and ter]. Sometimes when Igo cycling alone things out of like eight or nine million people. [Laugh racing hall [club] and cycling in Bangalore … ------SPECIAL ISSUE ------recently graduated with a PhD in An in PhD a with graduated recently [email protected] While she is still mourning her lost career in in career lost her mourning still is she While gration, diaspora and transnationalism, the anthro communities gated navigation, and skills of pology and community building, and giving philanthropy back, Bangalore/Bengaluru India. Email: science, Nalini keeps busy with cycling events and and events cycling with busy keeps Nalini science, skills boost the confidence her of athletic treasures ap Gopal continuously ever-ambitious The gives. ideas and start-up dapples with patents, for plies and Europe in India, in openings job senior for looks “good next his catches he When region. Gulf the in move, the be on again once will family the break” them. takes career his wherever Gopal to following with along a bike bring will Nalini likelihood, all In her. Helene Ilkjær Her Copenhagen. of University the from thropology mi return migration, include study of areas primary tion and change, cosmopolitan and conservative in conservative and cosmopolitan change, and tion fluences. On the one hand, family Indian patriarchal returnees. influence and gender continuingly ideals and ideas new back bringing by hand, other On the pro ongoing an to contribute returnees practices a in relations gender and family in change cess of expe Nalini’s of study case The India. globalising Bangalore in and (re)settlement return riences of India to returnees female which in ways to points overcomepost-return restrictions to their careers indepen the channeling freedom, personal and unex times, at in, abroad gained have they dence article The India. in back once directions pected the of some on light shedding to contributes thus mi Indian skilled highly in differences gendered return. of experiences grants’ 29 - - - As it happened, Nalini’s attempts at rekin at attempts Nalini’s happened, it As experiences of post-return life in Bangalore – are – are Bangalore in life post-return of experiences tradi both of aspects encompassing multifaceted, narratives, I suggest that Nalini and Gopal’s story story Gopal’s and Nalini that I suggest narratives, Indian skilled highly which in way the exemplifies everyday their – and return to decisions migrants’ Conclusion migration return many of one just is theirs Although post-return blues and (re)settle into life in India in in India in life into (re)settle and blues post-return way. own very her of her accomplishments as a racer and endurance as a and endurance racer her accomplishments of the beat to able been has Nalini bike, On the athlete. team-building and adventure events. Due to Nalini’s Nalini’s to Due events. adventure and team-building admitted her of condemnation the perseverance, company the in has shrunk housework in disinterest for her in India as invited motivational speaker to to speaker motivational invited as India in her for sports-based of leaders and as organiser corporate up sports, even if it seems, like cycling, to be “an be “an to cycling, seems, like it if sports,up even her unintended, Although club.” men’s unofficial path career new a up opened have activities biking international sports companies. She is featured in in featured is She sports companies. international articles newspaper national and magazines cyclist take to women Indian for inspiration of a voice as randonneur” award for her cycling achievements achievements her cycling for award randonneur” large from sponsorships five earned has she and dling her academic career in Bangalore have not not have Bangalore in career academic her dling successes her biking continue. out. Yet, worked super “national the awarded been twice has She tlement in India. in tlement Driving much of this change in the traditional family family traditional the in change this of much Driving Nalini’s been has home their in relations gender and (re)set their handling, of ways and of, experiences Nalini is out on her bicycle. Gopal’s vision of moving moving of vision Gopal’s bicycle. her on out is Nalini has wife a house-maker having and India to back changes. post-return significant some seen thus India. Now, he often manages things in their home, home, their in things manages often he Now, India. while father-in-law, his of help the with sometimes been fearful of Nalini’s changing ways when they they when ways changing Nalini’s of fearful been her of fan a proud into developed he abroad, lived to return after their accomplishments independent prevailed over traditional Indian ideals of wives as as wives of ideals Indian traditional over prevailed had Gopal first. While family putting home-makers ASIA IN FOCUS Radhakrishnan, (2009). S. Professional Women, Families: Good Respectable Feminini Nisbett, (2009). N. Growing Up in the Knowledge Society. &Wilhite,Nielsen, B., K. (2015). H. The rise and fall of the ‘people’s car’: middle-class aspi Nair, (2005). J. King, (2000). R. Generalizations from the History of Return Migration. In Ghosh B. (Ed.), Khadria, (2004). B. Kaur, (2014). R. Remains of Difference. New Imaginaries Othernessof in Post-reform In Kaur, (2012). R. Nation’s Two Bodies: rethinking the idea of ‘new’ India and its other. Kalita, (2010). M. S. Kalita, (2006, M. 28 S. February 2006). AReversal of the Tide in India. Ilkjær, (2015). H. Heitzman, J. (2004). Fuller, J., &Narasimhan,C. (2007). H. Information Technology Professionals and the P.D’Costa, A. (2010). What is this India? ‘New’ An Introduction. P. In A. D’Costa (Ed.), Anantharaman, (2016). M. Elite and ethical: The defensive distinctions of mid References ty andty the Cultural Politics of India. a“New” lore 371-387. doi:10.1080/09584935.2015.1090951 rations, status mobile and symbolism India’. in ‘New Press. University Oxford Organization for Migration and the United Nations. Return Migration: Journey of Hope or Despair? fessionals izenship (pp. 221-242). Oxford: Oxford University Press. dia. In Jodhka S. (Ed.), World Quarterly HarperCollins. cle/2006/02/27/AR2006022701513.html ton Post penhagen. Indians Skilled Highly Press. University Oxford doi:10.1017/S0026749X05002325 New-Rich Middle Class in Chennai (Madras). Press. Anthem New India? Critical Reflections in the Long Twentieth Century doi:10.1177/1469540516634412 dle-class bicycling in Bangalore, India. . New Delhi:. Routledge. . Retrieved. from http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/arti . Retrieved from Paris: The Promise of the Metropolis. Bangalore’s Twentieth Century Bangalore’s Metropolis. the of Promise The Bangalore Beginnings. An Ethnography An among Migration Return of Beginnings. Bangalore Migration of Highly Skilled Indians: Case Study of IT and Health Pro My Two Indias. AJourney to the Ends of Opportunity Network City. Planning the Information Society in Bangalore in Society Information City. the Planning Network , 33(4), doi:10.1080/01436597.2012.657420 603-621. . Department of Anthropology, University of Copenhagen, Co Interrogating India’s Modernity Journal of Consumer Culture, Consumer of Journal Qualitative Sociology 30 Modern Asian Studies Asian Modern (pp. 7-55). Geneva: International Contemporary South Asia South Contemporary Living the IT Dream in Banga in Dream IT the Living : Democracy, Identity, and Cit (pp. 1-22).(pp. London: , 32(2), 195-212. 195-212. 32(2), , The WashingThe . Noida, India: Noida, . , 41, 121-150. . Oxford:. . Oxford:. , 23(4), 23(4), , 1-23. 1-23. Third Third A ------ISSUE 3 . - - - (pp. (pp. Multiple Patterns of middle middle of Patterns . Retrieved from National Dynamics of Indian Migration. 31 (pp. 55-87). New Delhi: Sage Publications. (pp. 301-317). New Delhi and London: Rout London: and Delhi New 301-317). (pp. Work, Culture, and Sociality in the Indian IT Industry: Industry: IT Indian the in Sociality and Culture, Work, (pp. 264-267). New Delhi: Penguin Books. Penguin Delhi: New 264-267). (pp. Appropriately Indian.Appropriately Gender inand aCulture New Transnation Gender, GenerationsGender, and the Family in Migration International The Global Indian Software Labour Force: IT Professionals In Europe In Professionals IT Force: Labour Software Indian Global The . Durham and London: Duke University Press. University Duke London: and . Durham Historical and Current Perspectives andHistorical Current ledge. on Writings BangaloreCity. migrants: The case of Indian IT professionals. In A. Kraler, E. Kofman, M. Kohli, & C. C. & M. Kohli, Kofman, E. A. In Kraler, professionals. IT Indian of case The migrants: Schmoll (Eds.), 335-353). Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. (Eds.), & M. Percot I. S. In Rajan Transnationalism. ing class consumption in India and China IDPAD) to submitted Report (Final Study A Sociological http://eprints.nias.res.in/107/ Studies, Bangalore: Advanced of Institute al Class http://eprints.nias.res.in/870/ Bangalore: Science, of Institute Indian from Retrieved (Eds.), Veer v. d. P. & C. Jeffrelot In Identity. Class Middle Indian of doi:10.1007/s11133-009-9125-5 Vasavi, A. R. (2008). Brand Bangalore: Emblem of Globalizing India. In A. De (Ed.), A. In De (Ed.), India. Globalizing of Emblem Bangalore: Brand A. R. (2008). Vasavi, Varrel, A. (2011b). Return Migration in the Light of the New Indian Diaspora Policy: Emerg Policy: Diaspora Indian New the of Light the in Migration Return A. (2011b). Varrel, Varrel, A. (2011a). Gender and intergenerational issues in the circulation of highly skilled skilled highly of circulation the in issues intergenerational and Gender A. (2011a). Varrel, Upadhya, C., & Vasavi, A. R. (2006). A. R. (2006). C., & Vasavi, Upadhya, Upadhya, C. (2008). Rewriting the Code: Software Professionals and the Reconstitution Reconstitution the and Professionals Software Code: the Rewriting C. (2008). Upadhya, Upadhya, C. (2006). C. (2006). Upadhya, Radhakrishnan, S. (2011). ASIA IN FOCUS governance, development, and gender India, Delhi, neoliberalism, dynamics gender Keywords: programmes in Delhi. implementation of empowerment objectives in development of daily life, gender roles and societal values affect the qualitative study carried out in 2012, Ifind that the realities group, namely urban poor women. Using data from of a Programme and how it was received and used by the target Indian context, then and elucidate Convergence the Mission term empowerment, both on the global stage as well as in the of female urban poor. Iachieve this by conceptualising the might affect social security projects aimed at the population governance in Delhi, and this essay sheds light on how this bodies. Neoliberal ideals and targets have influenced urban into aworld-class city ran rampant through the governing in 2008, at atime when ambitions of transforming Delhi The Mission Convergence Programme (MCP) was initiated development programme in Delhi at the grassroots level. empowerment looks like in astate-civil society partnership The essay explores what the ubiquitous concept of (women) GUDRUN CECILIE HELLAND E. Delhi in Grassroots Women Empowerment the at To Stand on Her Own Two Feet: Urban poor, Convergence Mission empowerment, public Programme, services, 32 SPECIAL ISSUE ------Drawing on Naila Kabeer’s conceptualisation of of conceptualisation Kabeer’s Naila on Drawing The Mission Convergence Programme (MCP) (MCP) Programme Mission Convergence The throughout its objectives, and largely conflated conflated largely and objectives, its throughout activities. its in women with ‘gender’ no how article explores this (2001), empowerment be might MCP the in empowerment women of tions target its and MCP the by utilised and interpreted aimed at the urban poor. I argue that urban poor poor urban that argue I poor. urban the at aimed pertain that changes experience Delhi in women neoliberal by influenced are and globalisation to the become increasingly have they that and ideals, in and national of a plethora for beneficiaries’ ‘ideal based projects on a con development ternational Woman’. Poor ‘Urban the of notion structed was ac a initiated, government internationally project security social governance’ ‘good claimed over with collaboration in implemented was that organisations non-governmental one hundred change radically to aimed It Delhi. across (NGOs) ‘vulnerable the to related government the way the Re Gender placing by versa, vice and population’ the in (GRC-SKs) Kendr - Suvidha Centres source the adopted MCP The city. the of areas low-income are women poor that myth development classic communi and families lift their to best agents the main thus It 72). 2011, (Dhanju, poverty of out ties on ‘women focus empowerment’ explicit an tained Thus, the state must mediate between its neolib its between mediate must state the Thus, its and its towards aspirations eral responsibilities techniques new introducing by citizens vulnerable are that initiatives and development governance of 33 ------

The aspirations to transform Delhi into a ‘glob into Delhi transform to aspirations The Globalisation, combined with neoliberalism, neoliberalism, with combined Globalisation,

development. The contemporary developmen contemporary The development. ndian development thinking and praxis have have and praxis thinking development ndian closely followed changing global paradigms of urban poor and working class constitute a poor propor urban class and working constitute ignore. cannot state the that electorate the of tion are being removed from public space (Ramakrish public from beingremoved are legiti is state Indian the However, 101). 2013, nan, the and system, welfare its of part because in mised development, which has resulted in socio-spatial socio-spatial in resulted has which development, class working and poor urban the whereby trends transformation has not included all the inhabitants inhabitants the all included not has transformation middle a growing of emergence The city. the in and governance urban has influenced class identity tion that started in the 1990s, as well as a changing a changing as 1990s, well as the in started that tion culture of consumption (Ramakrishnan, This 2013). class, but what about urban poor women? poor urban about what but class, liberalisa economic the of result a city’ as al came practices from around the world. This is especially especially is This world. the around from practices middle growing and diverse the of members for true not least for women. They participate in the work the in participate They women. for least not ide and roles gender and extent, a greater to force different by influenced are shifting as they are als global and national development initiatives. society, Indian urban in change a rapid to led has (Prakash, 2013, 29). Women empowerment, espe empowerment, Women 2013, 29). (Prakash, within end an and a means both become has cially, tal thinking in India is as such an integrated part of part of integrated an such as is India in thinking tal multilat of because least not discourse, global the funding developmental and intergovernmental eral I ASIA IN FOCUS that even though Indian women had equal rights on throughout the 1980s The and 90s. report revealed en being put on the political and legislative agenda ined the social and political realities of Indian wom Women in India was published in 1974, which result landmark report by the Committee on the Status of after (Waldrop and Nielsen, 2014, 3). In India, the with the UN decade for Women following directly Conference for Women was held in Mexico in 1975, of women in development worldwide. The first UN ibility of women’s feminism issues, and the situation The 1970s were characterised by the increasing vis development The ‘empowerment’ turn in with prevailing gender norms and societal values. function at the grassroots level in their interaction cuss how the empowerment objectives of the MCP increasingly through neoliberal Further, ideals. dis I its place in a postcolonial megacity that is governed the Indian context, and then I turn to the MCP and in the globalerment’ development discourse and anonymity. article are pseudonyms, to ensure the informants’ talks with awide range of actors. All names in the everyday operation of the center, and had informal ticipatory observation in meetings, events, and the trict level of the MCP. In addition, Iengaged in par with government officialsfrom centralthe and dis the nongovernmental interviews sector; and two not; four interviews with GRC-SK employees from who were using the GRC-SK and women who were in low income areas, which included both women with fourteen women from the target group living ous actors involved in the MCP; twelve interviews eighteened semi-structured interviews with vari sity of Oslo in 2013. During my fieldwork, Iconduct urban poor in Delhi’ that Isubmitted to the Univer on rights and public service delivery among female ‘Poor subjects or empowered citizens? Perspectives fieldwork conducted in 2012 for my Masters’ thesis group, urban poor women. The article is based on In the next section Idiscuss the term ‘empow ------34 United Nations (UN) and the World Bank. Thus, as erationalised by international the such as agencies have since been re-inflected, appropriated and op gender-equal and just development. Their ideas powerment’ as afavored strategy for promoting significant role in globalising the concept of ‘em feminists working in development have played a women. towards targeted through various social security measures explicitly governments and NGOs are seeking to rectify this many women in India remains unequal, even though (Waldrop and Nielsen, 2014, 3). The situation for education and participation workforce health, tion, ing matters inheritance, such as political participa paper, the reality was different,especially regard eral conceptualisation of empowerment we could process. such a MCP, it is interesting to look at how it might enable empowerment As ered. an explicit is target for the change from being disempowered to being empow definition, empowerment and entails of process a 19). The distribution of power is central to Kabeers ple’s consequential are lives, but less (Kabeer, 2001, ond order choices, might affect the quality of peo constitute its defining parameters. The latter, sec have agreater significance for people’s lives as they Strategic life choices are the former, choices that tinction between first and second order choices. was previously Kabeer makes them. denied dis a strategic life choices in acontext where this ability ment is the expansion in people’s ability to make Kabeer (2001) offers a useful definition: Empower velopment Naila not is it discourse, easily defined. almost hegemonic status within international de ideas (Sharma, 2). 2008, several transnational circulations of empowerment on empowerment is an effect and assemblage of rather, the prevailing mainstream global discourse discourse that is applied to national or local realities; Sharma states, empowerment not transnational is a According to Aradhana Sharma (2008, 2), According to there Harriss, another, is neolib Even though ‘empowerment’ reached has an ------SPECIAL ISSUE ------According to Dhanju, plans to modernise cities cities modernise to plans Dhanju, to According In the 1980’s many NGOs in India increasingly increasingly India in NGOs many 1980’s the In to attract global capital are intolerant of the urban urban the of intolerant are capital global attract to She occupy. they spaces marginal the and poor intersection an of out grew MCP the how explains and development; governance urban neoliberal of is state Indian the MCP, the like projects through maintain and path developmental own its carving forms of measurement has had its costs, and em costs, and its had has measurement of forms the in value intrinsic its of some lost has powerment 2001). (Kabeer, process ‘Reaching the Unreached’ a world- in class city was Programme Mission Convergence The preparing was Delhi when 2008, a time in launched further that a process city’, a ‘world-class become to (Dhan poor urban the of majority the marginalised 2010 the host to preparing was city 77). The 2011, ju, Commonwealth Games, and urban development inclu from far was development This booming. was families poor 000 urban 140 estimated an and sive, Com the of because ‘resettled’ and evicted were in Settlements Games (Williams, 2010). monwealth be not could demolished were that Delhi Central opening the before billboards large behind hidden until view from obscured remained and ceremony, Games. the end of the focused on women empowerment. The first State- first The empowerment. women on focused was empowerment on women focusing led initiative implement Programme Development Women’s the a tri 1984, in Rajasthan of Government the ed by NGOs partnershippartite between government, the Many 2008, 1). (Sharma, institutions academic and of line long a into falls MCP the and followed, have variousnongovernmental, national, and transnation have that India in initiatives empowerment women al though Even 30 years. last the over initiated been be not might empowerment women of concept the consid shifted have term the of meanings the new, contexts. regional and time throughout both erably to insights feminist translating Kabeer, to According quantitative and advocacy of forms instrumentalist 35 ------The Indian State’s turn toward women’s em women’s toward turn State’s Indian The In comparing Kabeer’s definition with the the with definition Kabeer’s comparing In not without challenges, and has influenced debates challenges, debates and hasinfluenced without not 2015). (Roy, since feminism Indian in women’s issues, stepping up to deliver develop deliver issues, to up stepping women’s the of involvement failed. This state the where ment services was development NGO-sector delivering in the second wave of the Women’s Movement in In in Movement Women’s the of wave second the around centered often were NGOs, which with dia, several intersecting local, national and transnation and national local, intersecting several the in NGOs of mushrooming The processes. al of emergence the corresponded with largely 1970’s powerment as a desired strategy and goal of de of goal and strategy a desired as powerment velopment policies result of was the cumulative well as delegate their welfare responsibilities onto onto responsibilities welfare their delegate as well 2008, 42). (Sharma, NGOs and people’ ‘empowered role by educating individuals and communities in in communities and individuals educating by role as self-development and self-care of techniques the As such, empowerment initiatives may allow post allow may initiatives empowerment such, As down to India like states developmentalist colonial, redistributive and bureaucracies welfare their size ed towards neoliberal governance ideals. According ideals. According governance neoliberal edtowards Sharma,to empowerment help initiatives facilitate government. good and small of ideals neoliberal the groups to choose, which depoliticises the concept concept the depoliticises which choose, to groups shift have contents the Further, ‘empowerment’. of World Banks’ definition in 2007, there is a shift in a shift in is there 2007, in definition Banks’ World to and power of distribution the from away focus or individuals of capacity the increasing wards Poverty Net Website, 2007, cited in Harriss, 2007). 2007). Harriss, in cited 2007, Website, Net Poverty of increasing the capacity of individuals or groups groups or individuals of capacity the increasing of choices these transform to and choices make to Bank (World outcomes.’ and actions desired into cited in Harriss, 2007, 2716), has revised its defini its revised has 2716), 2007, Harriss, in cited more corresponds that one to empowerment of tion process the is ‘Empowerment ideals: neoliberal with ate with, influence, control and hold accountable in and hold accountable control with, influence, ate 2002, Bank, (World lives’ their affect that stitutions riss, 2007, 2716). The World Bank, who once defined defined once who Bank, World The 2716). riss, 2007, and assets of expansion the ‘(…) as empowerment negoti in, participate to people poor of capabilities consider a fundamental theme of the governmen the of theme aconsider fundamental (Har India in state post-liberalisation the of tality ASIA IN FOCUS face between the MCP and the urban poor as well the MCP, and were meant to the be human inter form of GRC-SKs (Dhanju, 2011, 8). ities, within the low-income areas in the city, in the groups, health and legal counseling and other activ poor women through vocational training, self-help the vulnerable population, and to empower urban extend the Governments’ welfare to delivery service of the MCP were two-fold: to reform, streamline and out of the position of vulnerability. The objectives powerment’ and as the key to lifting their families ban poor women –both as citizens entitled to ‘em the activities of the MCP were directed towards ur imately one to four million people. The majority of substantially, increasing approx from beneficiaries vulnerability. This led to the numbers of eligible economic vulnerability, but also social and spatial the definition of ‘vulnerability’, to include not only Based on expansive surveys, the MCP expanded (Desai &Sanyal 2012, 17, Dhanju &O’Reilly 2014). ency, efficiencyaccountability and governmentsof transpar the enhance and citizenand participation, that has two main goals: to promote empowerment neoliberal ideal of ‘good governance’ with an agenda for vulnerable populations. It corresponds to global a of Delhi, and make social security easier to access in the Government of the National Capital Territory cial security services of nine different departments 77-78).2011, vise and manage the urban poor citizens (Dhanju, ism by enabling the state to better super access, such projects creates technologies of new paternal collaboration between the state and NGOs within terests of urban poor citizens and global forces. The in an attempt to mediate between the diverging in duces new techniques for governing the urban poor governance’ initiatives like the MCP, the state intro eralism. Through development projects ‘good and and governance towards hybrid forms of neolib itantly, there have been notable in shifts economy ing an image of apaternalist welfare state. Concom The GRC-SKs were the operational arms of The MCP was to converge the 42 different so ------36 Mission ConvergenceMission Programme government a the NGO-sector within the Government, making the government’s the MCP included welfare services, depending on NGOs for the implementation of the ing their entitlements. Further, by including and go around the city to different departments claim localities, the urban poor would no longer have to (Dhanju, 2011, p. 80). With the GRC-SKs within their bureaucratic channels and government records the for serving the poor, and for including them within slums the within administrative unit an established vulnerablecity’s population, the Delhi Government in low-income areas frequently inhabited by the organisationswith community-based (CBOs) with tion. By establishing the GRC-SKs in collaboration as run activities decided by the central administra lowing the assassination of Indira Gandhi in 1984, onies were among the hardest hit in the riots fol (Naraian, 2014, Banerji, 10). 2005, Two of the col ernment’s slum clearances during the Emergency onies that were created in the Indira Gandhi gov of comprised is and threeDelhi, resettlement col The area serviced by the GRC-SK is located in East Empowerment at grassroots the well, but what was it like ‘on the ground’? of the vulnerable’ (CAPAM, 2012). This was all very now enabled government to reach the doorsteps engages more than 100 CBOs. These centers have implementationbottom-up structure that currently munity participation in governance by creating a objectives’ (UN, 2011). It ‘fostered effective com alleviationty women’s and empowerment core as toward holistic human development with pover a paradigm in shift governance with concrete steps the innovative way in which the MCP ‘represented Award in 2011. Both acknowledgements highlighted was also awarded aUnited Nations Public Service ministration and Management (CAPAM) awards. It al in the Commonwealth Association for Public Ad O’Reilly, 2014). & (Dhanju organised nongovernmental organisation (GONGO) In 2010 and 2011, The MCP won the gold med ------SPECIAL ISSUE ------In the quote above, Urmila makes two interest two makes Urmila above, quote the In All of the women interviewed emphasised emphasised interviewed women the of All ing points. First, she states that she now has the the has now she that states she First, points. ing In feet’. two own her on ‘stand to work, to skillset her that states she however, sentence, next the other In ‘outside’. work her let not does husband her but had increased, agency her sense of words, all-female space talking about daily life as well as as as well life about daily space talking all-female le on advice got and issues women’s rights, their one coursein after Most help. enrolled gal women difference but one see could a subtle other, the predom housewives married groups: two between young whereas course, sewing the attended inantly beauty-cul the attended married, yet not women, courses vocational the though Even course. ture to able women poor urban make to intended were them viewed women the of most workforce, the join and space a safe in attend could they activities as house. the of out time spend daily their to brought had center the change the time spending how highlight often would and lives, allowed had homes their of walls four the outside absolute has life “My humans. as ‘grow’ to them can I feet, two own my on stand can I changed. ly outside, work me let not does husband My work. from work I can course, sewing the of because but 06.04.12) Urmila, (Interview, home.” the GRC-SK were held during the daytime, as were were as daytime, the during held were GRC-SK the the in held meetings awareness mass ad-hoc the not was women of role triple the As communities. implementa the in account into taking sufficiently unable largely were women working MCP, the of tion activities. or meetings attend to gender and ‘Soft’ empowerment attitudes MCP, the of strategy empowerment the partAs of sewing courses: vocational two offered GRC-SK the pop very were courses These beauty-culture. and the called was GRC-SK the where point the to ular, col the in sewing-center) the (literally, silai-kendr and skill a new up picked women the While onies. an in months six enjoy to got also they a diploma, 37 ------The benefits of various development initiatives initiatives development benefitsThe various of Several NGOs have set up centers and activ and centers up set have NGOs Several area is largely comprised of neighborhoods divided divided neighborhoods of comprised largely is area at Activities lines. class and caste religious, along always travel across lines of identity. Class, caste, caste, Class, identity. of lines across travel always seemed centers the from distance or even religion projects, as of the implementation the influence to to obtain knowledge about services offered should about knowledge services should obtain offered to not did information the However, them. need she seemed to have. The neighbors in one block fre block one in neighbors The have. to seemed which one with another information shared quently regularly centers visit not did that women enabled might not be distributed evenly throughout the the throughout evenly be not distributed might initiatives the effect snowball the of a result as area the area, and incorporate them into her own and her her and own her into them incorporate and area, the families’ daily schedule. to attend one activity, she would likely learn about about learn likely would she activity, one attend to in activities other of advantage take to continue and while they tended to their daily chores. Likewise, Likewise, chores. daily their to tended they while multi attended interviewed women the of several startedwoman If a centers. different at ple activities were very popular, both because of the learning op learning the of because both popular, very were wom for a way as and provided, they portunities for cared properly were children their ensure to en with learning even though they were not formally formally not were they though even learning with centers educational school. in Non-formal enrolled in their vicinity simultaneously. For instance, out- instance, For simultaneously. vicinity their in centers often several attended children of-school offeringremedial education, fillingtheir entire days mental centers influenced the daily life in the colo the in life daily the influenced centers mental centers the of several used inhabitants Many nies. ities in the area, predominantly catering to women women to catering predominantly area, the in ities nongovern other and GRC-SK The children. and was deemed alcoholism, gam was crime, with asridden es unsafe, as perceived was and loitering, and bling pecially afterdark. both inhabitants and NGO-employees, inhabitants emphasised both area The colonies. the in life daily of challenges the as tense, and communal riots, this time between between time this riots, communal and tense, as 2014 of autumn the in erupted Muslims, and Hindus informants, the of Several 2014). Hafeez, and (Ghose where several hundred Sikhs were brutally killed killed brutally were Sikhs hundred several where perceived still is atmosphere The 2014). (Kesavan, ASIA IN FOCUS above, would only come to the GRC-SK or go to ofity women interviewed, even Lalita in the quote rolesgender inhibited their movements. The major 04.04.2012) ta, thing on her own, earn on her own.” (Interview, Suni proudbe to see his daughter go out and do some ther says: do something, then marry. (…) He would and her family was not rushing her either: “My fa could retire. She was not in arush to get married, to go out and earn for her family, so that her father happy told and bitious, would very how she me be own beauty parlour in a‘better’ area. She was am hi. She shared with me her dream of opening her private educational center in another of part Del puter an and English-speaking course at course a diploma. Inher addition, was enrolled she com in a in the beauty-culture course at the GRC-SK to get worked in abeauty parlour. She had now enrolled previously 22-year-old, had unmarried an Sunita, pressed: mother of two attending the sewing course ex Lalita, for 26-year-old instance, a ment processes. female members of their family in their empower with societal norms. gender development initiatives like the MCP do not break an exampleis of how empowerment components in predominantlyhusband, the main breadwinner. This sewing would course their enable them to support boundaries, especially by working from home. The opportunities to exert agency within their social viewed reflected on how they would use their new space to exert it, had not. Many of the women inter Many women would discuss the ways in which 03.04.2012) Lalita, (Interview, lot! of us will manage together. He supports me a something, outside of the house, grow -both half -it’s Get ok. out and do something, learn children! I’ll do half of the work at home, you do band was very cooperative, he says: Leave the It was my husband who sent me here. My hus There were examples also of supporting men ------38 ening towards Indian family ideals. towards ideals. ening family Indian en’s activity center’, it was not perceived as threat as asafe space for women to spend time, a‘wom 1816). Because the GRC-SK was largely perceived run the risk of appearing too extreme (Moser 1989, lutionary approach to women empowerment might within the empowerment approach, as atoo revo lution. According to Moser, this might intended be promotes gentle reform, not explicit feminist revo the Thus, Convergence Mission ders. Programme perhaps gently is but customs, pushing the on bor Indian society. It is not breaking the mold of societal is still largely in line with patriarchal structures in the women empowerment component in the MCP the market nearby on their own. We can say that While offering skill courses for building, thus aim reasons why it kept focusing on women: from the schemes. They took this to one be of the ment must also happy be to see women benefitting men!” They continued highlighting that the govern of us now, this is unfair of the government towards much going on for women, they are so much ahead ly: men “Some now even say that ‘ooh, there is so on the activities of the GRC-SK and said, joking Lalita, afriend of hers joined They us. elaborated within the communities. During the interview with of the government and NGOs did not go unnoticed The explicit focus on women empowerment on part development? The urban woman poor key –the to more than men! (Interview, Lalita, 03.04.2012) women are no than less men. Here, we are even andschemes opportunities for women. Here, on equal footing with men, there are as many than for women, but here Ifeel that women are there - schemes are more for schemes men of the time it is men that take advantage of women. Ifeel good about it, because most schemes, especially schemes pertaining to Here, I come to know about new government ------SPECIAL ISSUE - - - - - What is happening right now is that the men men the that is now right happening is What don’t. we but openly, express to right the have cannot we but talk], [and this like sit we I mean, we what is Freedom (…) happiness. our express women when that bad so is it area this In want. cut are they families their support to out go there know, you raped, are they blades, with I just So, happen. that things sorts of all are and change, to atmosphere entire the want their on freely move to be allowed should girls and out go to right the have also We (…) own should government The become something. 04.04.2012) Hemlata, (Interview, this. in us help After highlighting that they now felt more con more felt now they that highlighting After openly. happiness my express to like I would without having to take precautions because of the the of because precautions take to having without girls, they colonies. the in As young atmosphere ambitions their between mediating with struggled of perceptions and realities the life, in choices and fam their and roles gender prevailing and area, the expectations. ilies’ Even though the girls felt more empowered and and empowered more felt girls the though Even cir their women, as rights their of aware more were stra making from them prevented still cumstances scope their words, other In freely. choices life tegic they – but widened not had agency assert their to voiced They potential. its of aware acutely were fit saw they as themselves express to desire their ble population in general, by explicitly focusing on on focusing explicitly by general, in population ble who of ideas specific on based being and women and needs, does she is, what woman poor urban the large alienate to serve inadvertently may it wants, ac into taking By not poor. urban the of groups is it be a woman, can one ways of myriad the count trying verysolidifying the it gender is implicitly roles who women alienating possibly thus and modify, to Poor ‘Urban the of ideas MCPs to conform not do Woman.’ opinions their state to how learned had and fident shared women three the rights, their demand and life’: happy ‘a for wish their 39 ------wise, it’s the same. Actually, opening this cen this opening Actually, same. the it’s wise, but women, for things of a lot changed has ter happening, still are crimes the So men. for not are crimes these all and places other to go you 04.04.2012) Sameera, (Interview, place. taking It has changed mainly women’s life, they want want they life, women’s mainly changed has It people and more, something do and out go to Other own. your on something do to you want Three young girls aged 18, 19 and 22, at and 18, who 19 aged girls young Three tation and realisation of empowerment initiatives. initiatives. empowerment of realisation and tation vulnera the reach to aims MCP the though Even to conflate ’gender’ with ’women’, thereby failing to to failing thereby ’women’, with ’gender’ conflate to in face people relations gender of myriad the see implemen the on effect an has lives, everyday their tended for women. Following Moser (1989) we see see we (1989) Moser Following women. for tended discourse development of tendency global the that also including men more explicitly. Even though the the though Even explicitly. men more also including called gender resource were centers community in purposes and intent all for were they centers, ly. However, exemplified by the quote above, women women above, quote the by exemplified However, ly. without far so go only can initiatives empowerment Focusing on women’s empowerment in India is time is India in empowerment women’s on Focusing changed the lives of women, but not the community community the not but women, of lives the changed as a whole: tended remedial education at the GRC-SK, reflect GRC-SK, the at education remedial tended un was society their within change the how ed on had GRC-SK the like centers of opening The equal. rupting the public social order (Kabeer, 2001, 35). 2001, (Kabeer, order social public the rupting might contribute to informally renegotiating power power renegotiating informally to contribute might in ‘backstage’ women’s the improving by relations processesfluence dis decision-making without in tion of MCP, the women inhabited important roles roles important inhabited women the MCP, of tion because families, their in as well as colonies, the in knowledge obtained. This knowledge the of they community amongst women frequenting the center. center. the frequenting amongst women community implementa the in point focal the being by Further, economy, the GRC-SK offered womenfemale-only a offered GRC-SK the economy, fre issues were and women’s feminism space where discussed. a seemed sense build of This to quently ing to increase the women’s agency and their ca their and agency women’s the increase to ing growing the in participate and contribute to pability ASIA IN FOCUS ‘Urban Poor Woman’ both ameans and an end in wasty lost. This is one of the pitfalls of making the implementation, the overall effect on communithe Programme conflated ‘gender’ with ‘women’ in its ines which they lived. As the Mission Convergence did agencyand but not challenge the circumstanc contributed to the women’s of empowerment sense amongst urban poor women. Thus, the GRC-SK for building asense of community and self-worth bureaucraticand valuable very seemed assistance, could spend time and chat, as well as come for legal an all-femaleThe as GRC-SK, were space women their place within their family and society overall. ways to exert their agency that did not challenge der roles in Indian society, and thus, women found ever, the MCP did not confront the hegemonic gen on their own two feet’ should the need arise. How the vocational courses, they were now able to ‘stand of that because and them, issues concerned about changed. They more hadbecome knowledgeable en interviewed highlighted that their lives had and the effects of the MCP, the majority of wom with NGOs and government bodies alike. the women organised their daily lives and engaged initiatives influenced the myriad of ways in which en and thus, their apparent need for empowerment ‘ideal beneficiaries’, their status as urban poor wom always correspond to the MCPs expectations. As the context of their daily lives, in ways that did not theiraged agency, and their empowerment, within the urban poor women targeted by the MCP man answer to this question. As this essay has shown, by the MCP become empowered? There is no easy definitions, have the urban poor women targeted these choices into actions these and outcomes. By uals and groups, to make choices and to transform World Bank’s definition is to able, be both as individ contexts where this was previously The denied. being able to make strategic life choices within the empowered,Being according to Kabeer, about is Concluding remarks In their discussions rights, on empowerment, ------40 est are political geography, development and social at the University of Oslo. Her primary areas of inter tor at the Centre for Development and Environment Oslo in 2013. She now works as aproject coordina degree in South Asian Studies at the University of Gudrun Helland Cecilie E. stricted. ability to make life choices freely will remain con agent in development initiatives like the MCP, her in which she lives and including her as an active development: Without to trying change the context Email: India. zenship, gender, and right to the city, particularly in citi development, government and security, urban [email protected] completed Master’s her - - - - SPECIAL ISSUE

- The . doi: . Retrieved Sidastudies . Retrieved from . 3, 17-57. Retrieved Retrieved . 3, 17-57. , 42 (26), 2716 – 2724. 2724. – 2716 (26), 42 , , 25 (6), 815 - 831, doi: - 831, doi: 815 (6), , 25 The Indian Express The Indian Express 41 Ensuring public accountability through , 17 (11). 1799 - 1825 1799 (11). , 17 Development in practice Economicand Political Weekly 5(1), 100-108. 5(1), from Retrieved http://community.dur. Women, Gender and Everyday Social Transformation in in Women, Gender Social Transformation and Everyday . Retrieved from http://docplayer.net/ Urbanizing citizenship: contested spaces contested in Indian citizenship: cities.Urbanizing Political Science: Volume 4: India the Engages World Political Science: Volume . New Delhi, Institute of Social Studies Trust. Retrieved from http:// from Retrieved Trust. Studies Social of Institute Delhi, . New World Development World “Reaching the Unreached”: (Un)Making an Inclusive and World-Class . Retrieved from http://www.telegraphindia.com/. Retrieved (Doctoral dissertation). Retrieved from http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/ from Retrieved dissertation). (Doctoral (pp.1-18). London, Anthem Press. Anthem London, (pp.1-18).

Kaleidoscope: The Interdisciplinary Postgraduate Journal Durham of University’s Kaleidoscope:The Interdisciplinary Postgraduate Study Advanced of Institute ac.uk/kaleidoscope/index.php/kaleidoscope India (eds.) & A. Vanaik 10.1093/9780198085409.003.0004 Gender Needs, http://indianexpress.com/ from (eds.) & A. Waldrop Nielsen no. 3, Discussing women’s empowerment - Theory and practice and - Theory empowerment women’s 3,no. Discussing from http://www.sida.se Telegraph 13 injured, including eight with bullet injuries. http://indianexpress.com/ andUrban Governance in India. Delhi ETD-TAMU-2011-12-10703 India. Delhi, in politics reform 10/1080/09614524.2015.1063588 CAPAM awards 2011-2012 CAPAM Pvt. India Ltd. publications Sage Delhi. of Delhi. Paper presented at the conference conference the at presented Paper Delhi. of community action dspace.africaportal.org/jspui/

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agriculture, vulnerability gender, Keywords: societies, and thus foreground the material conditions of of conditions material the foreground thus and societies, life. everyday in gender difference while emphasising their multi-dimensional nature, we present present we nature, multi-dimensional their emphasising while rural changing these in roles women’s of account a nuanced processes of globalisation that work in an exclusionary exclusionary an in work that globalisation of processes manner a situated in inequalities these explaining By manner. reveals sets of intersecting inequalities which disadvantage disadvantage which inequalities intersecting of sets reveals through circumstances, vulnerable in are who women, these contexts, identifying several crosscutting gender-related crosscutting gender-related contexts, identifying several theory aissues. and grounded approach follows analysis Data the impact of globalisation on women within changing rural rural changing within women on globalisation of impact the of the Indian state of Uttarakhand with different farming farming different with Uttarakhand of state Indian the of examine to methods qualitative employs study The profiles. is based on a four-month study in a rain-fed agricultural agricultural a rain-fed in study a four-month on based is districts two spans and Himalayas, Kumaon the of region focuses on the roles women perform as biologically, culturally, culturally, biologically, as perform women roles the on focuses It actors. marginalised geographically and economically understanding of multi-dimensional inequalities in rural rural in inequalities multi-dimensional of understanding a gender lens that through communities mountainous This paper contributes an ethnographically informed Inequalities Life in Everyday SIDDHARTH SAREEN AND CELIE MANUEL Multi-dimensional Gendered Gendered Multi-dimensional HIMALAYAN COMMUNITIES: HIMALAYAN UPHILL TASKS WITHIN KUMAON KUMAON WITHIN TASKS UPHILL ASIA IN FOCUS T security solution, investing in irrigated agriculture, promoted the Green Revolution as a national food Plans development for economic aggressively to gain wide currency since the 1990s. the larger discourse of globalisation that come has ernisation (Tomozawa 2014), which is embedded in ment planning and in anational push towards mod other hilly tracts in independent India’s develop the general concerns of the Kumaon Himalayas and sion. This is symptomatic of the marginalisation of Garhwal administrative divi neighbouring khand’s low-lying state capital Dehradun located in Uttara the official language for bureaucratic matters in the challenged is itants, by the prevalence of Hindi as Kumaoni, spoken by over two million regional inhab of The use the Centralhouseholds. Pahari language such as forest wood for use as domestic fuel in rural natural resource base it is heavily dependent on, ing population continues to exert pressure on the small village communities (Kar 2007). Aburgeon ly in hilly terrain that is home to remotely-located, governmental remain challenge, support a especial Uttar Pradesh state in 2000, infrastructure and the reaches northern of developmentally-backward and cash crops of fruits. In this state carved out of agriculture in the form of both subsistence farming the Himalayan foothills, characterised by rain-fed state in northern India is amountainous region in The Kumaon administrative division of Uttarakhand In the 1970s, independent India’s Five-Year development in the Kumaon Himalayas. within the historical context of gender and he objective of this article is explained best ------44 farming communities in regions like Kumaon despite marginalised further thirds has India’s of farmland, to rain-fed agriculture, which comprises over two- riculture (Pingali 2012). Insufficient budget support but out left marginal farmers practicing rain-fed ag which favoured big commercial farmers in the plains significant sections’ (Agarwal 2001: 1623). Women ‘seemingly institutions participatory exclude can & Vaishnav 2015). In Uttarakhand and elsewhere, are difficult to implementaccess and (Sukhtankar schemes in India are seldom free of corruption and objectives.ed It is well established that government desired, falling well of short achieving their intend implementation of such policies leaves much to be wage level. tunities that offer local livelihoods at the minimum ployment to schemes create manual labour oppor and other necessities to poor households, and em tribution System grains subsidised which disburses developmenttions, the such as Public schemes Dis decentralised multi-tier self-government institu Tribes and Other Backward Classes within India’s of Scheduledquotas Castes, for Scheduled women, der. Specifically, these efforts have taken the form of differences along lines caste,of class and gen tional representation premised the on recognition and affirmative action as schemes well propor as enabling inclusion through resource redistribution sive policies, which have steadily moved towards dy &Mishra 2009). This is not for lack of progres recent global emergence a economic as force (Red India’s embrace of globalisation whole-hearted and On the one hand, research suggests that the ------SPECIAL ISSUE ------The results we put forward are based on an an on based are forward put we results The We aim to address this ambiguity in the lit the in ambiguity this address to aim We 2012) enabled insight into the ground realities of the the of realities ground the into insight enabled 2012) obtained We study. under communities and region development regional of understanding a historical communi the of characteristics basic on details and data empirical collected and staff, CHIRAG from ties activities conducted had CHIRAG where villages in in-depth qualitative study, complemented by a nu by complemented study, qualitative in-depth discus by partlyanced informed understanding a non-governmental with associated staff with sions experi regional of years 25 with (NGO) organisation that argue We observations. field by partly and ence bene promised its deliver truly to globalisation for exclusion the communities, Kumaoni these fits to be consid must processes linked of ary tendencies gendered intersecting, the address to order in ered lives. everyday their shape that inequalities and variation Methodology: Local methods hybrid qual independent an of outcome an is article This as conducted authors the study research itative Ac Rural Himalayan Central the with volunteers CHIRAG’s near located Being (CHIRAG). Group tion the throughout district headquarters Nainital in and analy collection data the conceptualisation, January to 2011 (October project the of phases sis erature and further an understanding of what de what of understanding an further and erature along development regional in inequality termines guiding The 2006). (Nightingale gender of lines di multiple the highlight to is paper this of intent understanding a gendered to relate that mensions as communities, Himalayan Kumaon in inequality of local members community by themselves identified general. in mountains the in life whendiscussing essen to tendency a reductionist against guard We nature to close necessarily being as women tialise gen from a perspective adopting by vulnerable or sees gender as that literature derdevelopment and socially constructed approaching 1996), (Mitchell re is constantly that construct problematic it as ‘a 113). 2010: itself’ (Tripathy structuring 45 ------On the other hand, literature on the gendered gendered the on literature hand, other On the region continues to point in strikingly different di different strikingly in point to continues region rections. women remain highly vulnerable in globalising In dia, addressing literature the multi-dimensional and the in inequality of nature gendered particular in en the discourse around these initiatives and the the and initiatives these around discourse en the rural Uttarakhand’s that above claims contrasting munity-partnered natural resource management management resource natural munity-partnered pancha (van councils village-based forest through Giv 2005). (Agrawal onward 1930s the from yats) (Gururani 2014; Sharma & Sudarshan 2010). Their Their 2010). & Sudarshan Sharma 2014; (Gururani com of pioneering Kumaon’s in cited also is role movement (Pathak 1985). This organising capacity capacity organising This 1985). (Pathak movement their in noted been also has women Uttarakhand’s of statehood for movement the in participation recent resource exploitation (Shiva 1988) and as resisting and as resisting 1988) (Shiva exploitation resource social as a linked youth amongst male alcoholism Garhwal in the 1970s (Warren 1988). These wom These 1988). (Warren 1970s the in Garhwal unsustainable beenas resisting recognised enhave natural of form the in modernisation of outcomes li 2011), is often associated with the eco-feminist eco-feminist the with associated often is 2011), li used who women of movement ‘chipko’ the of icon in felled being from trees protect to bodies their boasts a high forest cover (65%) and a literacy rate rate a literacy and (65%) cover forest a high boasts (Chandramou average national the above (79%) aspects of development in the region conveys a a conveys region the in development of aspects impression. rather different Uttarakhand, which velopment a mixed bag rather than something posi something than rather bag a mixed velopment 2004). (Klenk it of experience their to according tive 2005). Women also bear greater burdens from en from burdens also bear greater Women 2005). work’ ‘survival and 2008) (Ogra conflict vironmental find and de 2006), (Fracchia household the around from development in areas such as health, edu health, as such areas in development from in this management; resource and natural cation (Mikkola holds development backcommunity turn sation (Sarin 2001). Traditionally, women are placed placed are women Traditionally, 2001). (Sarin sation benefits accessing of terms in a disadvantage at obstacles benefitting for forces modernising from per or despite, communities same the in men than globali of processes burgeoning of, because haps comprise one such significant section in Uttara in section significant such one comprise greater and different face to continue they khand: ASIA IN FOCUS ducted separate analyses, then shared our catego informed and improved each other. We each con whereby the analysis data and collection iteratively (Glaser &Strauss 2009), and fashioned adesign proach often associated with grounded theory er took detailed notes. translating simultaneously to English while the oth author one with and questions both authors posing Hindi or, using an interpreter, in Kumaoni and Hindi, see Rose 1997). Interviews were conducted either in overall (on situating knowledge and methodology, everydaydiscussions about life development and how such differencescame to light naturally during soliciting differences gender directly, we examined can enable agood life in this context. Rather than and/or support agency external individual how and are for the respondent’s community; and household what the barriers to securing these components what the respondent thinks comprises a ‘good life’; communities. The three main foci in this guide were ing of the broad-based development needs within guide which aimed to give a deeper understand withinhouseholds the village. sources, the lay of the land and the distribution of such as distance from the road, access to forest re villages within each area that differed in key features ticed subsistence farming. Moreover, we selected in Bageshwarhouseholds district primarily prac cultivated mainly fruit or other cash crops, while women differently: households Nainital in district that impact agricultural characteristics particular and four respondents in each village. Each area had in interviewing 16villages, households one between with 52 respondents (46% women) from separate this time, we conducted semi-structured interviews tems in Nainital and Bageshwar districts. During four separate areas with different agricultural sys introduction to interviewees during data collection. sociation with CHIRAG thus served as abasis for targeted towards integrated development. as Our We followed the constant comparative ap Interviews were conducted using an interview We undertook fieldwork for two months across ------46 ties with rain-fed agricultural local economies. more inclusive in mountainous other and communi and render processes linked with globalising India ables to target in order to address gender inequality of this paper and we present them as the key vari community members. These codes form the focus by respondents reflecting as inequality gender for theprise self-expressed variables brought forward categories. across theme of gender inequality from trends observed emerging and abstracted codes, the crosscutting We jointly identified the key categories based on repeated to pool categories across the four areas. separate analysis and consultative was process ries, jointly grouping them for each area. The same This change involved moving away from joint fam they see.” [Elderly male respondent, Gajaar Village] things are changing. People want to live like what life are changing: “Ever since television has come, ing more common, young people’s expectations of respondent mentioned that with televisions becom inherited farmland from their fathers. However, one adjoining their parents’ home after marriage, and typically builtSons traditional bakhlis called houses patriarchal a system. on based families joint prising were predominantly Hindu, with com households (Chandramouliple 2011). Villages in our study areas mixed profile, with 85% Hindu and 13% Muslim peo (99%), Nainital district’s population has amore war district’s population is predominantly Hindu tent suggestions by trusted While traders. Bagesh families have always done – as well as to some ex farming methods informed by tradition –what their the people most part, rely on farming to get by, with and in some cases lack of connectivity by road. For limitedes, services (e.g. healthcare and education) eas with steep slopes and depleted natural resourc tricts in a mountainous region of India. These are ar The study areas represent rain-fed agricultural dis inequalities gendered Results: Multi-dimensional The codes within this particular theme com ------SPECIAL ISSUE ------This sentiment was supported by other re supported was other by sentiment This This generational gap is overwhelmingly gen is overwhelmingly gap generational This Nayal Village]. late her in woman well-off fairly One spondents. brighter are “girls although that forties mentioned in life to adjust to girls for difficult is … it boys than home.” at stayed always they’ve if places, outside ilar to what respondents mentioned about the in the about mentioned respondents what to ilar modern and life city to exposure television, of flux life in gap a generational introduced has amenities us: told mother One savoir-faire. and expectations alienated feels and city the in studied son own “My teacher, [Female facilities” lack us. areas These from Village] Dhutiya more the in especially respondents, der-specific; women most that out pointed areas, study remote vis even not have and world the to exposure lack lived had husband whose woman, One a city. ited where places as cities of spoke a time, for Delhi in However, a learn skill. something, learn could you be might she skill of kind what about prodded when able learn, to her answer unfamiliarity revealed and it’ in ‘making regarding disempowerment of a sense a job Doing know? to I supposed am “How city: the the know you village, the in Here difficult. is Delhi in to need you support. There have you and people yourself” respondent, out by [Female things figure liquidity resulted in higher consumption of alcohol. sen this replicated man a young village, another In – money goes goes, everything land one’s “If timent: does last” not respondent, Village]. [Male Chokhuta lifestyles modern to and world the to Exposure women leaving work, for cities to migrate men Many of care take to village the in behind children and alike respondents female and Male homes. and land opportunities the of available spoke overwhelmingly access of ease the and money making for cities in also while there, amenities and facilities modern to the hustle, the coin: the of flipside the out pointing Sim community. of lack the and air, clean of lack 47 ------Several respondents mentioned a growing respondentsa mentioned growing Several However, the possibilities for income genera income for possibilities the However, houses, these young female respondents agreed agreed respondents houses,female theseyoung more when especially lives”, “ruins land selling that [Young female respondent, Newada Hamlet]. De Hamlet]. Newada respondent, female [Young like assets buy to available becoming money spite motorbikes and agricultural equipment or improving land rarely led to better lives for the sellers, in fact, fact, in sellers, the for lives better to led rarely land properly” money use to able is anyone “hardly since Seeing the potential for a quick win and better lives, lives, better and win a quick for potential the Seeing of)(parts their off selling by responded locals some selling reported that one respondent However, land. trend of people from ‘outside’ who have ‘deep pock ‘deep have who ‘outside’ from people of trend mountains. the in homes second buy to looking ets’ farming, with men chipping in where hard labour labour hard where in chipping men with farming, was required. Women bore the brunt of everyday labour demands demands labour everyday of brunt the bore Women and incomes environmental these with associated needs were met through non-income-generating, non-income-generating, through met needs were such activities livelihood natural-resource-based material. housing and water firewood, collecting as by men but never by women. In the study areas in in areas study the In women. by never but men by provided also crops cash and fruit district, Nainital portion A household large of some annually. income Scheme (known as NREGA) available to both sexes, sexes, both to available NREGA) as (known Scheme migration seasonal some with casesin combined holds subsisted on farming and generated some some generated and on farming holdssubsisted employment labour minimum-wage from income Guarantee Employment the through National Rural existed, these took the form of relatively well-remu relatively of form the took these existed, house posts. commonly, More government nerated tion outside of agriculture are still limited in these these in limited still are agriculture of outside tion households in within individuals few Very areas. that cases rare the in jobs; formal had village each weather and climate-related risks [Elderly male re male [Elderly risks and climate-related weather Village]. spondent, Gajaar for it. Our respondent noted: “Agriculture is not not is “Agriculture noted: respondent Our it. for own its with comes it as life” of kind that for enough family in a more nuclear family setting. At the same same the At setting. family nuclear a more in family brought globalisation with associated trends time, desire the or – consumerism in increase an about ily structures. While fathers want to keep families families keep to want fathers While structures. ily own their sons want generations, across together ASIA IN FOCUS of women. of and looking after children, are all the responsibility as well as farm work, tending to the cattle, cooking fuel-wood (often from kilometres away, or uphill), such as fetching water, fodder, cattle bedding and ment keep Tasks to women bound work. house few opportunities very and fordens paid employ by. them nities for life improvement to alarge extent passed more remote areas, seemed to feel that opportu common perception, and women, especially in the dia as spouses to men in the army –it seemed a of village, and women who had travelled all over In – we did in fact meet female teachers, female heads Village] all there is in their lives.” [Female respondent, Nayal girls are married off; they don’t go to work. That’s thenpre-school, they and then school, finish the dren growing up, awoman told us: “Now there’s a communities. Speaking of the experience of chil similar level of schooling for girls and boys in rural muchbe more limited than men’s irrespective of a Women’s opportunities in life were perceived to opportunities Life sharing can help other women improve their lots. the village”,benefit indicating that knowledge such “goes to meetings all over to learn things that can ample avery active woman in their community who this experience, they mentioned as apositive ex Chaugaonchhinarespondent, Village]. In relation to [Elderly we benefits” knowledge, get no no female opportunity to benefit from them: “Since we have velopment and schemes don’t get and support the working at home, they don’t get to know about de work outside the village stating that since they are to the opportunity and knowledge denied being en [Female Bohrakot respondent, Village]. A combination of high domestic work bur While this reflection may overly be pessimistic voiced frustration respondents Other at wom ------48 Women will get at least 100 days, maybe more.” earn can men more because scheme, elsewhere. Village told us that “it is mostly women who use the NREGA scheme. Avillage health worker in Satbunga ly available to women is manual labour through the Village] ing…” [Young Chaugaonchhina respondent, male have so much work at home... maybe some stitch ously responded: “What’s possible for women? They who had worked both in Bombay and Delhi dubi could do at home, for instance –one young man development of microenterprise work – that women There’s so much alcohol in the village, the men one respondent retorted: “Voice? What voice? mestic abuse. When prodded about women’s voice, they were forced to put up with this and even do bling), and as women not earning their own income, dered much of the money (e.g. on alcohol and gam consumption, respondents stated that squan men areas characterised by high a level of male alcohol tlement would restrict In some such opportunities. that emphasised spondents the lack of enti legal they needed to feel confident and empowered, re respondent, Gajaar Village] [Male finances” to market handle crops and bring – even though they do all the work, it’s the men who “Women have no idea about what the crops bring in lihood, women often lacked control over their lives: money and not having independent means of live en to have their own income. Knowing little about household finances and it was not normal for wom generallyspondents said that control held men of interview her] spondent, Gajaar Village, upon our requesting to am not“I educated. Iknow nothing.” [Female re Voice empowerment and One opportunity for income generation for income wide opportunity One for the opportunities about questioned When While stating that for women’s lives to improve, Despite the higher work burden of women, re ------SPECIAL ISSUE ------As the sub-section on exposure to the world world the to exposure on sub-section the As extends to opportunities for acquiring knowledge knowledge opportunitiesacquiring to for extends rural deniedto consistently are and skills, which be life in participate to wish their despite women roles. subjugated traditional and village their yond con socially are roles gendered manner, this In cases demon exceptional 1996); (Mitchell structed modern lifestyles, life opportunities, and voice and and voice and opportunities, life lifestyles, modern pic gendered a persistently reveal empowerment, as globalisation even development Kumaoni of ture drawn are Villagers aspirations. people’s changes future a with dissatisfied and lifestyles modern by of limits economic and uncertainties the on based is gen farmland selling yet agriculture; subsistence lack inhabitants since a mistake as regarded erally in other renders skills, which management financial Indeed, ownership. land than less secure vestments on spending male about worry to continue women threat the with now except 1985), (Pathak alcohol sale the from gains windfall irreplaceable losing of men only jobs, urban of lure the Despite land. of shoul women while work for seasonally migrate der heavy fetching work’ domestic ‘survival like and cattle children, to tending water, and wood fuel house mainte cooking farmland, and routine doing 2006). also Fracchia (see tasks nance divide gender this shows, lifestyles modern to and felt the pressure of tradition to make ritual sacrifices sacrifices ritual make to tradition of pressure the felt being as such a son, to especially birth, giving after unbalanced) (and restrictive a very have to obliged breast despite birth the after period a long for diet were who women prevented also Tradition feeding. remarrying, some in from early widowed although “Wid cases implications: had certain this positive without [i.e. conditions economic better have ows oth on money spend not do they because men] almost spent men some that estimating things”, er monetary of household on income alco two-thirds Village] Gajaar Respondent, hol.[Male of gendered impact The Discussion: Himalayas Kumaon the in globalisation to and world the to exposure on findings above The 49 ------so much, she won’t even tell us her name. [Fe name. her us tell even won’t she much, so Village]. male respondent, Udaidkhani Regardless of whether I’m right or wrong, it’s it’s wrong, or right I’m whether of Regardless ... Otherwise they’ll I speak. that important some In speak. to right the have I don’t think hesitate will woman – the that like it’s places, This respondent also reflected on women’s on women’s also reflected respondent This In other villages, the experience of the wom the of experience the villages, other In Domestic problems would oftenbe not would ad Domestic problems This woman had been chosen as sarpanch sarpanch as chosen been had woman This times with inputs from village elders, decided how how decided elders, village from inputs with times women and have, should a woman children many The lack of women’s individual empowerment was Re bodies. own their to rights their in reflected also household, the some spondents elders said within their husband’s village as a bride, while still recog still while a bride, as village husband’s their to: able are women all not that nising need to ensure their own agency upon moving to to moving upon agency own their ensure to need “Sometimes the woman has to listen to the elders elders the to listen to has woman the “Sometimes also husband the sometimes but husband, the orto equal.” it’s house, this In listen. to has anything about these things”. said: respondent female One dismal. as not was en other’s company during daily chores like collecting collecting like chores daily during company other’s doing for unity no “There’s water: fetching and grass ask the police” and despite the fact that the sense sense the that fact the despite and police” the ask de and strong was women between community of each sharing spent they time the through veloped serious cases by public law enforcement officials, officials, enforcement law casesserious public by and out go to afraid feel “We said: she as because, what is a woman in that position to do?” to position that in a woman is what more in even not community, the within dressed tion, she worked as a community health worker but but worker health a community as worked she tion, household the work: all “I doing despite us that told – at yelled and outside working for at sworn get still (head of village) as a result of an imposed quota for for quota imposed an of a result as village) of (head addi In educated. most the being her and women speak up against her husband.” [Female respon [Female her husband.” speak against up village]. dent, anonymised come home and create trouble and then there’s no no there’s then and trouble create homecome and can woman No […] bed hungry go to you and food ASIA IN FOCUS their biological identity (Rocheleau et al. 2013). The address the gendered inequalities they face due to turally, economically and geographically unable to marginalised to such an extent that they are cul sional, gendered inequalities: women are multiply (Klugman et al. 2014). This points to multi-dimen independent income, voice, and legal protection visible in terms of their limited access to knowledge, 2008). Women’s lack of individual empowerment is in the mountains (also see Elmhirst &Resurreccion tural, economic and geographical dimensions of life ginalisation is based on intersecting biological, cul even how many children they may have. This mar how and where they live their lives, and sometimes whether not, or spent, income is hold sold land is women are not allowed to co-determine how house Many child-bearing. and linked alcoholism, with in terms of domestic violence financial decisions, overwield especially women, within the household, empowerment reveals the power enormous men systematically premised (Agarwal gender on 2001). mannera reminiscent of ‘participatory exclusions’ in work, farm and duties domestic back-breaking to marriage, life choices their restricts drastically tional gendered expectations. female born Being women’s futures are determined in line with tradi 2001). By and large, as Klenk (2004) also argues, highly circumscribed nature of their options (Sarin tarakhand, but rather by acute awareness of the (2010) Sudarshan Ut rural for and argue Sharma panied by political representation inclusion, and as en with some local livelihoods, these are not accom that while provide development do schemes wom history.tarakhand’s mental resistance (Shiva 1988) movements in Ut community forestry (Agrawal 2005) and environ roles to ascribed women inerful pre-globalisation ofsort exception is at quite aremove from the pow Yet (Mikkola 2005). inequity this social trenched encourage mobilise and others to redress such en strate that some empowered, proactive women can Most worryingly, the sub-section on voice and The sub-section on life opportunities shows ------50 parents and from their home communities, of young and working in cities feeling alienated from their in these communities. Stories of children educated of which appear to sustainably be improving lives rations of the youth to live modern lifestyles, neither on selling land to ‘outsiders’ and given rise to aspi has enabled quick access to money for men based & Mishra 2009). Rather, in these areas, globalisation despite the Green Revolution (Pingali 2012; Reddy saw little evidence of modernisation of agriculture We communities. mountain agrarian their outside women’s knowledge of and exposure to the world show marked differences in Kumaoni men’s and ened by limits over women’s will and agency. dynamic nature of gender (Tripathy 2010) is weak apprehending the variety of exclusionary ways in opmental challenges within globalising India entails thatstudy addressing suggest Uttarakhand’s devel (ibid.). Uttarakhand in en 87% of males being literate compared to 70% wom the sexes of 17 percentage points (pp) persists with literacy gender a and ofage 18, differencebetween tween 20-24 years of age are married before the comes for male infants. Almost 15% of women be determination, as well as better nutritional out male foeticide despite laws banning prenatal sex 2011) suggesting adisheartening likelihood of fe female to male child sex ratio of 919 (Chandramouli 1000 boys)ery which trails behind India’s national male child sex ratio (0-6 years) is (girls 890 for ev in demographic statistics. Uttarakhand’s female to 2006). (Nightingale es disadvantagedbe in these and most other process ties (Tomozawa 2014). This study shows women to beneficial ways towards these mountain communi ing processes of globalisation not being routed in (villager’s words) present apicture of the burgeon one-off influxes of too much money ‘ruining lives’ that remain unavailable to them, and of alcohol and men frustrated at seeing amenities on television The findings of this qualitative study thus The trends emerging from this qualitative The bias in favour of males is also reflected ------SPECIAL ISSUE recently completed his PhD at at PhD his completed recently graduated with a Masters in Public Public in a Masters with graduated [email protected] [email protected] monitoring and evaluation. She has a keen interest interest a keen has She evaluation. and monitoring development. and health global in background and Email: Siddharth Sareen Sareen Siddharth Economics Resource and Food of Department the a currently is and Copenhagen of University the at for Centre Weber Max the with fellow postdoctoral Erfurt, and Studies, Social and Cultural Advanced Delhi. New Growth, Economic of Institute the Email: Manuel Celie is She Copenhagen. of University the from Health Gender and Evaluation, Monitoring, the currently for Institute International the at Adviser Learning she where (IIED) and Development Environment for specialist a methods as teams research supports 51 ------what these factors currently are in the Kumaon Hi Kumaon the in are currently factors these what malayas. terventions must respond to gendered inequalities inequalities gendered must respondto terventions keep or exacerbate that factors the targeting by furthers of It understanding our entrenched. them ly empower communities and bring the purported purported the bring and communities empower ly in them, development to benefits globalisation of this and comparable regions need to acknowledge acknowledge to need regions comparable and this (Kabeer inequalities intersecting these address and tru to that suggests study This 2007). Kar 2010; omy (Sukhtankar & Vaishnav 2015). Interventions Interventions 2015). & Vaishnav (Sukhtankar omy in development services in actors public and by realities of everyday life in the Kumaon Himalayas Himalayas Kumaon the in life everyday of realities moun of integration the towards critical so are that econ global and national the in communities tain files (cash-crop versus subsistence farming). Gov farming). subsistence versus files (cash-crop with processes schemes linked and larger ernment these target to little done have India globalising on gender was present across communities regard communities across on gender present was pro livelihood and remoteness in differences less of inequality within communities, which is being com being is which communities, within inequality modernisation by mitigated than rather pounded based Marginalisation processes. globalisation and inequalities for development for inequalities deep-seated of gender evidence provides Our study ing that dominates mainstream discourses. mainstream dominates that ing gendered Addressing Conclusion: stories of globalising India as an emerging power power emerging an as India globalising of stories imagina popular the captured otherwise have that courtesy spectacle-making the nation-build tion of exclusions take in two mountainous districts of Ut of districts two in mountainous take exclusions the from removed rather remain These tarakhand. women, in Uttarakhand’s rain-fed com agricultural munities (Afshar & Barrientos 1999; 2005). Mikkola these forms specific some demonstrated have We which globalisation does or does not affect the lives lives the affect not does or does globalisation which for especially thereof, implications the and people of ASIA IN FOCUS Pathak, (1985) S. Intoxication as asocial evil: Anti-alcohol movement in Uttarakhand. Ogra, V. M. (2008) Human–wildlife conflict and gender in protected area borderlands: a Nightingale, (2006) A. The nature of gender: work, gender, and environment. Environment Mitchell, (1996) S. Gender and Development: Asafe recipe. Mikkola, (2005). A. Role of Gender Equality in Development -ALiterature Review. Klugman, J., Hanmer, Twigg, L., Hasan, T., S., McCleary-Sills, J., &Santamaria, J. (2014). (2004). M. Klenk, R. is the ‘Who Developed Woman?’ Women as aCategory of Development Kar, (2007). S. Inclusive growth in hilly regions: priorities for the Uttarakhand economy. Kabeer, (2010). N. Gururani, (2014). S. “Geographies that Make Resistance”: Remapping the Politics of Glaser, (2009). & Strauss, G., L. B. A. Fracchia, (2006). E. M. Elmhirst, &Resurreccion, R., P. B. (2008). Gender, environment and natural resource (2011). C. Chandramouli, Agrawal, (2005). A. Agarwal, (2001). B. Participatory exclusions, community forestry, and gender: An analysis Afshar, &Barrientos, H., (1999). S. Introduction: Women, globalization and fragmen References India. India. perceptions, study vulnerabilities and ofcase costs, from Uttarakhand (Uttaranchal), D: planning and 140-143. 6(2): Papers Discussion Center of Economic Research DC: World Bank Publications. Voice and agency: Empowering women and girls for shared prosperity Discourse, Kumaon, India. WorkingInstitute Paper of Economic Growth inequalities intersecting Himalayan Studies and Nepal for and PlaceGender in Uttarakhand, India. research qualitative Kumaon, in work Indian gendered management: natural and management: New dimensions, new debates. Gender resource Commissioner.Census subjects for South Asia and aconceptual framework. Palgrave 1-17. Macmillan, tation. In Geoforum . Durham: Duke University Press. Women, Women, globalization fragmentation and developing the in world Can the MDGs provide a pathway to social justice? The challenges of Livelihoods, mobility and interventions and mobility Livelihoods, Environmentality: Technologies of government of making the and 39(3), 1408-1422. 39(3), Society and Space . Transaction. Publishers. Census of India Census Colonialism and Development: Reinventing Development: and ‘Tradition’Colonialism and . Brighton: Institute of Development Studies. Development and Change and Development The discovery of grounded theory: Strategies for 34(1), 12. 34(1), (Doctoral dissertation, University of Oregon). 24(2), 165-185. . New Delhi: Office of the RegistrarGeneral and Himalaya, the Journal of the Association World Development . New Delhi. 52 , 84. , 35(1), 57-78. 35(1), . 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SPECIAL ISSUE . New 15(2), 140. Proceedings of of Proceedings , 41(5), 43-51. , 41(5), . New Delhi: Kali for for Kali Delhi: . New Agrarian crisis inAgrarian India IDS Bulletin Feminist political ecology: Global 53 , 5(3), 341-364. Studies in the Humanities , 20(1), 113-121. 11, 193-261. , 109(31), 12302-12308. 109(31), , 1360-1365. , 21(3), 305-320. . Abingdon: Routledge. . Abingdon: Journal of Urban and Regional Studies on Contemporary Contemporary on Studies Regional and Urban of Journal India Forum Policy Development in Practice Staying alive: Women, ecology, and survival Women, ecology, alive: Staying in India Gender, Technology and Development Technology Gender, 1(2), 9-20. India gender difference. Women. Options. Policy and Uttarakhand. of State the India. India. Uttarakhand, rural in women hill from Learning Delhi: OUP. Delhi: experience local and issues Progressin human geography Economic andPolitical Weekly Sciences of Academy National the Tripathy, J. (2010) How gendered is Gender and Development? Culture, masculinity, and and masculinity, Culture, Development? and Gender is gendered How (2010) J. Tripathy, Warren, K. J. (1988) Toward an ecofeminist ethic. ethic. ecofeminist an Toward K. (1988) J. Warren, Sukhtankar, S., & Vaishnav, M. (2015). Corruption in India: Bridging Research Evidence Evidence Research Bridging India: in Corruption M. (2015). S., & Vaishnav, Sukhtankar, in Economies Regional of Development the and Industrialization K. (2014) Tomozawa, Shiva, V. (1988). (1988). V. Shiva, Sharma, D., & Sudarshan, R. M. (2010) Towards a politics of collective empowerment: empowerment: collective of politics a Towards R. M. (2010) Sudarshan, & D., Sharma, Rose, G. (1997). Situating knowledges: positionality, reflexivities and other tactics. tactics. other and reflexivities positionality, knowledges: Situating (1997). G. Rose, Sarin,M. Empowerment and (2001). disempowerment of forest womenin Uttarakhand, Rocheleau, D., Thomas-Slayter, B., & Wangari, E. (2013). (2013). E. B., & Wangari, Thomas-Slayter, D., Rocheleau, Reddy, D. N., & Mishra, S. (2009). Agrarian crisis in India. India. in crisis Agrarian S. (2009). N., & Mishra, D. Reddy, Pingali, P. L. (2012). Green Revolution: Impacts, limits, and the path ahead. ahead. path the and limits, Impacts, Revolution: Green L. (2012). P. Pingali, ASIA IN FOCUS CECILIE NORDFELDT CECILIE Keywords: possibilities unavailable to other members. household to respected husbands, as the couple may realise new capital only based on their education, but also on their connection highly to her attractiveness. Such women obtain authority not marry more attractive wives, and agirl’s education contributes in search of waged work. Men who succeed professionally can subsistence farmers in their husbands’ village, men often migrate, global job and commodity markets. While married women remain These remote communities are today woven into national and changes. with their status husbands’ larger and socio-economic capital—this article sees women’s position also in connection result of their education—a new and valued form of cultural While others have studied changes in women’s position as a before. had than women their in stronger maritalhome position households in such away that some younger women may gain a to create differences in terms within class of multi-generational social capital available to young women and men work together and 2008–11. I argue that new forms of economic, cultural and It is based on 23 months of ethnographic fieldworks in 2002–3 Himalayan state of Uttarakhand, focusing particularly on women. affect authority structures in rural households in the Indian The article explores how larger socio-economic transformations Within North-Indian Households How New Forms of Capital Create Class Differences MOTHERS-IN-LAW”: THE BECOME “THE DAUGHTERS-IN-LAW HAVE : India, : economic change, gender, education, class household, 54 SPECIAL ISSUE ------alisation during the 1990s in India, and others refer refer others and India, in 1990s the during alisation (Balachan centuries of terms in processes these to intercon Global 2007). Eriksen, 2005; al., et dran & (Assayag distributed unevenly is nectedness globalisation article explores and this 2005), Fuller, of commodification the of effects the fringes, its at nomic capital vis-à-vis the other members of the the of members other the vis-à-vis capital nomic a class emerge dif thus may household, and there next sec the In itself. household the within ference connected being as this I see how explain I will tion, the of outline an with follow and trends, global to households. show, then rural I shall of organisation educa women’s how example, elaborated an using al to together work can careers husbands’ and tion I conclude Finally, authority. female of structures ter factor new relatively a as class of discussion a with households. structuring in global of the fringe at and work Life change deepening widening, the to refers Globalisation interconnectedness global of up speeding and (Balachandran & Subrahmanyam, 2005), character and acceler ised disembedding, standardisation by with vary reference of Points 2007). (Eriksen, ation Cold the after period the to globally referring some liber economic simultaneous the to locally or War, Sen 2000). While changes in women’s situations situations women’s in changes While 2000). Sen own their of effect an as studied been have and can employment and education as such their status, technol new and 2014) Vandsemb, 2014; (Gjøstein, that I believe 2014) Winther, 2014; (Tenhunen, ogies situa women’s in changes into insights important when gained North-Indianin households are tions larg taking and dyad husband-wife the at looking A account. into er socio-economic transformations revo a parallel with along economy, capitalist new relationships affecting slowly is education, in lution households through rural betweenin women the than known lesswell are which micro-processes settings processes urban in household of change I as are, couples Husband-wife 2005). Donner, (e.g. eco and cultural social, increase to able show, will 55 ------uring fieldworks in the Chamoli and and Chamoli the in fieldworks uring districts inRudraprayag the Uttarakhand men old and oftenby I was told, Himalayas, In their natal village, girls today both study and and study both today girls village, natal their In

ies which find that education strengthens women’s women’s strengthens education that find which ies 1999, Kabeer (e.g. participants social as capacities tion make them confident at the age of marriage, in in marriage, of age the at confident them make tion mothers-in-law uneducated when their to contrast stud and theories to well corresponds This married. have often completed year 10, high school, or even even or school, high 10, year completed often have educa their and maturity increased Their college. a school, today’s brides in the area I studied, which which I studied, area the in brides today’s a school, of a couple for buses and roads by served been had and twenties late to teens late their in are decades, (Forerer, 2012). While the older mothers-in-law mar older mothers-in-law the While 2012). (Forerer, in foot set having without teens, early their in ried less education had to be given a larger dowry.” Their Their dowry.” a larger be given to had less education access on part depends in education of level final vicinity their in schools tertiary and secondary to A village woman claimed: “I gave one daughter a lot a lot daughter one “I gave claimed: woman A village had who one The less. (…) other the and dowry, of status. Education may help secure girls a good mar a good girls secure help may Education status. ed an as husband employed an to preferably riage, offspring. future for asset an as seen is wife ucated participate in farming. Changes in young women’s women’s young in Changes farming. in participate quotation, confidence,previous as the suggested in educational new their to part be contributed in may Lamb, 2000; Nordfeldt 2006; Polit, 2006). 2006). Polit, 2006; Nordfeldt 2000; Lamb, any unmarried youths of their husband’s lineage. lineage. husband’s their of youths unmarried any so vulnerable a as described been widely has This 1999; & Wadley (Jacobson wives for position cial households with their mother-in-law and father-in- and mother-in-law their with households and wives, their and brothers his husband, their law, the elders in a new family, as they are incorporat are they as family, a new in elders the of village and house unknown until-then the ed into extended in live typically they There husband. their er generations of housewives within households. within housewives of er generations Marriages arranged, are andupon marriage, young of demands and style the to adjust to have women en, however, did not express this inversion of au of inversion this express not did en, however, between older and young relationships thority in er women alike, that “today the daughters-in-law daughters-in-law the “today that alike, women er wom Younger mothers-in-law.” the become have D ASIA IN FOCUS assisting in some agricultural chores and cattle in charge of construction and repairs, ploughing, 60 years ago as well. At that time, the men were ofity men were farmers alongside their wives 50– nurturing children. In the region Istudied, amajor time, also responsible for cleaning, cooking and ni, 2002; Nordfeldt, 2006). Women are, at the same component in local identity (Dyson, 2010; Gurura work in the forests and farms remains an important represent acontinuation of the past. Women’s hard leavingcades, few young men behind today. century, the trend has exploded in the last few de as private cooks, or in similar menial jobs in the last have studied migrated to serve mainly in the army, though asmall percentage of youth from the area I ly new opportunities to Uttarakhand youths. Even and other around places the world provides entire to (and new commodity access in) the Persian Gulf 2014) and created new jobs, while work migration erated the process of commodity demand (Wilhite, The economic liberalisation of the 1990s has accel nect to aglobal development agenda (UN, 2016). knowledge production con and certification, and my, are also of part aglobal trend of standardising ate the basis for aworkforce for the future econo of education in post-independence India, which cre new of types jobs can thus developed. be Policies tied up in farming can move to urban centres where banisation, since the labour force that was previously facilities and distribution chains is that it enables ur effect of food surplus, when combined with storage increasing number of rural private stores. Another subsidised food (Banik, 2000) and later through an through the Public Distribution System (PDS) for food surplus and afood market in the region -first that affected life in the Himalayan hills. It created a and India (Kingsbury, 2009) was aglobal project fundingneers, and policy ideas from Mexico, USA, tion in 1960–70s India that involved scientists, engi sal means of payment has risen. The green revolu where a need for money as a standardised, univer food and other market goods in local communities Married women’s economic activities today ------56 hold end up with more varied life trajectories than some of the time, young men of the same house or the wish to keep at least one man close to home city, diversification of career-investment in siblings, job scar reasons contacts, talent, personal such as the age of 40 live permanently in the village. For 200 households, only afew handfuls of men under necessitates migration (Strand, 2003). In around expected to earn money, which for the most part and two were government clerks. Today, all men are at least one was aschool teacher, three were chefs Among these, most served as soldiers in the army, the current grandparents’ generation migrated. had focus village only acouple of handfuls of men of al variation in the number of men migrants, in my grazing (Sax, 1991). Though there has been region to day needs of the family. Tasks were distributed to which tasks, uphold all the day served mentary Rekha (25yrs), parallel comple and performed Parvatihousehold, (55yrs), Sakuntala (30yrs) and authority. of distribution the of law controls everyday food choices, and it is telling the example that follows, one of the daughters-in- food remains nevertheless an indicator of power. In for severe rationing. Control over and distribution of al basic food, and therefore diminish the necessity scarce, the PDS and local stores provide addition position today: though the yields from the land are power. However, granaries do not hold the same Older men talked about this as asymbol of their the key to household granaries around their necks. cook and when to eat. Mothers-in-law used to carry decides the division of chores and controls what to are directly supervised by their mother-in-law. She and thus seniority, of their husband. Young women several brothers are ranked according to the age, In kinship terms, women who are married to one of Household Authority Structures within the ago. two or those of their fathers and grandfathers generation a In 2008-9, the housewives of this anonymised - - - - - SPECIAL ISSUE ------Sakuntala married in her early twenties after During the months I lived in her village, Sakun village, her in I lived months the During care for me. I have to listen to them! (…) The The (…) them! to listen to I have me. for care (Parva me. at back answers even one younger conversation) a recorded from transcription ti, Importantly, she often decided what and when to to when and what decided often she Importantly, that suspected she that confided a neighbour eat; when cream the off skimmed sometimes Sankuntala kitchen. the to cowshed the from milk brought she cor remote college through at twofinishing years band-wife relationship could have evolved in a in sim evolved have could relationship band-wife past the in system, economic old the within way ilar avenues, different radically such took rarely sons was, it As less assertive. were daughters-in-law and a dif wielded Sakuntala, daughter-in-law, eldest the ferent authority. Sakuntala, the eldest daughter-in-law Sakuntala was married theto eldest son, Harpal a calm had she well-built, and strong was She (35). She was authority. a and motherly heartfelt laughter cup a share and down sit to people invite to quick a story. and tea of after looking house the near stayed mostly tala the preparing children, herherand sister-in-law’s and cowshed the to going cleaning, meal, midday the In her mother-in-law. with chores other sharing with sister-in-law she helped her younger evening, kitchen. the in children after looking or cooking Parvati had had a strict mother-in-law who made who made mother-in-law had had a strict Parvati To food. enough her gave never and hard work her power with woman the been have should she day, mothers- other like food, and work over decide to dared daughter-in-law her youngest Instead in-law. the into back, went seldom she talk herself and to called daughters-in-law her before eat to kitchen She seniority). to according served is (food her for sup of lack husband’s her to squarely this relates practical of lack his to importantly, port, more and left tacitly household the having to contributions hus the While son. eldest the to responsibilities all 57 - - - - - band does not look out for me, then what can can what then me, for out look not does band so I do daughter-in-law? and son my to I say not do daughters-in-law my yet work, much There are two sons yet to be married, but he he but be married, to yet sons two are There re the all fulfils son older My care. not does for husband the found even He sponsibilities. any have not does father His sister. older his hus own my When (…) world. the in worries Parvati had been married in her early teens, teens, early her in married been had Parvati position in the family: Parvati’s relationship with her husband Ragvir was was Ragvir husband her with relationship Parvati’s her affected failings his how explained She strained. and had never been to school. One brother had a a had brother One school. to been never had and married was who daughter, one had She job. factory sons. four and village, in-laws’ her to moved had and had eaten without her. without had eaten her daughter-in-law would say if she took a break. a break. took she if say would daughter-in-law her daugh her that sadness expressed she times A few and a meal for in her call to failed had ters-in-law courtyard to the other, inside and out again, upstairs upstairs again, out and inside other, the to courtyard showed She back. and cowsheds the to down, and what about concerned was she that eyes her with various chores near the house. Parvati seemed to to seemed Parvati house. the near chores various the of corner one from movement, perpetual be in was petite, with dark hair, shining brown eyes and and eyes brown shining hair, dark with petite, was the was she women, older other Like smile. a warm performed and daytime during babysitter regular Parvati was married to Ragvir Singh, a farmer. She She farmer. a Singh, Ragvir to married was Parvati Work Parvati, the mother-in-law and educated. educated. and and Authority Balance of Precarious stantial authority as the wife of the main provider provider main the of wife the as authority stantial well-connected also she household, was and the for show, Parvati, the mother-in-law, who has the high the whohas mother-in-law, the Parvati, show, her around tiptoe would status, kinship est-ranking who Sakuntala, wielded sub eldest daughter-in-law, according to kinship status, but were affected by by affected but were status, kinship to according I will as Thus, rank. class their as I understand what ASIA IN FOCUS in the forest gathering wood and cattle fodder. She birth. Rekha spent long days working in the fields or and took them up again afew weeks after giving stay, Rekha did all the heaviest and dirtiest chores, work. day’s to crack a joke and have a laugh, even after a long had a temper, she was mostly cheerful, always ready jpal (32). She was small, but strong, and while Rekha Rekha was married to the second eldest son, Ra daughter-in-law younger the Rekha, - that’s areal job!” body, but thinking for everyone, that wears you out has to look after it all! Lifting astone may tire your workers. But the hardest job is done by the one who and complained: “They all think they are the hardest responsibility. Onone rare occasion she was upset, band. To Sakuntala however, the position came with spect, lest she complain about them to her hus and mother-in-law her treated Sakuntala with re advantage. Both younger her sister-in-law, Rekha, ing agood relationship with him brings enormous lege. Being the wife of the main caretaker, and hav from a rich, respected family grants additional privi privilege. Having a good education and coming and he generally did whatever was needed. he helped his brothers find jobs and suitable wives, and funerals, he planned and oversaw maintenance, custodian. He representedthe family in weddings and high social status. Harpal was the family’s main 250 euros] during my stay), and provided security (his salary rose from 12000 to rupees 19000 [160- school job in the region. The position was well-paid bined connections, government hadlanded a he Harpal was well-educated. Thanks to their com sustain themselves natal in her village. government family Her enough owned land jobs. to brothersHer were well-educated coveted held and respondence. Her father had been abank clerk. Though she was pregnant during my main Being the daughter-in-law eldest grants some Sakuntala’s bond with her husband was strong. ------58 ily did not own much land, and could not survive on the exam for the first year of college. Her natal fam it, frustration over the amount of work she did. that she ever expressed to me, during ashorter vis the two younger brothers of the family got married the kitchen chatting and laughing. It was only after relationship with Sakuntala, they spent evenings in the women, she never told me so. Rekha had a good Rekha thought that she was the hardest worker of ly with the mother-in-law, or after calling for her. If and Rekha usually ate together in the kitchen, most ning, and did the dishes after most meals. Sakuntala of the vegetables, over open fire, morning and eve ing. prepared She unleavened bread (roti) and most made the first cup of tea for everyone in the morn young men from the area, worked in a restaurant, the Persian Gulf, where he, along with many other 10th grade and worked on a three-year contract in (30) and Mukesh (28). Devpal had quit school after the marriages of the two youngest brothers, Devpal towards working all were They fieldwork. core my state of balanced cooperation during the months of The family, and the group of women, had been in a up splitting Incorporating new women to the household …and immensely. thatleft to his elder brother, whom he respected he took in no part planning for the larger family, but most of which he sent to his brother every month, Though he earned afair wage, 6000-7000 rupees, respect for his wife and the work she contributed. two every year since they married, and he had high men in this area. He had come home for amonth or bay, which was atypical job avenue for younger ter 10th grade and worked as akitchen aid in Bom the plains. in the army, and the other worked in afactory on they could rely on asmall pension. One brother was farming alone, but her father had been asoldier, so She married in her early twenties, after taking Rajpal, husband, her abandoned had school af ------SPECIAL ISSUE ------The class element stems both from women’s women’s from both class stems The element was the social capital, i.e. the network gained via his his via gained network the i.e. capital, social the was se him helped had which family, her and education school. government local, a in job current his cure him made network his and advantage economic His provid This brothers. his to important and useful the in position a central with wife his and ed him capital – three forms of capital that can be accumu can that capital of forms – three capital oth each support mutually that and time over lated access entails capital Economic 1986). er (Bourdieu, to access to relates capital goods, social material to formal and social informal networks, and education cultur of component holds,is, Bourdieu a central every for be true not may this Though capital. al educa where Uttarakhand, in true holds it society, of variety a broader to access grants only not tion asset jobs but is also exchangeable an prestigious A well-educated market. marriage the on women for marry could a better-paid a with husband daughter a dowry. less of needs and job rela husbands’ and contribution their backgrounds exam my In household. the of men other the to tive well-edu were wife his and son adult oldest the ple, to education his and networking used had he cated; who a girl marry further could and job, a good find were They well-connected. and rich educated, was ones. It new attain to advantages their use to able care of the older parents is then usually divided be divided usually then is parents older the of care tween households. new the may older An woman same the at while children small for care to continue age” “old of stage life the into pushed being time past the in than nowadays earlier 2000) (Lamb, a longer pe for matronage when she retain could life. her of riod Households within Class been as studied households have anthropology, In re and production of units self-contained central, eco to comes it when undifferentiated production, differentiation that above shown I have status. nomic complement age and gender are kinship, to related dif of terms in understood class of elements edby cultural and social economic, to access ferentiated 59 ------Such a split enables younger women to run run to women enables aSuch younger split As I have shown, the men of this family have have family this of men the shown, I have As The compliant cooperation in the household household the in cooperation compliant The Mukesh, the youngest brother, held a college held a college brother, youngest the Mukesh, their own household at the expense of mothers-in- of expense the at household own their take to responsibility The dethroned. are who law, today’s world refuse to stay in a joint family for even even for family a joint in stay to refuse world today’s a day.” expressed a common opinion: “For 26 years, we sis we years, 26 “For opinion: a common expressed in daughters-in-law The together. lived ters-in-law ation. Though most past households Though the also in ation. father the after ideally later, happened often it split, village same the from woman old An away. passed is common today. Earlier, food scarcity and agri and scarcity food Earlier, today. common is cooper more required have would needs cultural lows for more independence than the earlier sub earlier the than independence more for lows households, of a Such split a farming. sistence married, been had sibling last the after short time separate careers. The capitalist system al market their wives and children. The responsibility to care care to responsibility The children. and wives their the between divided is father and mother old the for sons’ households. new split up. Mukesh is still dependent on eldest dependent his is still Mukesh up. split Devpal but together, stayed have they so brother, with households separate up set each Rajpal and fell apart after Mukesh was married. In less than less than In married. was Mukesh apart after fell household the marriage, last the after years three dest brother for everything. The marriage is an un an is marriage The everything. for brother dest happy match. did not dare to voice that he had some concerns concerns some had he that voice to dare not did el his on depended He compatability. their about willing to marry a well-educated daughter to an an to daughter a well-educated marry to willing to manage did finally they When man. unemployed Mukesh ‘talented’, deemed Harpal that a bride find Mukesh. Harpal was adamant that the prospective prospective the that adamant was Harpal Mukesh. the for asset be an to order in be well-educated wife were people many not However, generation. next dependant on his eldest brother to provide contrac provide to on eldest his dependant brother for a bride find to harder was It him. for work tual quickly adjusted to the household. the to adjusted quickly up ended and a job, find to unable was but degree earning 20–30000 rupees a month. Devpal married married Devpal 20–30000 a month. rupees earning who woman school-educated high attractive, an ASIA IN FOCUS uted to less the household and partly depended on husband contrib her ship because also terms, but was minimal, not only because she was lower in kin Rekha’s control over work division in the household Sakuntala and Rekha had similar education levels, in modifying the women’s position. Hence, even if contribution to are the household central factors ship with their husbands and the husband’s relative themselves, have I also argued that their relation position of the women of amongst the household wives differs, and their ways part. attractive to marry financially. ability Their and cally control, while athird son may ‘fail’ both academi substantial salary, though gain prestige less and village, another may migrate to Dubai and earn a may agovernment be school teacher in anearby holds. While afather may next be to illiterate, ason house reforming internal Uttarakhand in relations all contribute to speeding up transformations and education and opportunities job villagePDS, shops, forming daily life. The green revolution, urbanisation, sistence global trends farmers, are slowly trans Though these remote villages are still home to sub Conclusions thevis younger generation. was the old parents who had lost their voice vis-à- caretaker of his generation. In the example above, it a stronger voice because her husband is the main have families seen where younger a housewife has the whole family. But this is not always the case; I often make him take on more responsibilities for more accomplished wife. Traditional expectations ket; therefore an older brother can often marry a tractive prospect for a girl on the marriage mar their generation. This position represents an at and his wife rank highest in kinship terms within He affordededucation often better opportunities. reinforces brother The eldest element. the class is comparable access to all three forms of capital. where thehousehold, other did not members have While education was important for the relative noteworthyIt is that the kinship element often ------60 hold split provided afurther weakening of her au the past economic system. The threat of ahouse deepened compared to what it would have been in cated and confident, Parvati’s lack of authority was of achievement and their daughter-in-law was edu situation where their hadentered son another level a whole that constituted her main explanation. In a was his disengagement in caring for the family as ship terms. Her husband did not support her, but it and was the senior woman of the household in kin was more surprising, given that she was not yet old over food and work decisions. brief, many factors contributed to her lack of control was not rich or well-connected like Sakuntala’s. In Harpal to find employment. Furthermore, her family Email: region of Garhwal in Uttarakhand state. Himalayan Indian the in happening changes social study focuses on the role of values and choice in of Social Anthropology, University of Oslo. Her PhD Nordfeldt Cecilie the mother-in-law”. how, to an extent, the “daughter-in-law has become but her lack of control over food gave evidence of still partly tell the younger housewife what to do, family was still living under one roof. Parvati could thority and influence. During my main fieldwork, the Parvati’s relative lack of authority and control [email protected] is aPhD fellow at the Department - - - - SPECIAL ISSUE . , American . Srinagar . Chicago: Globalizing . New Delhi, India: (pp. 119–140). London, London, (pp. 119–140). Handbook of Theory and and Theory of Handbook Gender, place and culture Gender, Women, gender and everyday everyday and gender Women, 30(3): 435-464. , 43(4), 344–357. , 43(4), . Oxford, England: Berg. . Oxford, England: 61 (pp.1–16). London: Anthem Press. Anthem London: (pp.1–16). (pp. 241–258). New York, USA: Greenwood. USA: York, New 241–258). (pp. Himalaya: nature, culture and society Women in India: two perspectives two India: in Women (pp. 17–46). London, England: Anthem Press. Anthem England: London, 17–46). (pp. (pp. 139–156). London, England: Anthem Press. Anthem England: London, 139–156). (pp. (pp. 263–283). Oslo, forlag. Norway: Cappelen akademisk 263–283). (pp. Development and Change Hybrid: the historyHybrid: and science breeding plant of The forest—women’s maternal home? An ethnographic study of of study An ethnographic home? maternal The forest—women’s Globalization: The key concepts The key Globalization: Anthropology & Education Quarterly &Anthropology Education Globalizing India: PerspectivesGlobalizing from below White saris and sweet mangoes: aging, gender, and body in North India North in body and gender, aging, mangoes: sweet and saris White 37(3), 482–498. Nærbilder India: samfunn, av politikk og utvikling [Close-ups on India: society,

Berkeley, USA: University of California Press. California of University USA: Berkeley, Manohar. Women’s Empowerment’, University of Chicago Press. Rural Rajasthan.” In K. B. Nielsen & A. Waldrop (Eds.), (Eds.), & A. K. In B. Waldrop Nielsen Rajasthan.” Rural in India social transformations India.” Himalayas, Kumaon the of forests the in livelihood 229–243. 9(3), Ethnologist Central India.” strategies and parenting in Calcutta’s middle-class families.” In J. Assayag & C. J. & C. J. Assayag J. In families.” middle-class Calcutta’s in parenting and strategies (Eds.), Fuller England:Anthem Press. and O. P. Kandari (Eds.), Garhwal Garhwal Kandari (Eds.), and O. P. Media House. India: Transmedia (Garhwal), Education of Sociology the for Research India: Perspectives from below & A. Ruud E. Mageli, E. K. In Frøystad, System]. Distribution Public India’s and security (Eds.), politics and development] Globalizing India: PerspectivesGlobalizing from below (Eds.), Fuller & C. J. Assayag J. In Debates.” and Measures Concepts,

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(2010). “Friendship in practice: Girls’ work in the Indian Himalayas.” Himalayas.” Indian the in work Girls’ practice: in “Friendship (2010). J. Dyson, H. (2007). T. Eriksen, Donner, H. (2005). “‘Children are capital, grandchildren are interest’: Changing educational educational Changing interest’: are grandchildren capital, are “‘Children H. (2005). Donner, Bourdieu, P. (1986). “The forms of capital.” In J. Richardson (Ed.), (Ed.), Richardson J. In capital.” of forms “The (1986). P. Bourdieu, Bourai, H. (2001). “Hill women: strengths, opportunities and problems.” In O. P. Gusain Gusain P. O. In problems.” and opportunities strengths, women: “Hill H. (2001). Bourai, Banik, D. (2000). Matvaresikkerhet og Indias offentlige Distribusjonssystem [Food [Food Distribusjonssystem offentlige og Indias Matvaresikkerhet (2000). D. Banik, Balachandran, G., & S. Subrahmanyam (2005). “On the history of globalization and India: India: and globalization of history the “On (2005). G., & S. 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(Eds.), India tions in Nielsen Waldrop B. K. &A. (Eds.), Cand. Polit. thesis in Social Anthropology, University of Oslo. en indisk fjellregion [migration, bazaars and work life in an Indian mountain region] York, USA: Oxford University Press. thesis in South Asian Studies, Heidelberg University. Himalayas Central the in women Dalit among agency and gender of practices thesis in Social Anthropology, University of Oslo. the relationship between women and forests in the Garhwal Himalayas Development as Freedom as Development Mountain Goddess: Gender and Politics in a Himalayan Pilgrimage a in Politics and Gender Goddess: Mountain Keep My Share of Rice in the Cupboard: ethnographic reflections on . http://www.un.org/millenniumgoals/education.shtml. (pp. 139–156). London, England: Anthem Press. (pp. 139–156). London, England: Anthem Press. “Garhwal is run by money order”: migrasjon, bazaarer og arbeidsliv i (pp. 63–74). London, England: Anthem Press. Women, gender and everyday social transforma everyday and social gender Women, transforma everyday and social gender Women, . Delhi: Oxford University Press. Women, gender and everyday social transfor everyday and social gender Women, 62 (pp. 139–156). (pp. London, England: Millenium Development Goals Goals Development Millenium . Cand. Polit. Women, Women, . New New . . PhD PhD . - - - . SPECIAL ISSUE 63 ASIA IN FOCUS • • Guide which can found be at www.asiainfocus.dk. ofrules the comprehensive Asia in Focus Style below. Please sure be to read and adhere to the the Asia in Focus style guide, which is summarised Before a paper can published be it must conform to Preparing your paper • • • Submissions reviews. book and articles, academic publish essays, academic level in aconcise, focused and readable form. We ences and humanities. 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