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Freedom in the World - Serbia (2010)
Page 1 of 5 Print Freedom in the World - Serbia (2010) Political Rights Score: 2 * Capital: Belgrade Civil Liberties Score: 2 * Status: Free Population: 7,322,000 Explanatory Note The ratings through 2002 are for the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, of which Serbia was a part, and those from 2003 through 2005 are for the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro. Kosovo is examined in a separate report. Ratings Change Serbia’s political rights rating improved from 3 to 2 due to the consolidation of a stable multiparty system after several rounds of elections in the post-Milosevic period. Overview The parliament in November approved a new statute regulating the autonomy of the northern province of Vojvodina, ending a long political debate over the issue and demonstrating the effectiveness of the Democratic Party–led government elected in 2008. The country also made progress in its relations with the European Union, securing visa-free travel rights and the implementation of a trade agreement in December. However, press freedom groups criticized a media law adopted in August, and tensions involving the ethnic Albanian population in the Presevo Valley remained a problem. Serbia was recognized as an independent state in 1878 after several centuries under Ottoman rule. It formed the core of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes proclaimed in 1918. After World War II, Serbia became a constituent republic of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, under the communist rule of Josip Broz Tito. Within the boundaries of the Serbian republic as drawn at that time were two autonomous provinces: the largely Albanian-populated Kosovo in the south, and Vojvodina, with a significant Hungarian minority, in the north. -
Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 4: Macro Report September 10, 2012
Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 1 Module 4: Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 4: Macro Report September 10, 2012 Country: Serbia Date of Election: May 6, 2012 (Parliamentary and first round presidential); May 20, 2012 - second round presidential Prepared by: Bojan Todosijević Date of Preparation: 05. 08. 2013. NOTES TO COLLABORATORS: ° The information provided in this report contributes to an important part of the CSES project. The information may be filled out by yourself, or by an expert or experts of your choice. Your efforts in providing these data are greatly appreciated! Any supplementary documents that you can provide (e.g., electoral legislation, party manifestos, electoral commission reports, media reports) are also appreciated, and may be made available on the CSES website. ° Answers should be as of the date of the election being studied. ° Where brackets [ ] appear, collaborators should answer by placing an “X” within the appropriate bracket or brackets. For example: [X] ° If more space is needed to answer any question, please lengthen the document as necessary. Data Pertinent to the Election at which the Module was Administered 1a. Type of Election [ ] Parliamentary/Legislative [X] Parliamentary/Legislative and Presidential [ ] Presidential [ ] Other; please specify: __________ 1b. If the type of election in Question 1a included Parliamentary/Legislative, was the election for the Upper House, Lower House, or both? [ X] Upper House [ ] Lower House [ ] Both [ ] Other; please specify: __________ Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 2 Module 4: Macro Report 2a. What was the party of the president prior to the most recent election, regardless of whether the election was presidential? Democratic Party (Demokratska stranka, DS) 2b. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
2012 SERBIA PUBLIC OPINION STUDY Respondent Booklet A
2012 SERBIA PUBLIC OPINION STUDY Respondent Booklet A Page 1 • Boris Tadić Choice for a Better Life • Tomislav Nikolić Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) • Ivica Dačić SPS, PUPS, JS • Vojislav Koštunica Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS) • Zoran Stanković United Regions of Serbia (URS) • Čedomir Jovanović LDP, SPO, SDU... • Jadranka Šešelj Serbian Radical Party (SRS) • Vladan Glišić "Dveri" • Istvan Pasztor SVM • Zoran Dragišić Pokret radnika i seljaka • Muamer Zukorlić Citizen's group • Danica Grujičić Social Democratic Alliance Page 2 • Choice for a Better Life - Boris Tadić • Let’s Get Serbia Moving - Tomislav Nikolić • Ivica Dačić - Socialist Party of Serbia - PUPS-US • Democratic Party of Serbia (DSS) - Vojislav Koštunica • Turnover - Čedomir Jovanović • United Regions of Serbia - Mlađan Dinkić • Serbian Radical Party - Vojislav Šešelj • Dveri for the Life of Serbia • Alliance of Vojvodina Hungarians - István Pásztor • Movement of Workers and Peasants • Communist party - Josip Broz • Party of Democratic Action of Sanjak - Sulejman Ugljani • All Together - BDU, CAH, DUC, DFVH, Slovak - Emir Elfić • "None of the offered answers" • Social Democratic alliance - Nebojša Leković • Albanians Coalition from Preševo Valley (KAPD) • Reformist party - Milan Višnjić • Montenegrin party - Nenad Stevović Page 3 • For a European Serbia - Boris Tadić • Serbian Radical Party - Vojislav Šešelj • Democratic Party of Serbia - New Serbia - Vojislav Koštunica • Socialist Party of Serbia (SPS) - PUPS - US • Liberal Democratic Party - Čedomir Jovanović • Hungarian -
The Serbian Orthodox Church and the New Serbian Identity
Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia THE SERBIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH AND THE NEW SERBIAN IDENTITY Belgrade, 2006 This Study is a part of a larger Project "Religion and Society," realized with the assistance of the Heinrich Böll Foundation Historical Confusion At the turn of the penultimate decade of the 20th century to the last, the world was shocked by the (out-of-court) pronouncement of the death verdict for an artist, that is, an author by the leader of a theocratic regime, on the grounds that his book insulted one religion or, to be more exact, Islam and all Muslims. Naturally, it is the question of the famous Rushdie affair. According to the leader of the Iranian revolution, Ayatollah Khomeini, the novel “Satanic Verses” by Salman Rushdie was blasphemous and the author deserved to be sentenced to death by a fatwa. This case - which has not been closed to this day - demonstrated in a radical way the seriousness and complexity of the challenge which is posed by the living political force of religious fundamentalism(s) to the global aspirations of the concept of liberal capitalist democracy, whose basic postulates are a secular state and secular society. The fall of the Berlin Wall that same year (1989) marked symbolically the end of an era in the international relations and the collapse of an ideological- political project. In other words, the circumstances that had a decisive influence on the formation of the Yugoslav and Serbian society in the post- World War II period were pushed into history. Time has told that the mentioned changes caused a tragic historical confusion in Yugoslavia and in Serbia, primarily due to the unreadiness of the Yugoslav and, in particular, Serbian elites to understand and adequately respond to the challenges of the new era. -
The Right-Wing Extremism in Serbia
INTERNATIONAL POLICY ANALYSIS Right-Wing Extremism in Serbia JOVO BAKIC February 2013 n During the 1990s the Serbian Radical Party (SRS) was the most important promoter of the far right in Serbia. Slobodan Milošević’s regime managed to keep it under control, thanks to its control over the mass media, although the SRS managed to poll 30 percent of the vote. However, after the political changes of October, 5th, 2000 (the fall of the Milošević regime) and the former SRS leader Vojislav Šešelj becoming an indictee before the Hague Tribunal (ICTY), the SRS split in 2008. The majority of the party and its supporters turned to the duo Tomislav Nikolić and Aleksandar Vučić, who since then have made successful efforts to pragmatically re-profile the new Serbian Progressive Party (SNP) as a moderately conservative political party. Following the general elections of 2012 the SNP formed a coalition government to- gether with the post-Milošević SPS and Nikolić won last years’ presidential election. n Currently there is no powerful far-right party in Serbia that would unite the far right under one umbrella. This significantly weakens the action potential of the far right. After the defeat of the »old« SRS in the 2012 elections and the SNP’s evolution into a moderate national-conservative party, Serbia today is one of the countries in Europe with no far-right political party in parliament, for the first time since the break-up of former Yugoslavia. n However, there are strong movements at the far right of the political spectrum that despise parliamentarianism and political parties. -
Party Politics in the Western Balkans
Party Politics in the Western Balkans Edited by Věra Stojarová and Peter Emerson 2 Legacy of communist and socialist parties in the Western Balkans Věra Stojarová As Ishiyama and Bozóki note, the development of communist successor parties1 in post- communist politics has had an important effect upon the development of democracy (Bozóki and Ishiyama 2002: 393). In some countries the communist party was outlawed; in many cases it was transformed into a party of a socialist or social democratic character; elsewhere, the communist party began to take part in the democratic process, which led to varying results; in some cases, the party transformed itself into a classic socialist or social democratic party; while in other cases it retained a communist ideology. As the literature reveals, the type of the regime, the modus of transition, the manner of financing political parties, the organisation of the parties, as well as the whole political context, all matter. Ishiyama suggests that the patrimonial communist regime (as in Serbia) produced communist successor parties which had to distinguish themselves from the previous communist system and hence turned towards nationalism, while in a national- consensus regime (Slovenia, Croatia), the successor parties developed policies that divorced the party from the past, and led to the emergence of a social democratic identity (Ishiyama 1998: 81–2). Nevertheless, the application of the above- mentioned theory reveals the exceptionality of the Western Balkan countries. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, the ethnic structure and the different goals of the three ethnicities had a great impact on the formation of political parties, which were mainly based on ethnic grounds, and left little space to the parties with a social democratic orientation. -
The Serbian Paradox: the Cost of Integration Into the European Union
The Serbian Paradox: The Cost of Integration into the European Union Preston Huennekens Thesis submitted to the faculty of the Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts In Political Science Yannis A. Stivachtis, Chair Besnik Pula Glenn R. Bugh April 17, 2018 Blacksburg, VA Keywords: Serbia, European Union, historical memory, nationalism, Balkan politics The Serbian Paradox: The Cost of Integration into the European Union Preston Huennekens Abstract This project addresses the Republic of Serbia’s current accession negotiations with the European Union, and asks how the country’s long and often turbulent history affects that dialogue. Using Filip Ejdus’ concept of historical memory and Benedict Anderson’s “imagined community” theory of nationalism, this paper discusses how Serbia has reached a critical moment in its history by pursuing European integration. This contradicts their historical pull towards their longtime ally Russia. What role does historical memory play in these negotiations, and is integration truly possible? Additionally, how is Serbia’s powerful president, Aleksandar Vucic, using the Europeanization process to strengthen his hand domestically? Abstract (General Audience) This thesis addresses the Republic of Serbia’s current accession negotiations with the European Union, and asks how the country’s long and often turbulent history affects that dialogue. I argue that Serbia is at a crossroads in its history: on one hand, it wishes to join the European Union, but on the other is continually pulled to the east with their historical ally, Russia. I argue that President Aleksandar Vucic is using the EU negotiations to enhance his own power and that if the EU admits Serbia into the body they will be trading regional stability for Serbian democracy. -
The Milošević Regime and the Manipulation of the Serbian Media
The Miloševi ć Regime and the Manipulation of the Serbian Media Kent Fogg European Studies Conference, March 25, 2006 The violent break-up of the former Yugoslavia often leaves people wondering how groups that had lived together in relative peace for decades could suddenly take up arms against one another. While it is important to consider all factors, one thing that cannot be overlooked is the role of the official state media, particularly television. Tracing back to the 1974 constitution, the media played an integral part in the shift towards more nationally focused identities, and was successfully employed as a tool for promoting nationalism. Looking at the Serbian example, one can see how the Miloševi ć regime manipulated the media in order to instigate ethnic tensions and draw attention away from economic and political issues that otherwise might have caused its downfall. His success relied largely on the reinvention of the image of Serbia as a victim of foreign oppression, which was based on reviving memories of past oppression of the Serb people. While popular media in the former Yugoslavia was never free of political control, it did not develop a strongly regionalized character until after the adoption of the new, decentralizing constitution in 1974. The new document transferred control over the media budget from the federal to the regional level, which meant local leaders were able to monopolize their influence over television and newspapers and use them as platforms to promote further devolution of powers. 1 At first, the structures and tones of news reports remained largely unchanged, and upheld a sense of Yugoslav unity. -
Session Report
31st SESSION Strasbourg, 19-21 October 2016 CG31(2016)21 19 October 2016 Information report on the observation of local and provincial elections in Serbia (24 April 2016) Monitoring Committee Rapporteur1: Karim VAN OVERMEIRE, Belgium (R, NR) Summary Further to an invitation by the Republic Electoral Commission of Serbia, the Congress’ Bureau decided to deploy a limited Electoral Assessment Mission in order to monitor the local and provincial elections organised on 24 April 2016. The early Parliamentary elections held on the same day in Serbia were observed by the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe. The present information report reflects the key findings of the 12-member delegation based on in- depth briefings in Belgrade and Novi Sad prior to the E-Day and on observations made by six Congress teams in more than 120 polling stations throughout the country, with a special attention to the organisation of the regional elections in the Autonomous Province of Vojvodina and the vote organised for the Municipal Councils. Apart from isolated irregularities, the elections were carried out in a calm and orderly manner, largely in line with European electoral standards. However, the Congress’ delegation found that there was room for improvement of the practical side of the elections, notably regarding the protection of the secrecy of the vote and the level of professionalism of the electoral administration. In particular, the extended composition of polling boards led to difficulties in managing different aspects of the electoral process including the vote count. At the same time, the Congress supports a genuine reform in order to complement the legal framework of elections focusing on issues such as party and campaign financing, misuse of administrative resources, the quality of the voters’ lists, candidates’ registration and the minority status of political parties. -
Party Outcomes in Hybrid Regimes in the Western Balkans and Beyond
Party Outcomes in Hybrid Regimes in the Western Balkans and Beyond By Ivan Vuković Submitted to Central European University Department of Political Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Supervisor: Professor Zsolt Enyedi Budapest, May 2014 Abstract Most political parties that had been ruling in hybrid regimes lost power as these regimes ceased to exist i.e. democratized. Yet, some of these parties remained politically dominant notwithstanding the regime change. This PhD thesis aims to offer a plausible explanation of their different political fates (here defined as party outcomes). Its main focus is on the incumbent parties in hybrid regimes that existed in Serbia, Croatia, and Montenegro during the last decade of the 20th century. In addition, the thesis looks at a larger population of similar cases with the ambition to contribute to a better general understanding of the diverging party outcomes. The thesis puts forward a theoretically innovative model explaining the party outcomes, founded upon the two assumptions: (1) the diverging fates of dominant parties in hybrid regimes are determined by these parties’ (lack of) institutionalization; (2) (the lack of) their institutionalization is determined by the salience of the national question in the process of political mobilization leading to the regime establishment. Process tracing method is employed to test the presence in the three cases under observation of the thus constructed causal mechanism linking the hypothesized conditions (nationalist mobilization and the lack of party institutionalization) and party outcome (the loss of power). The theoretical relevance of the results of the analysis, supported by numerous causal process observations (including, among others, 27 in-depth interviews), is subsequently assessed within a broader empirical domain. -
Republic of Serbia
Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights REPUBLIC OF SERBIA PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS 21 January 2007 OSCE/ODIHR NEEDS ASSESSMENT MISSION REPORT 21-24 November 2006 Warsaw 8 December 2006 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION.......................................................................................................................1 II. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY.........................................................................................................1 III. FINDINGS ...................................................................................................................................3 A. POLITICAL CONTEXT ................................................................................................................3 B. LEGAL FRAMEWORK.................................................................................................................4 C. ELECTION ADMINISTRATION....................................................................................................5 D. MEDIA........................................................................................................................................5 E. INTERNATIONAL AND DOMESTIC OBSERVERS .........................................................................6 IV. CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS ....................................................................6 ANNEX: LIST OF MEETINGS ...........................................................................................................7 REPUBLIC OF SERBIA PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS