HOCKING HILLS STATE PARK: A LOOK AT STATE PARK DEVELOPMENT
A thesis presented to
the faculty of
the College of Arts and Sciences of Ohio University
In partial fulfillment
of the requirements for the degree
Master of Arts
Carolyn Rizzuto
March 2006 This thesis entitled
HOCKING HILLS STATE PARK: A LOOK AT STATE PARK DEVELOPMENT
by
CAROLYN RIZZUTO
has been approved for
the Department of Geography
and the College of Arts and Sciences by
Geoffrey L. Buckley
Associate Professor of Geography
Benjamin M. Ogles
Interim Dean, College of Arts and Sciences RIZZUTO, CAROLYN, M.A., March 2006. Geography
Hocking Hills State Park: A Look at State Park Development (99 pp.)
Director of Thesis: Geoffrey L. Buckley
The movements and perceptions sweeping across the nation during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries helped to facilitate the development of state parks in the U.S. The factors which enabled Hocking Hills State Park in Southeast Ohio to be created and become a major tourist attraction in the 1920s and 1930s are reflective of these national trends. The Hocking Hills Story casts light on the nation’s legacy of parks in general and the state parks movement in particular.
Approved:
Geoffrey L. Buckley
Associate Professor of Geography
This work is dedicated to my mother who has stood by my side through thick and thin.
Acknowledgements
I wish to thank the many volunteers at the Hocking County Historical Society in
Logan, Ohio who provided me with wonderful pictures and post cards of the Hocking
Hills and Hocking County. They gave me a better understanding of the region’s history and heritage which proved to be invaluable. I would also like to thank Jean Backs, Public
Information Section Manager at Ohio Department of Natural Resources, for providing me with a wide range of information on Hocking Hills State Park as well as Ohio State Parks in general. I would like to give special thanks to my adviser, Geoff Buckley, for his guidance, support, and most importantly his open mindedness; and to my committee members, Nancy Bain and Tim Anderson for their advice and encouragement.
There are many other people who motivated and inspired me throughout the
research and writing process. My family, friends, and fellow grad students were always
willing to listen and offer advice. In particular, I wish to thank Gary Conley who helped
me to believe in myself and my abilities and Jared Gillin who read my thesis chapter by
chapter and inspired my to keep on going, no matter what obstacles I encountered. 6
Table of Contents Page Abstract...... 3 Dedication...... 4 Acknowledgements...... 5 List of Figures...... 7 Chapter One: Introduction ...... 8 Introduction to the Region ...... 8 Geology...... 11 The First Inhabitants...... 12 Early European Encroachment ...... 14 Early Development of the Hocking Hills Region...... 16 Six Distinct Parks...... 17 Hocking Hills State Park Today ...... 24 Chapter Two: Early Tourism ...... 26 Early Perceptions of Wilderness...... 27 Changing Interest: The Conservation Movement...... 29 Early Tourism...... 33 The Hocking Hills Story ...... 36 Chapter Three: The State Park and Outdoor Recreation Movements...... 44 Increased Mobility...... 44 A Growing Demand for Outdoor Recreation and Escapes...... 47 A Call for Government Supervision ...... 49 A Boom in Park Development...... 51 Ohio Gets Involved...... 57 The Creation of Hocking Hills State Forest Park ...... 61 Chapter Four: Tourism and Autocamping: Americans Take to the Road ...... 64 The Automobile and Growing Possibilities...... 64 Auto Touring and the Nation’s Parks ...... 72 Ohio Highway Development ...... 76 Ohio State Park Development...... 79 Tourist Flock to the Hocking Hills ...... 81 Chapter Five: Conclusion ...... 92 Works Cited ...... 96
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List of Figures Page Figure 1: The Hocking Hills Region...... 9 Figure 2: Hocking County, Ohio ...... 10 Figure 3: Hocking Hills State Park ...... 10 Figure 4: Upper Falls at Old Man’s Cave...... 18 Figure 5: View from Inside Rock House ...... 20 Figure 6: Ash Cave ...... 21 Figure 7: Conkles Hollow...... 22 Figure 8: Fat Woman’s Squeeze at Cantwell Cliffs...... 23 Figure 9: Cedar Falls...... 24 Figure 10: Emblem of the See America First League, c.1906...... 35 Figure 11: Glacier National Park Emblem, c.1910...... 36 Figure 12: Post Card of Hocking County’s Industry, 1908 ...... 37 Figure 13: Post Card of the County Seat, Logan, Ohio, 1908 ...... 38 Figure 14: Church Service at Ash Cave, c.1905...... 40 Figure 15: Post Card of Cedar Falls, 1908...... 40 Figure 16: Post Card of Scenic Rock Formations in Hocking Hills Region, 1908 ...... 41 Figure 17: Rock House Hotel, c.1910...... 42 Figure 18: The Model T, 1908...... 46 Figure 19: Early Motorists in Cincinnati, Ohio, c.1910 ...... 58 Figure 20: Cover of the Lincoln Highway Guide, 1914 ...... 66 Figure 21: Camp near Yellowstone, 1923 ...... 70 Figure 22: Traffic on Ohio’s State Roads, 1930...... 79 Figure 23: Front Page of Hocking County’s Logan Republican, 1928 ...... 83 Figure 24: Crystal Rock Gas Company Ad, 1928 ...... 86 Figure 25: “Exploring Our Own Ohio” Advertisement of Hocking Hills, 1932...... 89 Figure 26: Page Dedicated to Hocking Hills, 1933 ...... 90 8
Chapter One: Introduction
The Hocking Hills State Park in Hocking County, Ohio is a tremendously popular recreational site utilized by over two million people each year. By the 1920s and 1930s, the Hocking Hills region had already emerged as a major tourist destination. The factors that contributed to the establishment of the Hocking Hills State Park and the conditions which made the caves and gorges a popular tourist attraction reflect national trends that were sweeping across much of the U.S. during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
This research seeks to expand our knowledge and understanding how these trends shaped our American parks through an examination of Hocking Hills State Park. More specifically, this thesis poses the following questions: How and when did the state of
Ohio acquire the lands needed to create Hocking Hills State Park?; What factors enabled the park to become a popular tourist destination in the 1920s and 1930s?; and Who were the park’s key promoters and how did their influence affect the park’s development and its popularity with people both within and outside Ohio?
Introduction to the Region
Nestled in the Appalachian foothills of Southeast Ohio, six distinct units make up the unique and picturesque Hocking Hills State Park (Figures 1, 2, and 3). Shaped by the forces of weathering and erosion, the park is characterized by towering cliffs, overhanging rock ledges, waterfalls, caves, and hemlock-shaded gorges. The park region supports a diversity of plant species. The cool moist gorges permit northern species such as yellow and black birch, Canadian yew, and eastern hemlock to grow and flourish 9 alongside more common native plant species. A wide range of fauna can also be found in the park. Dusky and redback salamanders; copperhead, black rat, and ring-necked snakes; five-lined skinks; and box turtles, to name a few, can all be found in the Hocking
Hills region (ODNR 2000).
Figure 1: The Hocking Hills Region
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Figure 2: Hocking County, Ohio
Figure 3: Hocking Hills State Park
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Human settlement in the area dates back thousands of years. Some of the first humans to use the caves were ancient peoples from the Adena culture (the Mound
Builders) who lived in what is today Ohio about 7,000 years ago. Evidence also suggests that Native American groups such as the Wyandot and the Delaware used the caves for shelter before white settlers arrived (Gordon 1940; Hall 1961; Murphy 1989; Knepper
2003).
Once Southeast Ohio was settled by Europeans, the gorges, caves, and waterfalls quickly became a natural curiosity and tourist attraction among locals. By the 1850s, locals frequently hiked and picnicked in the scenic hollows. The region’s popularity continued to grow throughout the early 1900’s. It was not until the advent of the automobile and the introduction of improved roads, however, that the region became a true tourist destination, drawing increasing numbers of visitors each year. Today,
Hocking Hills State Park remains a tourist attraction drawing millions of visitors each year from all over the country as well as other parts of the world (ODNR Annual Report
2004).
Geology
Ohio’s diverse landscapes have been influenced by massive and repeated glaciations that covered most of the state with mile-thick sheets of ice. Retreating glaciers left terminal moraines and vast till deposits which were transported from as far north as the Canadian Shield. The hilly terrain which existed before the glaciers was leveled and the valleys were filled with sediment. This activity created a land of wide valleys and fertile soils. Much of Southeastern Ohio, however, was untouched by these 12 goliath sheets of ice, producing a landscape of hills, valleys, and deeply dissected plateaus. Free from glacial ice, streams in the vicinity had more time to erode and carve out the rock formations that exist in the Hocking Hills region today (Gordon 1940; Hall
1961; Knepper 2003; Abrams and Freter 2005).
Sandstone is the most common rock type found in Hocking Hills State Park.
Several varieties can be found throughout the area. However, all the scenic rock features are carved into the Black Hand sandstone, which is a medium-to-coarse-grained sandstone containing thin layers of small white quartz pebbles known as conglomerates.
Iron oxide cements the sandstone together and is responsible for staining the rock various shades of brown and yellow. Black Hand sandstone can be subdivided into three distinct layers or zones. The upper and lower zones are very resistant to weathering and are firmly cemented. The middle zone is loosely cemented making it prone to weathering and erosion. The upper and lower zones make up the roofs and floors of the rock shelters, while the middle zone is where one finds many of the park’s caves and recesses
(Gordon 1940; Hall 1961; ODNR 2000).
The First Inhabitants
It is difficult to determine when the first humans visited the caves and gorges of the region, though some scholars think it may have been nomadic hunters – Paleo-Indians
– at the close of the last Ice Age (Goslin 1971; Abrams and Freter 2005). It is known, however, that groups of people utilized the rock shelters as early as 1 AD. The Adena
Culture or Mound Builders inhabited Ohio from about 1 AD to 800 AD and were the first known residents of the Hocking Hills region. The Mound Builders were drawn to the 13 area by abundant game and fertile soils. Although it appears they lived in the region for only a short time, these inhabitants left their mark on the land by building structures and earth mounds of many shapes and sizes (Gordon 1940; Hall 1961; Goslin 1971; Murphy
1989; ODNR 2000; Abrams and Freter 2005).
By the start of the eighteenth century, a second wave of native residents came to
Ohio and the Hocking River Valley. It is thought that the Wyandots and later the
Shawnee and Delaware ventured west in order to escape European encroachment and find new land for agriculture and hunting (Conner 1996; O’Donnell 2004). Evidence suggests that by the mid-1700s the Wyandot and other tribes were active in the Hocking
Hills region. The Wyandot village of Oldtown was situated along the Hocking River about 12 miles northeast of the park area, near present-day Logan – the county seat of
Hocking County (Gordon 1940; Goslin 1971; Conner 1996). Remains of pottery, worked bone, basic stone tools, petroglyphs, and hominy holes – which served as baking ovens – indicate that the Wyandots and perhaps the Delawares used the caves and overhangs as shelters (Gordon 1940; Hall 1961; Goslin 1971; Murphy 1989; ODNR 2000). The
Wyandot, Delaware, and Shawnee developed a trail to the trading center at Chillicothe which passed through what is now Hocking Hills State Park. This heavily traveled road was also used by the tribes to access salt springs in the area and to reach hunting spots in the Hocking Hills region. Portions of the trail could be followed through the present-day park as late as 1800 (Gordon 1940; Goslin 1971). Although the Native American presence has been all but erased from the land, one important reminder remains: the name
Hocking. This name was applied to the river, county, and later the state park. The name 14
Hocking was contracted from the Native American word “hock-hock-ing” meaning bottleneck. The Hocking River was said to resemble a bottleneck as it passes between the unglaciated foothills (Gordon 1940; Goslin 1971; Murphy 1989; ODNR 2000).
The hollows and overhangs were used by the first inhabitants of the Hocking
River Valley for thousands of years. The valleys were abundant with game and water.
While the land’s unsurpssing beauty must have provided them with a sense of awe and amazement, the caves offered shelter from the elements and the area’s seclusion provided protection from enemies. For these reasons alone, it is not surprising that Native
Americans, from the Mound Builders to the Wyandots, were drawn to the region.
Early European Encroachment
European settlers were latecomers to the Hocking Hills. Despite their delayed arrival, they were able to take control of the area fairly quickly. As soon as Europeans discovered the Hocking Hills region around 1700, the life and landscape that Native
Americans knew for thousands of years changed drastically. Native Americans were pushed from the region to make way for settlers looking for new land and new opportunities.
The Hocking Hills region and its scenic spots were once part of the Louisiana
Territory claimed by the French in 1682. Most likely with the help of the Wyandots, the
French established an extensive fur trade in the Hocking Valley. The fur trade introduced the first white settlers and the first profitable business to what would become Hocking
County (Gordon 1940; Goslin 1971). Despite this early commercial activity, observations of the rugged terrain were not recorded by European explorers until the mid- 15
1700s. In 1748 the Ohio Company was organized by a group of prominent Virginians.
The company received a grant of 200,000 acres northwest of the Ohio River in exchange for settling a hundred families and erecting a fort on the land (Knepper 2003).
Christopher Gist, a surveyor from North Carolina, was hired by the Ohio Company to survey the land and to open trade with the natives in the region (Goslin 1971; Murphy
1989; Knepper 2003). He returned with a report noting the “wild valleys” of the Hocking
Hills region. Needless to say the Ohio Land Company did not see this “wild” landscape as an asset. They were interested in arable land for settlement not a “scenic wonderland”
– as the region would later be called (Goslin 1971).
Over the next several years, the French and English debated over who had rightful claim to the Ohio Country – the land northwest of the Ohio River. This debate finally ended with the Revolutionary War in 1783 (Gordon 1940; Goslin 1971; Knepper 2003).
By 1790, all states claiming portions of the Northwest Territory had surrendered their claim to Congress and plans were being made for an orderly settlement of the territory.
On February 19, 1803, Ohio was officially recognized as a state (Knepper 2003). Fifteen years later, Hocking County was established (Gordon 1940; Goslin 1971).
From the first French trappers to the establishment of Hocking County, white immigrants settled themselves in the Hocking Hills region. As the number of settlers increased the economy and land quickly changed. Roads were soon built and more towns were erected. Despite this growth, the economic potential of the rock shelters and hollows had yet to be realized.
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Early Development of the Hocking Hills Region
At the time of settlement, the cliffs, hollows, and untamed wilderness of
Southeastern Ohio and Hocking County were not viewed as assets but rather as obstacles to development. As people moved into the region they sought to “improve” the land.
Wild game was hunted, forests were cleared, farms were established, and roads were built. By 1820, only two years after the county’s establishment, Hocking’s population surpassed 2,000 (Gordon 1940; Hall 1961; ODNR 2000). As the economy grew and transportation routes improved, interest in the scenic caves and gorges slowly emerged.
Hunting wild game for fur and hide was one of the first economic activities initiated in the region. When the number of game began to plummet drastically in the
1820s, people turned to farming. The rough landscape, however, required specialized agricultural practices. Farmers grew their crops on small plots on fertile bottomland soils along the streams and grazed their livestock on the hillsides (Gordon 1940). Soon settlers needed to tap distant markets to sell their surplus goods and to buy necessary manufactured items like gun powder and salt. At the close of the eighteenth century, hundreds of miles of primitive roadways had been built in Ohio. The main function of these early passages was to connect bodies of water – the primary trade avenues at this time – to each other and to major towns. Needless to say, roads were scarce in rural Ohio
(Grant 2000). Nevertheless, this was quickly changing. By 1830, several roads were in place to meet the needs of rural farmers and towns. These new roads enabled farmers to reach markets in Logan and Lancaster, and also encouraged new settlement in more remote counties like Hocking (Goslin 1971; Grant 2000). 17
Through the nineteenth century, the economy expanded, transportation improved, and populations grew steadily. As grist mills, iron furnaces, coal and iron mines, and oil and gas wells were opened, improvements in transportation facilitated the industrial expansion (Hall 1961; ODNR 2000). Navigable waterways and early roads were often unpredictable and provided limited access to distant markets. The Lancaster Lateral
Canal opened in 1836 and the Hocking Valley Railroad was in operation by 1869. These advances opened Hocking County to larger and more distant markets, encouraged growth, and greatly improved the standard of living in the region (Gordon 1940; Hall
1961; Goslin 1961; Grant 2000). With all this growth and development, it wasn’t long before the picturesque overhangs and hollows became a popular picnicking and hiking area among locals.
Six Distinct Parks
Starting with the state of Ohio’s first purchase of 146 acres in 1924, Hocking
Hills State Park has grown to encompass six separate park units – Old Man’s Cave, Rock
House, Ash Cave, Conkles Hollow, Cantwell Cliffs, and Cedar Falls – totaling about
2,356 acres. Additionally, the state park is surrounded by 9,238 acres of state forest (Hall
1961; ODNR 2000). By the end of 1929 all six sites had been acquired; however, more land continued to be added to the state park and forest for protection and for public enjoyment. Each park site has a unique appearance and its own story to tell.
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Old Man’s Cave
Old Man’s Cave is located on State Route 664 near the center of the park. The site was one of the earliest tourist attractions in the area. Purchased in 1924, it was the state’s first acquisition of land in the region. Currently, it is the park’s most popular destination. The site can be divided into five main sections found along the valley of Old
Man’s Creek: Upper Falls, Upper Gorge, Middle Falls, Lower Falls, and Lower Gorge
(Figure 4). The magnificent gorge, which stretches an impressive half mile, was carved by the creek and today cuts through the entire 150-foot thickness of the Black Hand sandstone (ODNR 2000; HHTA 2005).
Figure 4: Upper Falls at Old Man’s Cave Source: Hocking Hills Tourism Association
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The name originates from a legend about a hermit named Richard Rowe, who inhabited a large recess cave at the site. Rowe’s family is thought to have moved to the
Ohio River Valley ca. 1796 from the Cumberland Mountains of Tennessee to establish a trading post. According to the legend, Rowe and his two dogs traveled through Ohio along the Scioto River in search of game. On a side trip up the Salt Creek, he discovered the scenic caves and gorges. Rowe lived out his life in the area and is buried beneath the ledge of the main recess cave (ODNR 2000; HHTA 2005).
Rock House
The Rock House is a tunnel-like corridor situated midway up a 150-foot cliff of
Black Hand sandstone located off of State Route 374. It is the park’s only true cave. The main corridor is 200 feet long and 20 to 30 feet wide. The ceilings inside are approximately 25 feet high (Figure 5). Like Old Man’s Cave, Rock House was an early tourist attraction which the state acquired in 1925. The cave was named for its seven
Gothic-arched windows and great sandstone columns which resemble a church or castle.
Excavations suggest this site was used by Native Americans. Hominy holes, small recesses in the rear wall which served as backing ovens, and chiseled out “troughs” or water-holding tanks have been found in the cave. Native American burial pits were also found just east of the site. In more recent times, the cave was utilized as a hideout for robbers, bootleggers, and other criminals (Gordon 1940; ODNR 2000; HHTA 2005).
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Figure 5: View from Inside Rock House Source: Hocking Hills Tourism Association
Ash Cave
Ash Cave was also purchased in 1925. Located in the southernmost corner of
Hocking Hills State Park off of State Route 56, the recess cave is the largest in the state
of Ohio. The horseshoe-shaped overhang is considered by many to be the most
spectacular feature at the park. Ash Cave is 100 feet deep from the rear of the cave wall
to the front edge, has a 90 foot high rim, and is 700 feet from end to end (Figure 6). The
overhang has been an important gathering spot for hundreds of years. It is thought to
have been used as a shelter and workstation by early inhabitants as well as a resting point
for weary travelers. Because of its acoustic qualities, the cave was used for church
services and town meetings about the time of Hocking County’s founding (Gordon 1940;
ODNR 2000; HHTA 2005).
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Figure 6: Ash Cave Source: Hocking Hills Tourism Association
Ash Cave is an appropriate name for the scenic spot. When early settlers
“discovered” the cave, they found more that just a picturesque overhang; they found a pile of ash measuring 100 feet long by 30 feet wide by three feet deep. The source of this ash heap is unknown; however, it is thought to have accumulated from hundreds of years of Native American campfires. When the ash pile was excavated in 1877, arrows, animal bones, pieces of pottery, flint, and other artifacts were unearthed (Logan Republican,
August 10, 1877; Gordon 1940; ODNR 2000; HHTA 2005).
Conkles Hollow
Purchased by the state in 1929, Conkles Hollow is known to be one of the deepest gorges in Ohio. The ravine is a half-mile long with vertical cliffs rising over 200 feet.
Wildflowers and ferns cover the ravine floor while hemlock, birch, and other hardwoods 22 tower overhead (Figure 7). In some parts of the park, the growth is so thick that little sunlight reaches the valley floor. The hollow was named after W.J. Conkle who carved his name into the sandstone in 1797. Today, the area is a state nature preserve situated off State Route 374 (ODNR 2000; HHTA 2005).
Figure 7: Conkles Hollow Source: Hocking Hills Tourism Association
When early settlers first discovered this rugged and rocky terrain, they found a petroglyph on the gorge wall. The petroglyph, which eroded away over time, depicted an arrow pointing across the valley. According to legend, a small band of Native Americans robbed a convoy of settlers traveling along the Ohio River. The bandits journeyed up
Conkles Hollow to hide the booty in a small recess in the gorge. This recess was said to be accessible only by climbing one of the two tall hemlocks growing next to the cliff base. In order to find the treasure when the danger passed, they carved an arrow pointing in the direction of the stolen goods. As time passed, however, the hemlocks fell and the stolen property was never recovered (ODNR 2000; HHTA 2005).
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Cantwell Cliffs
Cantwell Cliffs is positioned on State Route 374 in the northernmost secluded section of Hocking Hills State Park. This remoteness has made the cliffs one of the least visited sites. However, those who do make the trip opine that it is the most picturesque and peaceful spots in the park. The state bought the hollow in 1929 from the Cantwell family. Buck Run flows through the deep valley and is responsible for carving the many rock features in the area. While the steep cliffs, rock shelters, and narrow passages are the site’s hallmarks, the narrowest passage, Fat Woman’s Squeeze, is a common point of interest (ODNR 2000; HHTA 2005) (Figure 8).
Figure 8: Fat Woman’s Squeeze at Cantwell Cliffs Source: Hocking Hills Tourism Association
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Cedar Falls
When white settlers first stumbled upon the Queer Creek valley they found a large waterfall surrounded by what they thought were cedars and named the spot Cedar Falls.
In reality the trees were large hemlocks. Nevertheless, the name Cedar Falls continues to be used today. The falls are the largest in terms of volume in the Hocking region (Figure
9). In the mid-1800s, a grist mill was built above the falls to utilize the water power to grind grain. In 1929 the area was acquired by the state. Today, the grist mill is only a memory, but the falls remain a popular tourist destination (Gordon 1940; ODNR 2000;
HHTA 2005).
Figure 9: Cedar Falls Source: Hocking Hills Tourism Association
Hocking Hills State Park Today
The gorges and caves of the Hocking Hills provided the earliest visitors with
shelter and protection, while offering present-day visitors a peaceful retreat. Today, the
park includes 26 miles of hiking trails, as well as opportunities for fishing, picnicking, 25 camping, and outdoor education (ODNR 2005). The park attracts millions of visitors from across the United States and from across the globe. Although remote, the Hocking
Hills State Park is accessible to many visitors. It is 55 miles southeast of Columbus and is within 200 miles of several other large cities – Cleveland, Cincinnati, Toledo, Pittsburgh, and Indianapolis, to name a few. In 2004 alone, 2,124,477 people came to the park; making Hocking Hills the fifth most visited state park in Ohio (ODNR Annual Report
2004). Hocking Hills State Park is truly one of Ohio’s scenic wonders. But it is the park’s lengthy and impressive history and people’s lasting connections with the region that make it truly unique. 26
Chapter Two: Early Tourism
Gertrude Stein once commented that “In the United States there is more space where nobody is than where anybody is. That is what makes America what it is” (Stein
1936). It is a country rich with state and national parks, wilderness areas, nature preserves, and other public lands which are, in theory, available for all to use and enjoy.
Parks and outdoor recreation have become part of our American identity and heritage.
But it has not always been this way. Parks and the idea of conservation developed as the nation developed. As our ideals and values changed and evolved over time, so too has the role of parks within our society.
Initially, wilderness was something to be feared. Wilderness triggered a sense of insecurity. It was viewed as undesirable and posed an obstacle to civilization and development. Nature was more useful if it was “tamed,” supplying humans with the necessities to survive. This understanding of wilderness seemed to be common across much of Europe and carried over to the New World. When Europeans first started settling North America the problem seemed to be too many trees, too much wilderness.
The number of settlers compared to number of trees and unsettled land in general was not conducive to the idea of conservation. It seemed, initially, that there was more wilderness then could ever be conquered.
However, it was not long before perspectives began to change. As the population of our budding nation grew, ever-increasing stress was placed on natural resources. Soon the belief that America’s resources were endless was being challenged. Fueled by fears of a timber famine and growing anxiety over land privatization, the American 27
Conservation Movement ushered in a new era. By the nineteenth century, it was becoming all too clear that resource exploitation was creating serious social and environmental problems. Parks and public ownership of land provided some assurance that future generations would have access to forested lands and the natural resources they supplied.
Over time, the meaning of conservation broadened to address more than just resource utilization by future generations. It provided an opportunity to enjoy the outdoors and nature. This evolution in thought was spurred by three developments in society. First, our standard of living improved. Americans had moved beyond the needs of survival and now had time and money to spend on more pleasurable activities.
Second, mobility was constantly increasing. Places that were once considered remote quickly became more accessible. Finally, the role of wilderness and natural areas shifted.
Wilderness, which was once the enemy, became an important part of the American identity. Because of these developments, a new type of tourist was born. These tourists were seeking more than fashionable resorts; they were searching for outdoor adventure and recreation. Before long, these new tourists were setting out to see and explore the land they called their own.
Early Perceptions of Wilderness
The first European settlers brought many ideas, believed, and fears with them to the New World. One of these was a preconceived conception of wilderness. Folklore and mythology painted a picture of a dark and mysterious wilderness that was home to demons and spirits (Nash 1973; Williams 1989). Settlement in the New World rekindled 28 many Old World fears. The American wilderness was thought to harbor “savage
Indians” and “wild animals.” In addition to their fears, European settlers brought with them their religious beliefs, many of which promoted resource consumption. The Judeo-
Christian tradition, for example, taught that the world was a gift from God and was to be used to meet his needs (Nash 1976). These preconceived views about wilderness and natural resources encouraged rapid destruction and consumption of forests.
Immigrants to North America also sought release form oppressive European laws and traditions. At the same time they wanted to conform what they found to resemble their homeland. Many viewed the best trees as ones that produced food and supplied materials, and the best land to be flat, fertile, and well watered. Safety and progress depended on the ability to tame wilderness (Nash 1973; Williams 1989). According to
Roderick Frazier Nash (1973, 34) “Whenever they encountered wild country they viewed it through utilitarian spectacles: trees became lumber, prairies became farms, and canyons the sites of…dams.” And in their eyes the resources truly seemed endless.
The population growth of our developing nation also increased the stress on natural resources. As the population climbed, agricultural clearing, industrial felling and lumbering, forest fires, demand for land, and an appetite for timber and timber-derived products escalated (Nash 1973, 1976; Williams 1989). North America was quickly being altered. It no longer resembled the land that the first Europeans settlers first laid eyes on only a few hundred years before. Soon people would rise to question the conventional assumption that natural resources were inexhaustible.
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Changing Interests: The Conservation Movement
Early nineteenth century American conservation legislation was extremely limited. Legislation at the state or federal level rarely included environmental protection or policies to ensure more efficient use of timber and other resources (Nash 1970; Pisani
1985; Landrum 2004). This does not mean that the future of natural resources was not on the minds of many Americans. At the time of European contact, much of North America was covered with millions of acres of “untamed” forests (LaGasse 1965; Pisani 1985).
Ohio, for example, was covered with about 25 million acres of forest or nearly 95 percent of its surface. However, the acreage of forests across the U.S. was quickly dwindling.
By the late nineteenth century, Ohio’s forest cover had been reduced by nearly half
(Brundage 1946; Ionne 1981). At the time of settlement land and resources were seen as endless. Many viewed the resources as gifts; here for people to use and consume.
However, this man-over-nature perspective would soon change. As the consumption of wood continually increased, due to factors such as growing urban centers, expanding industry, and rapidly expanding transportation networks, evidence showed that the country’s resources were not infinite.
Despite the lack of legislation, by the mid-nineteenth century concerns were being voiced and heard. Visitors and citizens were the first to raise alarm over the rapidly depleting forests. In 1819 François André Michaux, who published in France the first systematic study of American forests, noted an “alarming destruction of trees… which will continue to increase in proportion to the increase in population. The effect is already felt in a very lively manner in the great cities, where they complain more and more every 30 year, not only of the excessive dearness of firewood, but even of the difficulty of procuring timber for the various kinds of building and public works” (quoted in Pisani
1985, 342). By 1840, about 95 percent of America’s energy requirements for heating, lighting, and motive power were supplied by wood (Pisani 1985). This rate of consumption was leading to rapid depletion of forests across the nation.
Concerned citizens feared a possible timber famine and worried that its effects would be devastating if the country continued at its current rate of consumption. Threat of a timber famine was more than just an issue of natural resource depletion – many worried that we were quickly losing our scenic wonders and in turn losing part of our identity as a nation (Pisani 1985; Landrum 2004). It may have been common citizens who raised the warning first flags, but it was not until individuals such as Henry David
Thoreau, Frederick Law Olmsted, and George Perkins Marsh began writing about the issues that the county’s leaders began to listen.
By 1900, about half the land in the continental U.S. – more than 40 billion acres – was privately owned (Buckley and Grove 2001). It was during this time that scenic and pristine wilderness areas caught the attention of locals, prominent figures, and members of Congress. For example, unspoiled land in northeastern New York – later known as the
Adirondacks - caught the attention of New York Natural History Survey geologist
Ebenezer Emmons and the poet Henry David Thoreau. Thoreau and many others were struck that this piece of New York, as late as 1830, remained virtually untouched by
Euro-Americans (Terrie 1997). By the early 1830s, the consequences of deforestation were more than a possibility. In the past, short supply was solved by opening up a new 31 region. Now there seemed to be a definite limit to land availability; the nation had entered into the last timber frontier of the Rocky Mountains and Pacific Coast (Williams
1989).
As the public attitude towards natural resources started to change, the federal government slowly took an interest in the conservation of timber resources as well.
President Benjamin Harrison established the first forest reserve in 1891 – Yellowstone
Park Timber Reserve – on federal land in Wyoming. This and future reserves were created specifically to guard forests from commercial exploitation and natural disasters such as fire in order to provide future generations with access to timber (Nash 1976;
Buckley and Grove 2001; Landrum 2004). Accounts of the growing importance of resource conservation and preservation reflect the values of the romantic era which was gaining in popularity throughout much of the U.S. (Cox 1993; Terrie 1997; Shaffer
2001).
Events in New York and Wyoming signaled a shift away from the Euro-American idea that wilderness was evil, desolate, and an obstacle to the establishment of God’s kingdom in the New World. More importantly, it was a movement away from the idea that resources were limitless and here to be consumed (Cox 1993; Terrie 1997). The exploration of areas such as the Adirondacks also brought to light the possibilities of scenic landscape’s economic development potential. To some, these areas seemed to hold potential for providing both beautiful scenery for tourists and a wealth of resources for businessmen (Terrie 1997; Shaffer 2001). 32
With the establishment of the first national park, Yellowstone, in 1872, the
American quest for natural parks, recreation areas, and “pleasure grounds” really got rolling (LaGasse 1965; Nash 1973, 1976; Shaffer 2001). By the end of the nineteenth century establishing natural park areas had become part of the American dream and the word “conservation,” as it applied to natural resources, entered into the popular lexicon.
The period 1875 through 1900 was a time of increased emphasis on conservation.
During this 25-year period, the American Forestry Association and the Department of forestry were established to conserve the country’s forests. Theodore Roosevelt and
Gifford Pinchot led a nationwide conservation movement. It was also during this period that Congress appropriated funds to survey “forest needs” (LaGasse 1965). As early as
1885, a state-level movement to protect natural areas was underway. For instance, the
Adirondacks were preserved as a state natural area by the end of 1885 (Tilden 1962;
Terrie 1997) and five of Ohio’s abandoned canal reservoirs were dedicated as public parks by 1890 (Widner 1968; ODNR 1999; Landrum 2004).
The conservation movement was only the beginning. As awareness spread, leaders and national icons such as Theodore Roosevelt came to the forefront and encouraged states to protect places of natural beauty for the enjoyment of future generations. Many states, like New York and Ohio, responded to the call. However, it was not until transportation methods improved and the capitalist market expanded that
American parks became part of the nation’s identity.
33
Early Tourism
Tourism in the early nineteenth century was dependent on income and availability of leisure time. Recreational travel was truly an elite’s pastime. The middle and working class rarely had enough free time, let alone the means, for leisure travel. Traveling was a way for upper-class urbanites to escape the heat, congestion, and noise of the city in fashionable resorts for a few weeks or even a few months. Although wealth and spare time may have placed limits on travel, these were not the only obstacles. Limited transportation meant limited access to most of the country. Tourism in the early nineteenth century was frequently restricted to traveling abroad or to places, such as the
Catskills, Long Island, or Narragansett Bay, in the East rather than the American West
(Wyckoff and Dilsaver 1997; Shaffer 2001). However, times were changing and transportation within the U.S. was improving and expanding.
Technological developments in travel and the spread of free enterprise drastically changed the U.S. The stage was soon set for national tourism. With each new form of transportation, distance between people and places was reduced. This new connectivity not only allowed people to be more mobile but also significantly expanded the capitalist market, helping to increase the standard of living and change notions of work and leisure.
As canals and railways penetrated the countryside, people could travel to new and distant places. By the late nineteenth century, structural changes occurring after the Civil War provided Americans with a new sense of nationalism and strengthened the country’s infrastructure (Shaffer 2001). Americans had more time, money, and desire to travel for 34 pleasure. Soon scenic landscapes and places of historical significance that were once out of reach became accessible to many Americans.
Before long, railways extended coast to coast and citizens were encouraged to explore the country. Construction of scenic railroad lines, shortlines, and branches in the
1890s made western scenery and attractions, such as Yellowstone and the Grand Canyon, more accessible then ever before. In 1906, businessmen and politicians in the West started the See America First Campaign, which was fueled by anti-European nationalism that took pride in American differences (Belasco 1997; Shaffer 2001). Promoters, such as Fisher Sanford Harris, secretary of the Salt Lake City Commercial Club, proclaimed
“See Europe if you will, but see America First” (quoted in Shaffer 2001, 27) (Figures 10).
Seeing America meant seeing many new places and things. It meant taking pride in being American and finding an American identity in the land and sites. These national tourism boosters declared tourism would not only educate Americans about their country but would also put money in the pockets of businessmen and stimulate local economies.
While interest in domestic tourism was growing, it did not fully take off until completion of the transcontinental railway and the start of World War I, which opened access to the
West and closed many European borders.
35
Figure 10: Emblem of the See America First League, c.1906 Source: Shaffer 2001
In 1910 the Great Northern’s transcontinental railroad was completed (Wyckoff and Dilsaver 1997; Shaffer 2001). Suddenly, once distant and exotic places were within reach of many affluent Americans. The company began a promotional campaign that featured images of the western landscape (Figure 11). Between 1911 and 1930, hundreds of newspapers and billboards displayed the Great Northern’s images, which played on corporate ideologies, popular stereotypes, and cultural predilections, and helped to shape
people’s perceptions of the west and other natural areas (Wyckoff and Dilsaver 1997).
Following the Great Northern’s lead, railroads and railroad companies quickly expanded
in the West. For example, the Northern Pacific’s Yellowstone Wonderland promotional
campaign drew more people to the northern Rockies, the Denver and Rio Grand Railroad
promoted the Colorado area, while the Santa Fe Railroad brought tourists to the Grand
Canyon, and nearby desert regions (Wyckoff and Dilsaver 1997; Shaffer 2001).
36
Figure 11: Glacier National Park Emblem, c.1910 Source: Shaffer 2001
As accessibility increased, wealthier Americans were drawn to experience the different people, towns, climates, landscapes, values, and wonders of the great American
West. The West was romanticized and promoted as the “true America” in guidebooks, photographs, and paintings (Belasco 1997; Wyckoff and Dilsaver 1997; Shaffer 2001).
The role of parks and conservation now took on a new meaning in the lives of many
Americans. Conservation no longer meant merely safeguarding natural resources for future generations. People discovered that parks and other public lands could be used for recreation and travel.
The Hocking Hills Story
Despite the initial interest in the western landscape, other regions were starting to catch the attention of the tourist. Compared to the rest of the nation, the Hocking Hills region and much of Ohio were experiencing similar trends in resource consumption, conservation, and tourism. By the end of the nineteenth century Hocking County was bustling with industry and its population was growing rapidly. Agriculture, clay 37 manufacturing, iron production, logging, and coal mining had become big business
(Figure 12 and 13). The county, which was once covered with dense hardwood forests and full of game, was being transformed. The hilltops and flat stream valleys were cleared of large stands of valuable timber to make room for agriculture, to supply charcoal to the iron furnaces, and to supply materials for various products (Hall 1961;
Conner 2005).
Figure 12: Post Card of Hocking County Industry, 1908 Source: Hocking County Historical Society
38
Figure 13: Post Card of the County Seat, Logan, Ohio, 1908 Source: Hocking County Historical Society
About 66,000 cords of wood were cut every year in Hocking County to produce enough charcoal to run the county’s six furnaces. During the Civil War the iron furnace industry reaching its zenith with the six furnaces were in full swing, consuming more charcoal then ever before (Conner 2005). In September 1840, the first boat load of coal from Hocking County floated down the Hocking Canal, marking a new era for the region
(Conner 2005). Coal mining drastically altered the landscape. Not only did it create hollow hillsides and environmental problems such as acid mine drainage, it also consumed large quantities of lumber. Millions of wooden mine props were needed to prevent the heavy mine ceilings from collapsing. When the railroad opened in Hocking
County in the summer of 1869, coal production sky rocketed and more timber was needed for railroad ties (Conner 2005). By the turn of the century, coal was king in
Hocking County and the rail lines were increasing rapidly. 39
Deforestation was occurring throughout Hocking County and across much of the state by the end of the nineteenth century. The effects of industry and a growing population were rapidly encroaching upon what is now the park area. Parts of the scenic landscape, however, were spared. Despite these patterns of resource exploitation and environmental degradation, some of the largest trees were preserved because they were too difficult to remove from the deep ravine floors (Ionne 1981). Rugged terrain was not the Hocking Hills only saving grace. Local people seemed to have forged a connection with the area which may have helped to protect it.
When settlers first arrived in the region around 1800, meetings and church services were held at Ash Cave until better facilities could be built. The cave was selected for its incredible acoustic qualities and for the large rock, called Pulpit Rock, which served as a podium for leaders and ministers (ODNR 2000) (Figure 14). Locals viewed the rock shelters and ravines as retreats from the hustle and bustle of everyday life. They frequently picnicked amid the waterfalls and streams and hiked through the valleys and hills (Figure 15 and 16). Legends, such as the tale of Richard Rowe – the old man of Old Man’s Cave – and the hidden treasure at Conkles Hollow, added to the area’s mystique. These connections with the Hocking Hills region made it more than just a place. It made the region part of the locals’ heritage and identity.
40
Figure 14: Church Service at Ash Cave, c.1905 Source: Hocking County Historical Society
Figure 15: Post Card of Cedar Falls, 1908 Source: Hocking County Historical Society
41
Figure 16: Post Card of Scenic Rock Formations in Hocking Hills Region, 1908 Source: Hocking County Historical Society
Before long the Hocking Hills region had become more than a local tourist
attraction. Although poor roads and limited access prevented heavy visitation, in 1835
Colonel F.F. Remple of Logan erected a 16-room hotel called the Rock House Hotel
(Figure 17). The hotel, which was located directly above Rock House Cave, included a
ballroom, livery stable, and U.S. post office (Goslin 1971; ODNR 2000). The hotel was
successful enough that in 1878 Remple preformed renovations and ran advertisements in
the local newspapers. One such advertisement read: “The Hotel at the Rock House has
been enlarged and improved. At present it is under the charge of Fred Remple who is
prepared to accommodate visitors and pleasure parties. Reliable men can secure the lease
of this Hotel Resort at a reasonable price” (The Hocking Sentinel, 28 May 1878). Over time the hotel’s popularity grew and by the late nineteenth century guests were arriving from across the U.S. The hotel frequently catered to 20 or more guests a night in the 42 spring, summer, and fall. According to the hotel’s register, many guests were from surrounding areas such as Logan, Athens, Lancaster, and Chillicothe. But the guest list was not limited to neighboring towns. Patrons were arriving from Columbus, Cincinnati,
Philadelphia, Baltimore, Chicago, Washington, D.C., and even San Francisco (The Rock
House Register 1878-1889).
Figure 17: Rock House Hotel, c.1910 Source: Hocking County Tourism Association
Before long the region was being referred to as “Ohio’s Scenic Wonderland”
(ODNR 2000) and more hotels and businesses were catering to visitors, including the
Scenic Inn at Ash Cave, the Ohio House, and the American House in Bloomingville.
Around the turn of the century, the Columbus and Southern Railroad passed through
Hocking County near Ash Cave. Plans were made to market the area as a resort, but he
idea was short-lived. In January 1907, two engines fell into Salt Creek – near Ash Cave
– and could not be retrieved. Then in 1913, a flood destroyed a large portion of the 43 tracks. The rail line and the idea for a resort was abandoned and all assets were auctioned in 1915 (Goslin 1971; Dust in the Attic 2005).
The scenic overhangs and gorges of Hocking County were a part of people’s lives long before the area became a state park. As transportation improved, the Hocking Hills became more than just a local tourist attraction. Soon visitors were arriving from all over
Ohio as well as across the U.S. As businesses developed around the scenic area and the number of visitors grew, the state and others slowly began to realize that the region possessed economic potential and the land might be better protected in the hands of the state. It would take several more years and a growing interest in national parks before states like Ohio realized the full potential and value of scenic landscapes. 44
Chapter Three: The State Parks and Outdoor Recreation Movements
The nineteenth century was a time of changing perspectives on wilderness and recreation. Americans began seeing the importance of conserving natural resources.
Wilderness became more than a resource; it became a place to recreate and be one with nature. These changing views were further fueled by increasingly crowded cities, better accessibility to the American West, and the desire to seek out a “true” American identity.
The first few decades of the twentieth century, on the other hand, were marked by an increase in independent mobility, growing demands for outdoor recreation, and greater government involvement in the protection of wilderness.
Initially, efforts focused mainly on the development of national parks and before long every state wanted its own. The demands of the public far exceeded the National
Park Service’s ability to provide parks. Figures such as Stephen Tyng Mather, director of the National Park Service, as well as other conservationists had another idea – the development of state parks (Tilden 1962). State parks enabled the states to protect their areas of historic meaning and their places of natural beauty. Unlike national parks, which were difficult if not impossible for many Americans to visit, state parks provided outdoor recreation and retreats closer to home. By the mid-1920s, Americans were engrossed in state park development, and residents of Ohio were no exception.
Increased Mobility
Early twentieth century conservation and park movements were influenced by several major factors. The first and perhaps most pivotal factor was increased mobility.
At the turn of the century, Americans were able to travel across the continent or across 45 town quicker and easier then ever before. However, travel was often dictated by railway timetables as destinations were limited. Soon Americans desired more individualized transportation.
Throughout much of the nineteenth century and into the twentieth century, railways helped to open the nation. Greater numbers of Americans were traveling by rail ever year. Between 1896 and 1920, rail travel’s peak year, the number of passengers had more than tripled to 1.2 billion and the amount of track had increased to more than
200,000 miles (Boyd and Pritcher 1999). However, by 1900 a new trend in transportation was on the horizon, the automobile. By the end of the nineteenth century there was a greater emphasis on individual mobility and consequently a push for better roads. People living in the country wanted to reduce their rural isolation while people in the city wanted better ways to escape crowded urban centers. Americans wanted to go where they wanted, when they wanted. They desired freedom from the restraints of railway timetables and predetermined destinations.
The first commercially successful automobiles were imported from Europe and carried a hefty price tag. Wealthy Americans in the Northeast were the first owners. The
Northeast was particularly well-suited to the introduction of the automobile as it was the only region in the region in the U.S. – at the time – to possess any hard-surfaced roads
(Hugill 1982; Shaffer 2001). Despite the fact automobiles started as a rich man’s toy, by
1900, 8,000 Americans owned an automobile (Raitz 1998) 4,000 of which had been manufactured in the U.S. (Shaffer 2001). In 1908, the automobile industry was revolutionized by Henry Ford’s Model T. Ford’s assembly line took automobiles out of 46 the class of luxury and made them relatively inexpensive (Figure 18). The fist Model T’s cost about $850, far cheaper than the automobiles imported from Europe. The number of automobiles in the U.S. quickly jumped to an amazing 65,000, but this was only the beginning (Raitz 1998; Shaffer 2001).
Figure 18: The Model T, 1908 Source: The Henry Ford Museum
Just two years after Ford introduced the Model T, the number of Americans with
automobiles increased more than sevenfold to almost 500,000 (Belasco 1997). Total
mileage of paved roads quickly rose as well. By the end of 1900, if one were to put all
hard-surfaced roads in the nation end to end they would not have stretched from New
York to Boston. Four years later, more than 250,000 miles of surfaced roads had been
built across the nation and many more were under construction (Raitz 1998). The
automobile was no longer just a rich man’s toy. Middle-class workers could now afford 47
“basic, individualized transportation and had access to any place with a serviceable road”
(Raitz 1998, 373). Travel and tourism would never be the same again.
A Growing Demand for Outdoor Recreation and Escapes
Another occurrence at the turn of the century that would influence development was the growing demand for outdoor recreation. By this time, several large areas had been set aside for conservation and recreation purposes. As the popularity of outdoor recreation grew, the public began to push for the development of more parks and recreation opportunities. The U.S. was experiencing an era of prosperity and optimism.
It was a period of ever-increasing industrialization and urbanization, especially in the
East. Cities were coming more congested and the negative effects of industry were obvious (Landrum 2004). It was also a period of enlightenment which produced a number of progressive causes and campaigns (Landrum 2004). For example, as concerns arose concerning urban living, a back-to-nature movement took hold in the U.S.
Americans began to value wilderness for its spiritual and romantic importance. They also began to develop a deeper interest in the idea of parks (Cox 1988; Terrie 1997).
Wilderness now had a way of “lifting people out of their everyday routine, in opening them to new vistas, in revealing to them something of the majesty of this country when first viewed by the pioneers, in teaching them through interpretive methods the story of the earth-building processes through the millenniums, the evolution of plant and animal life, and the relation of these to each other and to their environment” (Zierer 1952, 475).
By the end of the nineteenth century, play and recreation started to take on new meaning in Americans’ lives. Economic prosperity in conjunction with an urbanizing 48 population triggered concerns over public health, safety, and social well-being. In addition, the idea of recreation, which had begun to take on many forms and levels of involvement, and a gradual increase in personal leisure time for both common and wealthy Americans, brought about a new philosophy of living. Urban citizens were demanding new places to play and new facilities to support specialized activities
(LaGasse 1965; Landrum 2004). Between 1885 and 1906 several groups were formed which promoted recreation including the American Physical Education Association, founded to promote athletics in schools; the American Association of Park
Superintendents, established to enhance professionalism in recreation and the Playground
Association of America, created to promote and manage organized recreation (LaGasse
1965; Landrum 2004). A new industry that encouraged outdoor play and recreation was born.
The urban parks movement was a catalyst for another type of recreation – recreation in natural areas, away from the city. Americans retreated to urban parks for temporary relief from city living. Although people such as Frederick Law Olmsted did much to create urban parks that resembled a wild landscape, the city was never far from sight. With ever increasing ways to travel away from city centers and the growing popularity of outdoor recreation, Americans wanted more remote natural escapes. They wanted to be removed from urban areas completely. Natural parks offered just what many were looking for. These parks provided the opportunity to be surrounded by nature. They were generally more remote and provided a more natural backdrop to recreation (Landrum 2004). Natural parks allowed people to be closer to nature in a way 49 that urban parks could never have provided. With the automobile, people could now seek out nature.
A Call for Government Supervision
It was quickly becoming apparent that the ever increasing number of individual, independently-operated parks and natural areas was cumbersome to manage. Gradually, the idea of autonomous parks gave way to the concept of a coordinated park system managed with the assistance of state and federal governments. As natural areas increasingly became the ideal places to travel to and recreate in, the early twentieth century was marked by a push for federal and state involvement. Many Americans were beginning to feel that protection of parks and natural areas was the duty of the whole society. At this time it was recognized this duty could be carried out only with the assistance of the government (Cox 1988). With the help of the government it was believed resources could be preserved for future generations while at the same time, enjoyed by Americans as places for recreation. Figures such as Theodore Roosevelt lent a sympathetic ear and the federal and state governments began to step in and take action.
During the mid to late nineteenth century, the federal government passed several regulations intended to protect forests. However, these laws often had loop holes or were open to various interpretations. In many cases these acts actually accelerated the rate of deforestation. The Timber Culture Act of 1873, for example, was designed to encourage tree planting. In reality the act was used to cut more timber. Under this act, landowners did not have to plant trees for four years, giving them enough time to strip the land of its trees and graze it bare (Williams 1989). The Free Timber Act of 1878’s guidelines for the 50 eight Rocky Mountain states were vague. According to this act, residents had the right to cut timber on “mineral lands, for building, agricultural, mining or other domestic purposes” (quoted in Williams 1989, 398). Because of the act’s unclear intention, residents often felled forested land beyond the “mineral lands” (Williams 1989).
Between 1890 and 1910, many questions were posed and few were answered.
Nevertheless, the 20-year period proved to be pivotal in the creation of long-range management and protection of many of America’s forests. On March 3, 1891, for example, Congress established the first forest reserves, which soon became incorporated into a system of national forests, enabling lands to be set aside by Executive Order. In
1897, the Organic Act created guidelines for the management of forests reserves. It also helped to improve and protect forests, to secure favorable water flows, and to furnish a continuous supply of timber for citizens of the United States (Williams 1989). Unlike several of the laws passed before, these acts had more government backing and monitoring.
Government involvement around the turn of the century not only helped to protect forests, it also motivated leaders such as President Grover Cleveland, President Benjamin
Harrison, and New York Governor DeWitt Clinton to set more land aside for protection and public use. This turned out to be just the beginning. Park development would soon accelerate and new types of parks would be invented.
Although only a few wilderness parks were in place by the start of the twentieth century, the park movement was about to take off. Roads were always reaching out further across the country side, opening up new regions and new recreation opportunities. 51
State and local governments along with local businesses were beginning to see outdoor- based recreation as a means to make money. Before long, the country was enthralled with park development. At first it was national parks that caught the attention of citizens and leaders. However, before long a new type of park would emerge, the state park. The social movements mentioned above enabled Americans and their leaders to create a nation of parks.
A Boom in Park Development
The U.S. stands out from other nations in several ways. Some of these distinctive qualities are what made national and state parks possible. One distinctive feature was the country’s unique experience with nature, which played an intricate part in the nation’s development and success. The country’s democratic foundation made it possible for citizens to voice opinions about the treatment of natural resources and to be heard. The
U.S. was also distinctive in that it possessed a large amount of undeveloped land at the start of the twentieth century. Finally, American society has remained relatively affluent, giving Americans the ability to afford the luxury of preserving nature for is non- utilitarian values (Nash 1970). These factors in particular have made park development possible but also part of the nation’s heritage and identity.
National Parks
The National Park System has become one of the most popular of American institutions. It all started on March 1, 1872, when the first national park was created.
President Ulysses S. Grant signed an act designating over two million acres of northwest
Wyoming as Yellowstone National Park (Nash 1973; Miles 1995; Sellars 1997). The 52 park’s developers and supporters were not so much concerned with the protection of wilderness, tourism, or recreation. Instead they were attempting to prevent private acquisition and exploitation of the natural wonders that existed within the park area
(Nash 1973). It would be several years before people began to realize the significance of the nation’s first national park and even longer before the nation knew exactly how to manage this expansive wilderness. Yellowstone proved to be only the beginning of a long history of park development.
Throughout the nineteenth century our perception of wilderness and conservation slowly changed. By the turn of the century it became clear that wilderness was an essential part of the American identity. Americans began to realize their country was different because of the wilderness and began to take pride in the fact that they were pioneers. Unlike Europeans, whose identity and legitimacy was tied strongly to history, the U.S. found its authenticity in wilderness (Nash 1970). With this new sense of pride in wilderness there was a surge in park development, particularly national park development.
Even with Yellowstone as an example of a true national park, there was no rush to create additional national parks. Nearly three decades would pass before the national park idea caught on. At the turn of the century, there were only five national parks in existence – Yellowstone, Yosemite, Sequoia, General Grant (now part of Kings Canyon), and Mount Rainier (Sellars 1997). Between 1900 and the creation of the National Park
Service in 1916, the number of parks began to grow. By 1915, sixteen national parks had been created. The assemblage of national parks up until this point, however, had more or 53 less come about by chance. Selection, acquisition, and development happen largely on an individual basis with little or no systematic guidance (Miles 1995; Sellars 1997; Landrum
2004). As the number of parks grew, it became increasingly difficult for the federal government to manage and take care of them all. The need for coordination became evident. Almost a half century after the establishment of the first national park, Congress passed legislation which created the National Park Service, providing some supervision over existing and future national parks (LaGasse 1965; Nash 1970; Fitzsimmons 1979;
Sellars 1997; Landrum 2004).
National park development was steady up until the start of World War I. The war brought about a slow time for both the recreation and parks movement. However, with the end of the war and a new national parks system, national park development took off.
Local and state government and businessmen realized the economic potential national parks brought with them. National parks started as a means to protect places of scenic wonder and scientific importance within the U.S., as well as provide outdoor recreation opportunities for Americans. Over time, national parks became vacation destinations and their popularity soared, attracting more and more visitors every year. Soon their popularity outstripped their ability to satisfy the public’s recreational demands.
Something had to be done to meet the growing expectations of the public. The Solution was the development of State Parks (Tilden 1962; Buckley and Grove 2001; Landrum
2004).
54
The Birth of State Parks
National park development was well on its way, but it wasn’t until the second decade of the twentieth century that the idea of parks and outdoor recreation truly took hold. During this time America “truly surrendered itself to the horseless carriage” (Terrie
1997, 134). As roads improved, gasoline became cheaper, and more Americans owned vehicles, interest in the country’s parks blossomed (Terrie 1997; Landrum 2004). The nation had been inspired by figures like Theodore Roosevelt, John Muir, and Gifford
Pinchot. National Parks had caught the attention of the American public and tourists were flooding into the parks in greater numbers every year. In addition, the national parks’ ability to attract concessions such as restaurants, hotels, and specialty stores, caught the attention of many state leaders. Before long the National Park Service was being bombarded with offers of new national parks – it seemed that every state wanted its own national park (Tilden 1962; Landrum 2004).
The popularity of national parks raised many new questions and posed several new problems. The National Park Service and others began to question the purpose of national parks. Was their purpose to protect places of natural beauty and scientific interest or was it to provide the public with recreation and vacation destinations? The
National Park Service wanted national parks to be exceptional examples of the nation’s wonder. How could they keep up with the demand for more parks while at the same time preserve the integrity of national parks? Furthermore, many Americans were unable to enjoy the national parks because they lived too far away. How could recreation and outdoor escapes be brought closer to Americans’ back doors? What was needed was a 55 new type of park that would support recreation activities, preserve wilderness areas, and be accessible. The answer: state parks.
The period 1900 to 1920 was one of rapid growth and progressive change for the state parks movement. The national park movement had inspired Americans. Interest in preservation was as strong as ever. The demand for outdoor recreation and opportunities was on the rise. Travel was becoming more popular as the price of automobiles fell, and railway and highway systems expanded across the nation. Under these conditions, states started to seriously consider state park development in a more systematic way (Landrum
2004).
By 1900, several states began developing state parks. Pennsylvania and New
York were among the first. In Pennsylvania in 1902, Mount Alto Forest Preservation was acquired. Soon state forest reservations expanded to more than 300,000 acres. In New
York, citizens’ interest in wilderness parks prompted the state government to act. By
1910 Niagara Falls, the Adirondacks, and the Catskill Mountains were acquired by the state. By 1911, Wisconsin had created a state park board and two state parks – Peninsula and Devil’s Lake. Washington established the office of State Board of Parks
Commissioner in 1913. Generally speaking, the South was slower to join the movement.
North Carolina, for example, did not acquire its first state park until 1916 (Landrum
2004).
Shortly after the First World War, the emphasis on state parks increased and prompted more action to be taken in state park development. By 1920, 21 states possessed at least one state park (Tilden 1962; LaGasse 1965; Landrum 2004). Stephen 56
Mather, the first national park director, conceived, promoted, and organized the idea of a network of state parks in about two months (Landrum 2004). In January 1921, with the help of Iowa Governor W. L. Harding, Mather called for a meeting on state parks. More than 200 conservationists attended the meeting in Des Moines. The attendees discussed the best use of any given piece of land that has not been impacted by human expansion
(Tilden 1962; Landrum 2004). Specifically, these conservationists were interested in the creation of state or other parks for recreation to benefit a population that was swiftly becoming urbanized. They wanted to spark a movement to create systems of recreation areas within the states. These new state parks were to be comparable in purpose, choice, administration, and benefits to the country’s national parks (Tilden 1962; Landrum
2004). The result was the creation of the National Conference on State Parks with the goal:
To urge upon out governments, local, county, state, and national, the acquisition of additional land and water areas suitable for recreation, for the study of natural history and its scientific aspects, and the preservation, of wild life, as a form of the conservation of natural resources; until there shall be public parks, forests and preserves within easy access of all citizens of every state and territory of the United States; and also to encourage the interest of non-governmental agencies and individuals in acquiring, maintaining and dedicating for public uses similar areas; and in educating the citizens of the United Sates in the values and uses of recreational areas. (quoted in Tilden 1962, 4)
The National Conference on State Parks opened a new door in park development.
It helped to start a nation-wide movement towards the creation of a system of recreation areas within the states. The wheels were beginning to turn. What was needed now was to get more people interested and involved. Time was short. Land was being purchased 57 by timber companies, private individuals, mining companies, and others. Before long many of the states had jumped on the bandwagon and the state parks movement really started to take off. The conference was a milestone in the evolution of the state parks movement and proved to be a catalyst in state park development for the next two decades.
Nevertheless, defining just what the “state park” designation meant proved challenging.
Even today the meaning is open to debate. Perhaps Colonel Liber said it best when he noted that “state parks are meant to be the show windows of a state. But, more than that, state parks are a dedication of the soul of the land” (quoted in Tilden 1962, 9).
Ohio Gets Involved
At the start of the twentieth century, automobiles were extremely expensive and there were only a small number of manufacturers in Ohio. In addition, the state only had a handful of surfaced roads. Within a few years this was starting to change. The State
Highway Department of Ohio, created in 1904, appropriated $10,000 for state road construction. It was a slow start, but the department was on its way to becoming a leader in road construction (State of Ohio Department of Highways 1928). With the introduction of the Ford Model T in 1908 more Ohioans were buying automobiles and becoming “wholly infected with ‘good-roads fever’” (Grant 2000, 12) (Figure 19).
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Figure 19: Early Motorists in Cincinnati, Ohio, c.1910 Source: Grant 2000
The growing demand for outdoor recreation caught the attention of many Ohioans
at the turn of the century. Residents wanted more space to play and recreate, away from
the congestion of the city. Additionally, they wanted assurance that the land placed in the
public domain would be managed and protected, for they too were experiencing growing
concern over rapidly depleting resources. By the end of the nineteenth century, the state
began reforesting many agricultural lands. Buckeye Lake, Indian Lake, Portage Lake,
and other water bodies were dedicated as public parks between 1894 and 1898 (ODNR
1999). These lakes were once feeder reservoirs for the Ohio Canal system. Once the
canal era came to a close, the reservoirs were converted into public parks. Many became popular recreation spots. For example, numerous cottages and a handful of amusement
parks surrounded Buckeye Lake by the early 1900s (ODNR 2006). As with many other 59 states, the twentieth century would bring even more changes and greater state involvement.
Ohio, along with New York, California, and Colorado, was among the first states to establish a forestry agency. In 1900, Ohio’s new forestry agency consisted of a three- man board appointed by the governor (Widner 1968). The board was appropriated
$1,000, according to the act, “to thoroughly inquire into the character and extent of the forest of the state; to investigate the causes which are in operation to produce their waste or decay; to suggest what legislation is necessary for the development of a rational system of forestry; and to establish a forestry station on the grounds of Ohio State
University” (quoted in Widner 1968, 33). Interest in the Ohio State Bureau of Forestry waned during its infancy due to internal discord and lack of sufficient funding. However, interest was rekindled three years later on December 11 when the Ohio State Forestry
Society was founded (Widner 1968).
In 1906, the responsibility for the state forestry program was passed on to the
Agricultural Extension Service and the Experiment Stations. The programs faced many old problems as well as some new ones. For example, its budget was still minimal and it lacked the key requisite for success – trained personnel. However, this time the program fared much better than the old Bureau in winning support and appropriation from the legislature. The program received another face lift in 1907 when station director, W.J.
Green, ordered new guidelines for the forest service. According to Green, the first step was to figure out what forest Ohio had and the condition of these forests. Next, they needed to gather information concerning the rate of growth of forest trees. Finally, they 60 had to attempt to entice farmers to preserve and expand their forests. Furthermore, Green stressed the importance of forest problems peculiar to the hill counties of Southeast Ohio
(Widner 1968). Reaching these goals proved to be a long process. Even by 1912, there was no clear-cut objective or concrete examples of woodland improvement. Unlike the
West where significant amounts of land were already held in the public domain, large portions of land in the state were owned privately. This made it more difficult to protect the forests and obtain land for public use. Conditions would not significantly improve until 1915, when legislation enabled the state to more easily buy and acquire land for protection and recreation.
In 1915, a state forest law was passed by the legislature thanks to the efforts of
State Forester, Edmund Secrest. This new law enabled Ohio to acquire areas of scenic value, virgin woodland, and areas that were suitable for recreation or reforestation through acquisition, purchase, or gift (Widner 1968). Soon more attempts were being made to purchase tracts of forested land for state forests. The hilly region of the southeastern part of the state received close attention. Waterloo State Forest, consisting of 221 acres in Athens County, and Dean State Forest consisting of 1,500 acres in central
Lawrence County were among the first created (Widner 1968). The 1921 National
Conference on State Parks spurred greater state park development and prompted the legislature to provide even more support. Within a decade, ten separate state forests and parks, amounting to 60,000 acres, were set aside. Hocking Hills, along with Shawnee,
Pike Lake, Scioto Trial, Beaver Creek, John Bryan, and Mohican, were created in this wave of development following the National Conference on State Parks (ODNR 1999). 61
This wave of park development marked the beginning of the state parks movement in
Ohio.
The Creation of Hocking Hills State Forest Park
In contrast to other parts of Ohio and the U.S., Hocking County was somewhat behind in the development of conservation practices and park establishment at the turn of the century. Despite the state’s quick response to the state parks movement and the region’s scenic value, conditions in the Hocking Hills region were less than ideal for park development. At the time, the area was rather remote with few roads and limited railways. The population was relatively low. Like much of Southeast Ohio, Hocking
County was mainly involved in agricultural and extractive land uses that placed large amounts of land in private hands (Gordon 1940; Widner 1968). Indeed, the area which would become Hocking Hills State park was all privately owned (Hocking County
Recorders Office). However, the overhangs and gorges were still attracting ever- increasing numbers of visitors and new tourism-oriented businesses ever year.
Over the next two decades, park development and conservation practices intensified in the Southeast. Throughout the late 1910s and early 1920s “there [was] a general realization, as a result of the campaign of education promoted by Theodore
Roosevelt and others, that the rich resources of natural wealth originally possessed of this country have been handled in a spendthrift way” (Democrat-Sentinel 28 February 1924).
Wood in Hocking County, according to an editorial in Logan, Ohio’s Democrat-Sentinel, was at “a higher price because forest products have been wastefully handled” and the ability to support live stock was decreasing due to “wasteful use of grazing lands” (28 62
February 1924). Industries and citizens who were exploiting resources for the
“immediate money, but sacrificing future productiveness and failing to get the maximum benefit of the county’s wealth” were scorned (Democrat-Sentinel, 28 February 1924).
The 1920s also brought more public debate over natural resource depletion partly spurred by intensifying oil exploration and drilling (Democrat-Sentinel, 28 February 1924;
Democrat-Sentinel, 3 April 1924). In addition to greater awareness of natural resources,
Hocking County was experiencing general prosperity during the early 1920s. The Ohio
Association League’s 1923 survey indicated employment numbers were up, working conditions were rising, and road construction was increasing in Hocking County
(Democrat-Sentinel, 18 January 1923).
It was during this period of growing awareness of natural resources and prosperity in Hocking County that the state of Ohio purchased the first parcel of Hocking Hills State
Forest Park.∗ The state not only realized the scenic significance of the region, it also
recognized its economic potential. In October 1924, State Forester Edmund Secrest and
the Ohio Forest Association invited key figures and the general public to a meeting at Old
Man’s Cave to discuses the future of the “scenic points in Hocking County.” A
newspaper article invited people to the meeting that was to last two days and consist of a
tour of the caves and a campfire discussion (Democrat-Sentinel, 25 September 1924;
Logan Republican, 9 October 1924).
Over 200 attended the campfire meeting. Among those present were Ohio State
Foresters Edmund Secrest and J.J. Crumley, E.C. Lloyd of Ohio Farmer Magazine,
∗ Ohio state parks were not officially dubbed “state parks” until the creation of the Ohio Department of Natural Resources in 1949. Hocking Hills and others were nonetheless state-owned parks open to the public. 63
Representative Ownes, Professor Osborne of Ohio State University, along with a representative of the National Forestry Service (Logan Republican, 9 October 1924). The
Democrat-Sentinel stated that many present “expressed the thought that the state of Ohio should own the territory inspected and preserve its beauties for the future citizens of the state and nation” (Democrat-Sentinel, 9 October 1924). Before the end of the year the state purchased the first parcel of land in the Hocking Hills. The parcel consisted of 146 acres surrounding Old Man’s Cave. The following spring, Rock House, Ash Cave, and
Conkles Hollow were added to the newly developed Hocking Hills State Forest Park.
The park now encompassed about 350 acres of scenic caves and hollows (Hall 1961;
ODNR 2000; ODNR 2006).
The Hocking Hills region had been a popular tourist attraction and recreation destination among locals for nearly one hundred years by the time the state acquired the land. In 1924 it became one of Ohio’s first true state parks. Factors that were encouraging park establishment across much of the country such as intensified awareness of dwindling natural resources, growing recreation needs, and improvements in transportation also played a part in the creation of Hocking Hills State Forest Park. It appears the state’s acquisition of the Hocking Hills was widely accepted by the locals, indicating that they welcomed the state assistance in protection of the overhangs and gorges. With the assistance of the state and a new fad – autocamping – the park’s popularity was about to take off. 64
Chapter Four: Tourism and Autocamping: Americans Take to the Road
Tourism and vacation took on a whole new meaning in the 1920s and 1930s. The automobile had truly become part of everyday life. Americans had taken to the road and were exploring the nation in a new way. M.H. James my have expressed this phenomenon the best in his 1924 article “The Automobile and Recreation”:
The greatness of the United States was simply taken for granted before the automobile enabled citizens to see for themselves the extent of this country. But now unhampered the average citizen drives from coast to coast, from Canadian to Mexican border. He sets up his camp trailer, or pup tent, or he avails himself of municipal camp site. He has had a full and enjoyable day. He has climbed mountains and floated down hills. He has passed through timber lands or across farming country or the wastelands left by careless toiler who took toll of nature. He has cooked his own meals beneath the sky, or he has found moderately priced subsistence at lunch stands along the way. And so at close of day, with an enjoyable tomorrow just ahead, he sinks into slumber with a satisfaction never equaled in the covered wagon days (p.34).
The Automobile and Growing Possibilities
The Road and Vehicle Boom of the 1920s
Travel along with American culture was transformed during the first three decades of the twentieth century. Almost no part of American life was left untouched by the changes brought by the gasoline-powered vehicle. During the first decade of the twentieth century, the automobile was just starting to make waves in the U.S.
Automobile manufacturing was quickly becoming standardized – thanks to Henry Ford and his Model T – and road conditions were improving. The automobile still remained more of a toy or luxury item rather than a trustworthy means of transportation. 65
The second decade of the twentieth century was marked by a rise in hard-surfaced roads and an increase in travel. By 1910 there were nearly 500,000 automobile owners in the U.S. Of the 2.5 million miles of roads that existed, about 300,000 miles had improved surfaces of gravel, stone, sand-clay, brick, oiled earth, or bituminous (Belasco 1997;
Raitz 1998). Asphalt and concrete were yet to come and the few paved roads were usually around towns and cities (Raitz 1998). Most roads were made of dirt and were bumpy and dusty in dry weather, impossible in wet weather. New ideas were brewing and before long the U.S. would become a nation on wheels.
On July 1, 1913, the Lincoln Highway Association was established with the mission to create the first transcontinental highway in the U.S., signifying the start of the
Good Roads Movement and a new era in U.S. history. The Lincoln Highway was to be a memorial to the sixteenth president. At first, advocates wanted the memorial to be a long, wide parkway linking Washington, D.C. to Gettysburg Battlefield, then meandering onward towards the west coast. Later it was decided that a quick ocean to ocean highway would better serve the nation. The official route was publicly announced in September
1913 by Henry Joy (Figure 20). The highway would begin at Times Square, and after crossing 14 states, end at the Pacific Ocean in San Francisco, California (Grant 2000;
Shaffer 2001). The Lincoln Highway would not reach its final destination until June
1930 (Belasco 1997), but its concept and on-going construction would inspire the nation to build an even greater network of highways. 66
Figure 20: Cover of Lincoln Highway Guide, 1914 Source: Shaffer 2000
Serious consideration of a federal road program began early in 1916. By this time the good roads movement had been widely embraced. On July 11 of that year President
Woodrow Wilson signed the Federal Aid Act, further stimulating highway construction.
Congress authorized $25 million for road improvements and construction of a national road system. The funds would be apportioned to the states - half on the basis of population and half based on mileage of existing improved roads. All work would be under the supervision and control of the states (Hugill 1982; Weingroff 1996; Raitz 1998;
Shaffer 2001). The reaction to the Federal Aid Act was mixed, but the act undoubtedly
encouraged states to not only to be involved in road development, but also to establish 67 highway agencies with engineering professionals to help carry out the federal projects
(Weingroff 1996).
The events which took place throughout the first two decades of the twentieth century – from transcontinental highway development to federal aid – lead up to the road and vehicle boom of the 1920s. According to Hugill (1982, 34) “The 1920s saw a complete realization of an automobile way of life.” High levels of standardization enabled the price of automobiles to drop significantly. The price of the Ford Model T, for example, went from $850 in 1908 to $290 in 1920. The number of automobile owners increased significantly from fewer than half a million in 1910 to over 80 million in 1920 with a wider range of social classes buying them (Belasco 1997; Shaffer 2001). A system of uniform road signage was developed. Furthermore, phrases such as “service stations,” “stop signs,” “double parking,” “driver’s licenses,” “traffic cop,” “rod hog,” and “back-seat driver” emerged to address the new activities and needs in the automobile world (Davidson 1934).
New laws such as the Federal Highway Act of 1921 helped to streamline road development. The act replaced the Federal Aid Act and helped to restructure the role of the federal government in road development by putting an end to the debate over use of aid. Rural farmers, businessmen, and others wanted a system of roads that would help improve transportation to markets and limit isolation. Urban residents, on the other hand, wanted an extensive highway system that would facilitate long-distance travel. The
Federal Highway Act provided aid for a connected system of interstate highways and left rural road development up to state and local governments (Shaffer 2001). By 1922 the 68 government built 10,247 miles of highway. This was almost four times as many federally-financed roads as were constructed in the preceding five years under the Federal
Aid Act (Hugill 1982).
Throughout the 1920s, “Americans flooded the roadways in their mortgaged automobiles: driving to factory jobs, driving to Main Street shops, driving to visit relatives, driving to vacation destinations, driving Sunday afternoons to see the country, driving on warm, sultry summer evenings to cool off” (Raitz 1998, 376). Although driving was initially a leisure activity, automobile owners increasingly found it a necessity. Roads and the people driving on them equaled new opportunities and new markets.
New Meaning of Vacation and the Birth of Autocamping
Advances in automobile design and road development revolutionized American lifestyles in many ways during the 1920s. Travel and vacation took on new meaning as well. Editorials at the time informed readers that “vacation no longer means merely rest, recuperation or rustication to the American family. Popular use of the motor car has wrought a change in ideas and the average family today accepts vacations as proper time to go places and see and do things” (The Democrat-Sentinel, 24 June 1930).
In addition to more families and individuals having the time and the means to travel, they could now pick and choose what they wanted to see and do. Trains forced passengers to see what was along the tracks – if they could see anything at all due to the speed at which the train was traveling – and this was often empty space or the slummy and industrial parts of cities. Automobile travel was much slower, typically less than 20 69 miles per hour and was challenging (Belasco 1997). Warren Belasco writes that
“Motorists now had front row seats for the best part of the performance,” the open road and the colorful places along the way (Belasco 1997, 29). Motorists could pick scenic or historic routes and could avoid places they did not want to see. Furthermore, motoring brought about camaraderie with other motorists, helping each other out of the mud or exchanging travel stories.
By this time there were several motoring guides such as AAA publications and road atlases published by companies like Rand McNally that not only helped Americans reach their destination but also colorfully promoted national parks, state parks, historical land marks, and other places of interest. There were new terms coined to describe one’s trip such as “scenic routes,” “circle drives,” “souvenirs,” and “tourist centers.” Upon returning from a motoring trip, a friend may have asked “How many miles did you
‘make’ per day?” “How many miles did you ‘get’ per gallon?” “How did your car
‘behave’?” and “Did you have any ‘flats or blowouts’?” (Davidson 1934, 114). The world of travel would never be the same again.
As stated by Elon Jessup in The Motor Camping Book (1921, 3-4) “There came a time when behold a modern miracle was performed. The motor car appeared upon the scene. On the heels of its magic-like development followed motor touring. Here was the nomadic instinct within us popping out in a brand new form. It was a distinct step in the direction of the real gypsy way but still something of a compromise. We were now following the open road, to be sure, but the smoldering camp fire in front of the silent tent was notable lacking from the picture. We were gypsies in the daytime but evening found 70 us back in the turmoil of city streets.” A new fad – autocamping – revolutionized motoring and tourism alike. Autocamping not only made vacationing more popular than ever before but also made it more affordable for working class Americans. It brought new meaning to state parks and wilderness areas in general. Before long men, women, and children of all classes were hitting the road packed from floor to roof with rod and reel, tents, blankets, pots and pans, and more, stopping at campgrounds in national and state parks all along the way (Figure 21).
Figure 21: Camp near Yellowstone, 1923 Source: Belasco 1997
Autocamping started as a vacation alternative for predominantly upper middle class males who were drawn to its lack of established infrastructure. They camped in pastures, orchards, and public school yards while seeking ways to avoid fixed rails and crowded hotels (Belasco 1997; Shaffer 2001). No place seemed too remote or difficult, as long as, “there was room to pull off, pitch a tent, and build a fire” (Belasco 1997, 8).
Autocampers were seen as self-reliant individuals without boundaries. To many it 71 seemed very different and daring, especially to those accustomed to Victorian summer resorts. However, autocamping had a strange appeal even from the beginning.
Americans would not have to live vicariously through the travel diaries and journals printed in newspapers and magazines for long. By 1925 autocamping was more than a fad it was an institution (Belasco 1997).
On any summer day in early 1920s, over 100 tourists could be counted in a
Lincoln Highway town and an accessible campground would host thousands of autocampers from numerous states (Shaffer 2001). It was figures such as these attracted the attention of local governments and businessmen. Before long, villages and towns were attempting to capture the tourist dollar by offering free campgrounds, service stations, and souvenir shops. Between 3,000 and 6,000 autocamps dotted the American landscape by the mid-1920s. Almost every town, big or small, had some kind of campground. The average vacationer traveled 200 miles a day in 1925. This called for frequent stops along the road. During the summer months, an average small town on a main road could expect 50 to 60 out-of-state cars a day to stop to fill-up, get refreshments, or camp. By this time, having progressed from its free-spirited beginnings, autocamping had become big business (Shaffer 2001).
By the 1930s autocamping had attracted a variety of people. Individuals and families from different regions of the country, different social classes with a wide range of occupations – all were basically alike while camping. Just folks. Hotels often did not fit the bill for family time and were often too expensive for working class Americans.
Hotels seemed to divide families rather than bring them together. In many cases, women 72 and children of wealthy families would vacation at summer resorts while the men stayed in the city and worked. Men would then go on their own vacation (Belasco 1997; Shaffer
2001). Autocamping was different. Families cooperated and worked together to get to their destination as well as set up camp. Autocamping offered a break from housekeeping and an opportunity for women to sightsee. It gave children outdoor adventures. For men it meant quality time spent with family (Belasco 1997). In addition, autocamping was typically less expensive than hotels and resorts. Costs were even further reduced when vacationers opted to go on weekend trips and stay relatively close to home (Hugill 1982; Belasco 1997). State parks offered the ideal retreat for Americans and their families – they were both inexpensive and close to home.
Auto Touring and the Nation’s Parks
Throughout the 1920s and 1930s, interest in the nation’s parks climbed continually and new parks were added. With a road here and a bridge there, parks were opened to motorists. Americans were hitting the highway-threaded nation, camping in national and state park and municipal campgrounds along the way. In 1916, 356,097
Americans visited national parks. Of those, nearly 29,000 arrived by car. By 1923, the number of visitors tripled to 1,280,886. Of those, about 271,000 arrived by car and most came prepared to camp (Long 1924; Kneipp 1924). There are no official figures for how many Americans visited state parks during this time but it is thought that the number may have exceeded that for national parks (Kneipp 1924; Landrum 2004). The many state park camping facilities also surpassed anything found on federal land (Kneipp 1924).
State parks were quickly becoming the ideal recreation destination. 73
The National Conference on State Parks got state park development rolling.
However, it was the National Conference on Outdoor Recreation and, later, the
Emergency Conservation Work Act of the Great Depression that picked up the momentum. By the mid-1920s, autocamping and other outdoor activities had become an
American institution. In May 1924 President Calvin Coolidge and his advisors called for a conference on outdoor recreation in response to the growing demands for outdoor activities and campgrounds. Coolidge went so far as to put outdoor recreation on par with education as a government priority (Landrum 2004). State parks, which were well on their way by this time, received a great deal of attention at the conference. The conference established a number of committees, one of which focused on “state parks and forests.” Charles Lathrop Pack, committee chair, clarified the committee’s job as
“summarizing present conditions with respect to state parks and forests, analyzing present and future needs and making constructive recommendations for meeting these needs”
(quoted in Landrum 2004, 96).
The National Conference on Outdoor Recreation pumped new life into state park development. It not only helped provide more funding for the establishment of state parks but also better defined the meaning and use of state parks (Landrum 2004). State parks were gaining more attention from the media than ever before. There was also a significant increase in the creation of state parks. From 1911 to 1920 seven states had established their first state parks. Ten more states created their first state parks from 1921 to 1930. This increase was partly if not mainly due to the attention state parks were 74 receiving by the National Conference on State Parks in 1921 and the National Conference on Outdoor Recreation in 1924 (Landrum 2004).
State park growth between 1920 and 1930 has been described by Ney Landrum as
“steady if not phenomenal” (2004, 124). However, by 1930 only a few states had well- established park systems. A dozen or so states had not established any state parks to speak of. Lack of interest and lack of money were the predominant reasons for the unhurried start (Landrum 2004). Ironically, it would be the major economic down slide of the 1930s that provided the financial opportunities to bolster the state parks movement.
The nation had been in a three-year economic depression when Franklin D.
Roosevelt took office in March 1933 (Landrum 2004). More than 12 million Americans were unemployed. Approximately one out of every four families no longer had an income (Ohio Historical Society 2006). Many Americans were desperately looking for some form of relief. Roosevelt promised Americans a “New Deal.” Roosevelt’s plan was to create new agencies and new programs that would put idle youth to work and improve conditions of the country’s natural resources (Guthrie 1943; Tilden 1962;
Landrum 2004). In his first month of in office, Roosevelt sent a message to Congress calling for action:
I propose to create a civilian conservation corps to be used in simple work, not interfering with normal employment, and confining itself to forestry, the prevention of soil erosion, flood control, and similar projects. I call your attention to the fact that this type of work is of definite practical value, not only through the prevention of great present financial loss but also as a means of creating future national wealth… (quoted in Landrum 2004, 125).
75
On March 31, 1933, only a few weeks after Roosevelt’s election, Congress passed the
Emergency Conservation Act (Guthrie 1943; Tilden 1962; Landrum 2004). Roosevelt’s initiative would not only prove monumental to the struggling nation but also to
America’s state parks.
Less than a week after the Emergency Conservation Act was signed the first enrollees were enlisted and two weeks later the first Civilian Conservation Corp (CCC) camp was operating in George Washington National Forest in Virginia (Guthrie 1943;
Landrum 2004). On May 5, 1933 the CCC program was extended to the state parks.
Robert Fechner, Emergency Conservation Director, sent a lengthy telegram to the governors of the 48 states describing the CCC and how the states could benefit.
According to Fechner, “the states responded favorably, guaranteeing that their State legislatures would enact the necessary legislation and that the State would assume its proper obligation” (quoted in Landrum 2004, 131). There was only one catch – a state needed to own land on which to conduct work. States with no parks or forests – not wanting to pass the offer by – aggressively pursued acquisitions (Landrum 2004). In the first six months, 175 CCC camps were in operation across the country. One hundred and five of these camps were established in state parks (Guthrie 1943; Landrum 2004).
By the time the programs ended in 1942, an estimated $467 million was spent on
CCC camps. Nearly 75 percent of that money or $335 million was spent on state and local parks (Tilden 1962; Landrum 2004). The CCC had built or improved 405 state parks in 43 states, more than doubling the number of developed parks open to the public.
The terrain of state parks had been altered through dam construction, reforestation, 76 erosion control, and other acts. Visitor-oriented structures such as lodges, cabins, footpaths, and campgrounds had been built (Guthrie 1943; Landrum 2004). Perhaps the most significant improvement, some may argue, was the role the Emergency
Conservation Act and CCC played in encouraging parkland acquisitions. Just about every state had added parkland during the CCC era. At least 11 of those developed state parks for the first time. When the program started in 1933, an estimated 965,000 acres of land were held by the states. By 1939, the acreage had almost doubled to 1,919,000 acres
(Landrum 2004).
Ohio Highway Development
The Ohio highway saga starts in 1882 when the first Ohio Highway Commission was created by the General Assembly. The commission’s purpose was to investigate the state’s existing roads and determine if the state needed better highways. In the end, the commission reported that public highways would be better left to local governments to build and maintain than for the state to oversee. In 1904 the State Highway Department of Ohio was created when $10,000 was appropriated for the state to construct roads. The department started off small to say the least. With just four employees, the original purpose was educational – to study the physical makeup of highways and their repair. It provided some advisory jurisdiction in matters of road building but the department had no administrative control. It was not until 1910 when the General Assembly passed the
Braun Act that the state had any authority to repair and maintain highways instead of just studying them. In 1912 the McGuire Bill created 9,000 miles of main highways known as the Inter-County Highway System (State of Ohio Department of Highways 1928; Ohio 77
Highways 2006). Ohioans were quickly catching “road fever” along with the rest of the country.
Improvements to the old National Road and the construction of the Lincoln
Highway marked the true beginnings of Ohio’s highway legacy. A section of the former
National Road, which ran from Zanesville to Hebron, became Ohio’s pilot highway construction project. The 24-mile section – known locally as the West Pike – was completed in March 1916. The project cost about $360,000 to complete (Grant 2000).
Many Ohioans were thrilled with the new road. Once it was completed the state celebrated its accomplishment. Hundreds of residents attended the March 19, 1916 party and motored over the new road. One Ohioan remarked the West Pike was now “one of the smoothest pieces of roadway in Ohio” (quoted in Grant 2000, 14). The Lincoln
Highway further added to Ohio’s highway system. Not long after the construction of the highway began in 1913, the Lincoln Highway had reached Ohio (Grant 2000). Slicing across the northern third of Ohio, by 1917 72 miles of the highway was of brick pavement, 166 miles was of other hard surfaces, and the remainder was dirt (Ross 2006).
The “Roaring Twenties” brought public funding to all levels of road development.
Thousands of miles of better roads were developed in Ohio and the volume of automobiles traveling on them increased accordingly. Ohio’s highway system was far from a “road utopia” but great strides were made. The Federal Highway Act of 1916 and the Federal Aid Act of 1921 helped Ohio lay the “skeleton” of a national network of highways but federal funding only went so far. Ohioans adopted a self-help perspective when it came to road construction and improvement (Grant 2000) and by 1926 Ohio 78 ranked second in the U.S. for hard-surface mileage according to the Bureau of Public
Roads with a total of 9,591 miles of hard-surfaced roads. Only New York had more with
9,854 miles (State of Ohio, Department of Highways 1928).
By 1930, the Ohio state highway system included over 11,000 miles of roads outside of municipalities, about 7,500 miles of which were paved (Figure 22). The rest were gravel or stone. State leaders and boosters continued to stress the importance of a highway system and the benefits they would bring:
Whether we live in the country, village or city, there is nothing that more closely affects our daily life than our highways. As a man’s arteries are essential to his body, so Ohio’s highways carry vital necessities of everyday life. The daily mail, the farm products, and the many commodities of life are transported over these highways. Opportunities for relaxation are increased by an adequate highway system. Rural citizens may reach the town and city and city dwellers may get out into the open country without inconvenience (State of Ohio, Department of Highways 1929).
In 1932, the Ohio Highway Guide reported the extent of Ohio’s roads:
From Lake Erie’s sandy beaches and rocky isles on the north, to the great hills and bluff overlooking the ‘Majestic Ohio River’ on the south, Ohio’s highways stretch away through marvelous landscapes, thriving cities, fertile farmlands, smiling orchards and penetrate the very foothills of the Appalachians (State of Ohio, Department of Highways 1932).
Ohio’s highways were reaching out further every year, taking motorists to the places they needed to go, including places for recreation and vacation.
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Figure 22: Traffic on Ohio’s State Roads, 1930 Source: Ohio Highway Guide
Ohio State Park Development
In addition to rapid road construction and improvement, the 1920s and 1930s was a time of substantial state park development. Information on the early development of
Ohio’s state parks is somewhat limited. It is known, however, that throughout the 1920s the Ohio legislature invested more money for park development and the state, in turn, acquired thousands of acres of land for recreational purposes (Widner 1968). Most of the 80 newly acquired lands were not called state parks at this time, although they did subscribe to the definition of state parks put out by the National Conference on State Parks and the
National Conference on Outdoor recreation.
John Bryan State Park is thought to be the first true Ohio state park. In 1896, a businessman named John Bryan purchased 335 acres of undisturbed land in Yellow
Springs, Ohio. He named the area in central Ohio “Riverside Farm.”
In 1918, Bryan bequeathed Riverside Farm to the state. Two more parks were created in
1922: Theodore Roosevelt Preserve (now Shawnee State Park) and Scioto Trail State
Forest Park. Several sections of Hocking Hills, as stated earlier (Chapter Three) were acquired in 1924. Guilford and Jefferson State Parks – both in western Ohio – were added to the list in 1927 and 1928 (ODNR 2006). The 1920s proved to be a productive time in state park establishment for Ohio. Ohio was well on its way to becoming a leader in state parks development.
The Great Depression of the 1930s was particularly hard on Ohioans. By 1933, more than 40 percent of Ohio factory workers and 67 percent of Ohio construction workers were unemployed. Cities such as Cleveland and Toledo were among the hardest hit. Approximately 50 percent of industrial workers in Cleveland and 80 percent in
Toledo were unemployed. Those who did not lose their jobs frequently experienced reduced hours and wages (Ohio Historical Society 2006). Despite these daunting conditions, Ohio was establishing state parks at a record breaking speed with the help of
Roosevelt’s relief program which created jobs in Ohio and across the nation. An impressive number of young Ohioans were put to work in the state’s parks and forested 81 areas. In the first two years of Roosevelt’s Emergency Conservation Act, 14 Civilian
Conservation Corps camps, employing about 200 men each, had been established in
Ohio. The Ohio CCC camps cut trails, planted trees, built roads, constructed lakes, and assembled lodges throughout the state. They also helped to establish new state parks
(CCC in Ohio 193-; ODNR 1999). Pike Lake, Blue Rock, Tar Hollow, and Kiser Lake
State Parks, for example, were introduced during the CCC days.
Tourist Flock to Hocking Hills
As the ever-growing demand for outdoor recreation, auto touring, autocamping, and other trends swept across the nation, the state of Ohio bought more land in Hocking
County and turned Hocking Hills State Forest Park into a tourist destination. Between
1924 and 1930 the state spent more than $80,000 to acquire almost 3,000 acres of land in the county’s scenic Hocking Hills region. The areas purchased were Old Man’s Cave in
1924; Rock House, Conkles Hollow, and Ash Cave in 1925; and Cantwell Cliffs and
Cedar Falls in 1929 (Democrat-Sentinel, 2 February 1930). The state spent an additional
$100,000 on reforestation, road building, facility development, and other improvements that would ultimately help the area become an outdoor recreation and tourist mecca
(Logan Republican, 17 March 1927).
The state of Ohio and Hocking County had a lot to work with. Much of the
Hocking Hills region had been fairly well preserved despite the region’s long history of agricultural and extractive practices. The hills and deep valleys were not conducive for agriculture and rough terrain protected many of the region’s largest trees. Additionally, locals seemed to have a deep connection with this region dating back to the time of 82 settlement. This connection most likely helped protect the unusual geologic formations.
Furthermore, the Hocking Hills region had a tourist base prior to the state’s acquisition of
Old Man’s Cave in 1924. By the time the state purchased the land, the area had been catering to tourists and their needs for more than 150 years. Locals frequently spent the day picnicking and hiking the hills. It was common for residents to being visiting family members and friends to the see the scenic wonders. Establishments such as the Rock
House Hotel were founded in the mid 1800s and catered to tourists for nearly 100 years∗
(ODNR 2000). The early tourist base also promoted the development of some roads and trails which the state later improved.
Throughout the 1920s the goal of the state and many locals was to build upon
what they already had to make Hocking Hills a major tourist destination. First on the
agenda were road improvements. Better roads, according to many locals, would make it
“possible for the public to travel to these show places” and they felt that the state would
“soon take the position that public parks [were] not worth much to the state unless they
can be reached and enjoyed” (Logan Republican, 17 March 1927). This philosophy
helped stimulate the road boom in Hocking County. By 1925, several main roads
through the county had been improved and were open year round. Numerous new road
projects were also initiated. Many of these roads were designed to connect Hocking
County to larger state roads and increase access to Logan, the county seat (Democrat-
Sentinel, 4 June 1925). One newly improved road – the Lancaster Logan Highway –
advertised that the road was made of “water-bond Macadam” and “surface treated” and
∗ The Rock House Hotel closed around 1910 and was torn down when the state purchased the land in 1925 (ODNR 2000). 83 was open year round; a true “salvation to [the] rural county” (Democrat-Sentinel, 16
April 1925).
In addition to roadways opening access to the county, roadways were being constructed and improved to open access to Hocking Hills State Forest Park. It was a slow process, but by 1928 over ten miles of road had been paved to Old Man’s Cave, another mile was added to the top of Rock House (Logan Republican, 7 August 1928), and better roads constructed to Ash Cave. This enabled the park to be “added to the list of outstanding show places” (Logan Republican, 1 June 1928). In 1928, markers were placed over portions of the scenic routes making “travel easy for even a stranger” (Logan
Republican, 1 June 1928) (Figure 23). Before long Hocking Hills State Forest Park was accessible to auto tourists and autocamps from within and outside Ohio.
Figure 23: Front Page of Hocking County’s Logan Republican, 1928 Source: Logan Republican, 1 June 1928 84
Park improvement was another priority at the top of the list. One local newspaper
– The Logan Republican – stated “in order to make these places more attractive for the public and more convenient for those who choose them as camping sites, many improvements must be made” (17 March 1925). The state had big plans. Within five years – 1925 to 1930 – the state and park foresters cleared underbrush, built camp sites and fire places, constructed more trails, and cut steps into the cliff sides (Logan
Republican, 17 March 1925). In 1928 alone, 21,000 trees were planted throughout the park (Logan Republican, 27 Nov. 1928). By 1930, Hocking Hills State Forest Park was more accessible than ever before.
Improved roads and park facilities added to Hocking Hills State Forest Park’s popularity. However, it was advertisement and local business involvement that seemed to seal the deal. Local and regional newspapers, organizations, and businesses played a significant role in promoting Hocking Hills State Forest Park throughout the 1920s. One advertisement which was published in Logan’s Democrat-Sentinel, Columbus’s
Dispatch, and other Ohio newspapers in 1925 had this to say about Hocking County and its “scenic wonderland”:
God made the hills. Man made the frills. Hocking County has beauty beyond compare. Its caves and caverns, water-falls and grottos have been fashioned and farmed for nature’s plan and blue print, made a million years ago.
In Hocking County you can go fishing with pin-hook and fish- worm and receive reward. In Hocking, fried-chicken is tailor- made and roasting ears win blue ribbons. Pie is cut in four pieces instead of six.
Logan, county seat of Hocking County, nestles among the hills of beautiful Southern Ohio. Within a few minutes ride from 85
Logan you may enjoy scenery as picturesque as travelers see in the Catskill or Adirondack Mountains (Democrat-Sentinel, 16 April 1925).
By the late 1920s the Logan-Hocking Chamber of Commerce had been created to unify existing businesses, establish new businesses, and to promote tourism in Hocking
County (Democrat-Sentinel, 17 September 1927). In 1928, the new Chamber of
Commerce along with the Logan Kiwanis Club published road maps which displayed the main highways in the county “making it possible for strangers to find their way to the scenic region” (Logan Republican, 22 June 1928). Over 10,000 of these maps were printed and distributed all over Ohio and to other states (Logan Republican, 22 June
1928). By 1929, another guide was printed featuring the “Short Route” which began in
Washington, D.C. and ended in Indiana, passing through Logan, Ohio along the way.
The 12-page guide highlighted points of historic interest and natural beauty along the
“Short Route” and included a 19x24 inch map of Logan and the Hocking Hills region.
The best touring roads in Hocking County, its elevation, and a detailed description of
Hocking Hills State Forest Park were also incorporated. Almost a quarter million guides were distributed nationally (Democrat-Sentinel, 12 September 1929). Another big supporter was local business. Sporting goods stores, gasoline stations, service stations, and hotels in the area took part in the promotion of Hocking Hills. The Crystal Gas
Company, for example, ran ads that included pictures of Hocking Hills State Forest Park, brief descriptions of the scenic spots, and the best roads to take to get there (Logan
Republican, 11 May 1928) (Figure 24).
86
Figure 24: Crystal Rock Gas Company Ad, 1928 Source: Logan Republican, 11 May 1928
Road improvements and park facility development along with promotional advertisements made by the state of Ohio, the Logan-Hocking Chamber of Commerce, and local businesses successfully made Hocking Hills State Forest Park a tourist destination. Every year seemed to break the previous year’s record in terms of numbers of visitors. In 1927, 13,036 visitors toured Old Man’s Cave (Democrat-Sentinel, 21
November 1929). That figured more than doubled in 1928 to 30,063 visitors (Democrat-
Sentinel, 7 March 1929; Democrat-Sentinel, 21 November 1929). The peak day for
1928, Sunday August 17, saw an amazing 1762 people visit at Old Man’s Cave. The numbers once again more than doubled in 1929 to 63,198 at Old Man’s Cave, 31,788 at
Rock House, and 22,801 at Ash Cave. Local newspapers attributed the success to “the 87 fact that new roads now lead to all the local state parks and that they have been extensively advertised” (Democrat-Sentinel, 2 February 1930).
The Great Depression took a toll on Hocking County’s extractive and manufacturing industries. Industries such as Logan Clay, which was established in the
1800s, buckled under the strain of the Great Depression. Thousands of residents were laid off or experienced wage and hour cuts. Land values plummeted. Many families were hard pressed for the bare necessities (Democrat-Sentinel, 11 May 1933). Despite these hard times, relief projects provided jobs and Hocking Hills State Forest Park further progressed. With the assistance of Roosevelt’s New Deal and the CCC, Hocking County focused on a new industry – the tourist industry.
The Emergency Conservation Act had one catch – a state needed to own park land to qualify for funding. Ohio had an advantage over many other states in this respect and
Hocking County was among the first to receive relief. Within seven months of the passing of the Emergency Conservation Act, two CCC camps were established in
Hocking Hills State Forest Park. The first camp – Camping Hocking – was stationed near Old Man’s Cave and was up and running by April 1933 (Democrat-Sentinel, 13
April 1933). The second camp – Camp Logan – was stationed at Cantwell Cliffs and was in operation the following October (Democrat-Sentinel, 12 October 1933). The CCC accomplished an impressive amount of work in its nine years of operation in Hocking
Hills State Forest Park. In the first year alone, 2.2 miles of phone line had been laid, a picnic shelter at Rock House had been built, bath houses at Old Man’s Cave were constructed, four miles of trails were added, stone steps and walls were built, and about 88
170 acres of land had been reforested (Logan Republican, 27 August 1934).
Additionally, access to the park was increased. Six miles of new road was constructed and eight miles improved, two stone bridges were erected, and parking areas were added
(Logan Republican, 27 August 1934; Logan Republican, 6 December 1934)
While the CCC was busy working on improvements in Hocking Hills State
Forest Park, Hocking County was successfully getting the word out about what the region had to offer tourists. In 1930, the Hocking Hills Bureau was created to increase promotion and manage tourism in the region (Democrat-Sentinel, 28 January 1932). One of the Bureau’s most successful projects was started in 1932. With the help of the Valley
Public Service Company and Hocking Hills State Forest Park, the Bureau created bus tours from Columbus to the scenic points of Hocking Hills. The bus tour departed
Columbus once a week and cost a dollar per person for a round-trip tour (Democrat-
Sentinel, 25 February 1932).
The state also started several campaigns and printed highway guides that promoted its state forests and parks as well as highways. Two of these campaigns –
“Exploring Our Own Ohio” and “Highways and Byways of Ohio” – placed Hocking
Hills in the spot light (Democrat-Sentinel, 16 June 1932; Democrat-Sentinel, 6 July
1933). In June of 1932, newspapers across the state printed “Exploring Our Own Ohio:
The Great Caves of Hocking County.” The advertisement informed readers that “the park is only a few hours drive from Columbus on Route 31 and is an easy day’s journey from any part of Ohio” (Democrat-Sentinel, 16 June 1932). It included pictures and descriptions of the park region as well as a road map of the region (Figure 25). Ohio 89
Highway Guide: Facts for Motorists, published by the Ohio Department of Highways, recognized Hocking Hills in its 1933 addition. The 44 page guide included four pages dedicated to Hocking Hills. Hocking Hills State Forest Park was receiving more attention than ever before (Figure 26).
Figure 25: “Exploring Our Own Ohio” Advertisement of Hocking Hills, 1932 Source: Democrat-Sentinel, 16 June 1932
90
Figure 26: Page Dedicated to Hocking Hills, 1933 Source: Ohio Highways Guide: Facts for Motorists
The development activities by the CCC and promotional activities performed by the Hocking Hills Bureau and the state throughout the 1930s made Hocking Hills State
Forest Park more than just a tourist destination. It made the scenic overhangs and gorges a tourist mecca. In 1930, 87,121 tourists made their way to Old Man’s Cave, surpassing 91 the record set the pervious decade (Democrat-Sentinel, 23 April 1931). Throughout
1931, more than a quarter million people visited state parks throughout Ohio. Of those, more than half – 186,557 – visited Hocking Hills, making it the most visited park in the state. Almost 2,000 of the sightseers were out-of-state tourists who arrived in 401 automobiles and nearly 1,000 came prepared to camp (Democrat-Sentinel, 19 January
1933). Tourist numbers declined slightly during the worst years of the Great Depression.
However, by 1936 the number of tourists sky-rocketed to over a quarter million and in
1937 an amazing 334,528 tourists made their way to Hocking Hills, including 2,499 from outside Ohio and 41 from outside the U.S. (Logan Republican, 20 Jan 1938). 92
Chapter Five: Conclusion
Placing our state park’s history within a national context casts light on the many movements and perceptions that shaped it. In many ways, the story of Hocking Hills
State Park is illustrative of the state parks movement in general. The formation of
Hocking Hills State Park did not happen by accident, however, nor did it happen over night. Rather, the state of Ohio was motivated and encouraged by several movements that were taking place throughout the U.S. in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The conservation, state park, and outdoor recreation movements, as well as ever-shifting social perceptions, played an indispensable role in initiating park development across the U.S., particularly the Hocking Hills region in Southeast Ohio.
The inspiration to create Hocking Hills State Park began with the conservation movement. The movement and other events of the day did more than just change our perspective on wilderness and natural resources. It changed our values as a nation. At the time of Euro-American settlement, the Hocking Hills region – along with most unsettled forest areas – was seen as wild and remote. Settlers were quick to tame the land and reap what resources it had to offer. By the mid-nineteenth century, these primeval landscapes that once were comprised of hardwood forests and teeming wildlife were inadvertently and permanently altered. However, significant pockets of wild country remained.
The twentieth century brought not only changes in our natural resource management but also changes in the way we identified with wilderness. Wilderness became part of the American identity and heritage. In an attempt to protect our unique 93 legacy, public lands were set aside as living monuments to our past and our future.
Seeing America’s wilderness firsthand became a fashionable and even patriotic pastime.
The wild remnants of Hocking County quickly became part of Southeast Ohio’s identity, even though it was held in private ownership until the 1920s.
The conservation movement laid the groundwork for the development of
Hocking Hills State Park but it was the state park and outdoor recreation movements that sealed the deal. Mounting pressure for natural areas cultivated a demand for park space throughout Ohio and the U.S. The state of Ohio was quick to react. Intact wild places and already established recreation spots seemed to be the state’s first choices. The well- preserved Hocking Hills, with its outstanding natural beauty and established tourism base, was an ideal template for developing one of Ohio’s first state parks.
The conservation movement followed by the state park and outdoor recreation movements inspired and motivated Ohio to establish the Hocking Hills State Park.
However, it would take the collective influence of numerous enabling factors to make
Hocking Hills a major tourist destination in the 1920s and 1930s. The automobile phenomenon and the road boom of the 1920s opened up the U.S. to more Americans than ever before. These factors permitted tourists from all over Ohio and beyond to reach the scenic rock formations of Hocking County. However, without the improved mobility that automobiles and accessibility of expanding road networks provided, the region may have remained only a local attraction.
With the ability to travel by auto wherever and whenever we wanted, our
“definition” of vacation changed forever. It moved beyond the major time commitment 94 of traveling to extravagant hotels and summer resorts designed around personal indulgence to become a time of effective travel, weekend get-a-ways, and exploration of our own country that any family could enjoy. The new park system provided accessible destinations for the wealthy as well as the working class as autocamping became a popular American pass time.
Expanded mobility and increased leisure time undoubtedly opened Hocking
Hills to new tourism possibilities. Nevertheless, it was the promotion of the Hocking
Hills State Park as Ohio’s Scenic Wonderland that made it a tourist mecca in the 1920s and 1930s, attracting more than a quarter million visitors a year. Local and regional newspapers frequently printed articles and ads pertaining to the park. Local businesses, which stood to gain from increased tourist numbers, such as automobile manufacturers, service stations, and hotels, were anxious to advertise. Travel and highway guides, which were often nationally distributed, spread the word of the Hocking Hills to a broad audience. These boosters are the true source of Hocking Hills State Park’s success.
The Hocking Hills region has been influenced by many events, movements, and legislation over the years. Just as a geologist reads the rock layers to understand the earth’s creation, so too can the cultural geographer read the landscape imprint left behind by the park’s natural and human history to understand the park’s legacy. Every park, state or otherwise, has developed its own unique qualities and characteristics as a result of local and regional influences and its own ecological and recreational resources. Our parks are likely to continue changing as our ideals and perceptions continue to evolve. 95
Understanding our parks’ legacies will help us better manage and protect them for future generations.
96
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