DOCSLIB.ORG

Udomchoke Asawimalkit Department: Political Science Title: Thai

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Udomchoke Asawimalkit Department: Political Science Title: Thai ABSTRACT Name: Udomchoke Asawimalkit Department: Political Science Title: Thai Government Reform: The Case of the Integrated Provincial Administrative System Major: Political Science Degree: Doctor of Philosophy Approved by: Date: Dissertation Director NORTHERN ILLINOIS UNIVERSITY Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ABSTRACT This dissertation examines government reform in Thailand during the administration of Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra (2001-2006), one of the largest reform programs in the history of the Thai administrative system. Through a case study methodology, this study observed the implementation of the Integrated Provincial Administrative System (IPAS), which represents the complex reform scheme initiated in 2003. While this study employs documentary research on the development of Thai politics and public administration in the period before the Thaksin administration, the investigator used qualitative interviews to analyze the IPAS implementation and process. The informants included provincial governors, deputy governors, provincial administrators, and local officers in three provinces during the period between November 2004 and March 2005. This dissertation presents the change and continuity of the political and socioeconomic systems in Thailand that led to and shaped the administrative reform of Thaksin. It addresses the subject matter of Thai administrative reforms from two perspectives. First, the institutional and historical contexts of the reforms with regard to the patterns of Thai governments and international organizations provide a large picture of the transformation of the Thai administration system. Second, the study focuses on the management and tactical aspects of Thaksin’s administrative reform to answer questions about choices of reforms, the interaction of reforming sub-governments, and potential impacts generated by the changes. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. With an unprecedented large electoral mandate in 2001, the Thaksin government of the Thai Rak Thai Party had established a stable administration that made possible an overhaul of Thai administrative process and decisive policy choices. The changes have two major implications: a rhetorical application of New Public Management methods to public administration and a recentralization effort under the control of the Prime Minister. These changes shift Thai bureaucracy from a predominantly hierarchical structure dominated by the technocrats to untenable business-like administrative practices and strengthen the power of central government. The findings demonstrate that the management preoccupation of reform tactics not only contradicted an alleged reform goal concerning administrative power devolution and reversed an established decentralization policy for local government, but also politicized groups of senior bureaucrats. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. NORTHERN ILLINOIS UNIVERSITY THAI GOVERNMENT REFORM: THE CASE OF THE INTEGRATED PROVINCIAL ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE BY UDOMCHOKE ASAWIMALKIT © 2007 UDOMCHOKE ASAWIMALKIT DEKALB, ILLINOIS DECEMBER 2007 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. UMI Number: 3301620 INFORMATION TO USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, colored or poor quality illustrations and photographs, print bleed-through, substandard margins, and improper alignment can adversely affect reproduction. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. ® UMI UMI Microform 3301620 Copyright 2008 by ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 E. Eisenhower Parkway PO Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. Certification: In accordance with departmental and Graduate School policies, this dissertation is accepted in partial fulfillment of degree requirements. J -------------------------------------- Dissertation Director nJejUi_____________________________ Date ANY USE OF MATERIAL CONTAINED HEREIN MUST BE DULY ACKNOWLEDGED. THE AUTHOR'S PERMISSION MUST BE OBTAINED IF ANY P O R TIO N IS TO BE PUBLISHED OR INCLUDED IN A PUBLICATION. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This study would not have been possible without support, encouragement, and assistance from a number of people. I was fortunate to have the opportunity to study at NIL) where a tradition of academic support for international students is very strong, particularly at the Department of Political Science. I would like to express my appreciation and acknowledgement for the resources and support provided throughout my study here. First, and most importantly, I would like to express my deepest gratitude to Professor Irene S. Rubin for her tremendous support and encouragement over the years. She patiently guided my research, helped me with editorial comments and proofread my dissertation work. Her mentorship was paramount in providing me motivation, inspiration, and a well-rounded experience consistent with my long-term career goals. I am grateful to Professor Donald C. Menzel, Professor Gerald T. Gabris, and Professor Charas Suwanmala, who served on my dissertation committee. Thanks to Professor Gabris, who continues to contribute to the betterment of local government management. The model of your dynamic class teaching inspires my future career as a university lecturer. To Professor Menzel who promotes the value of ethics in public administration, your hard work and perseverance has been an inspiration. Throughout the course of this research, a suggested topic that you gave me, I gained significant understanding on the issue of Thai public sector reform. I am grateful to know Professor Charas, who has encouraged me to keep up in the Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. iv path of academic community since the times I studied with him at Chulalongkorn University. I would also like to thank Professor Bruce A. Rocheleau, who gave me an interesting job at the Division of Public Administration’s Computer Lab at NIU. Without this support, my study would have been more difficult. I really enjoyed working under the challenging responsibilities that you assigned to me. More important, I had a great time maintaining the Division’s website and computer- related jobs at the lab. I would like to thank him for allowing me to access the lab in the final phase of my dissertation work. To the faculty of Political Science, I thank you for welcoming me to the Ph.D. program, and opening my mind to new ideas and new ways of thinking. Your dedication and commitment to the students and to the academic community continues to be a true public service. My special thanks to Professor Thomas M. Ladd, who supported me behind the scenes. I have never been bored listening to your academic lecture with your rich sense of humor. As a young at heart retiring professor, I wish to keep my energy and optimism just like you. To Professor Clark D. Neher and Professor Dwight D. King, thank you for your moral support and guidance during the early years of my study. I would like to thank all the governors, vice governors, administrators, and local politicians for their cooperation during the field study. They gave me chances for interviews and facilitated my research work during field trips in observation provinces of my study. Without the responsiveness of these civil staff and Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. V participating elected officials, this dissertation study would not have been completed in time. Extended thanks go to my old friends who have served in the Thai public sector. To Ton, Chane, May, and Boy, I appreciate your assistance and accommodation during the time of the field research in Thailand. Last but not least, this dissertation and the years of my study here at NIU would not have been possible without the support of the Royal Thai Government and the faculty of Political Science and Public Administration at Chiang Mai University. I will continue to hold my commitment to serve the Thai public service and intellectual community like those who have worked and valued a strong belief in the good cause of public administration. This support and encouragement brought me all the way home. Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. DEDICATION To Professor Mayuree Anuman Rajadhon and Professor Charas Suwanmala Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. Further reproduction prohibited without permission. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF TABLES..................................................................................................
Load more

Recommended publications
  • The Pluralistic Poverty of Phalang Pracharat
    ISSUE: 2021 No. 29 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 12 March 2021 Thailand’s Elected Junta: The Pluralistic Poverty of Phalang Pracharat Paul Chambers* Left: Deputy Prime Minister and Phalang Pracharat Party Leader General Prawit Wongsuwan Source:https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Prawit_Wongsuwan_Thailand%27s_Minister_of_D efense.jpg. Right: Prime Minister and Defense Minister General Prayut Chan-ocha Source:https://th.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E0%B9%84%E0%B8%9F%E0%B8%A5%E0%B9%8C:Prayu th_2018_cropped.jpg. * Paul Chambers is Lecturer and Special Advisor for International Affairs, Center of ASEAN Community Studies, Naresuan University, Phitsanulok, Thailand, and, in March-May 2021, Visiting Fellow with the Thailand Studies Programme at the ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute. 1 ISSUE: 2021 No. 29 ISSN 2335-6677 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • Thailand’s Phalang Pracharat Party is a “junta party” established as a proxy for the 2014-2019 junta and the military, and specifically designed to sustain the power of the generals Prawit Wongsuwan, Prayut Chan-ocha and Anupong Paochinda. • Phalang Pracharat was created by the Internal Security Operations Command (ISOC), and although it is extremely factionalized, having 20 cliques, it is nevertheless dominated by an Army faction headed by General Prawit Wongsuwan. • The party is financed by powerful corporations and by its intra-party faction leaders. • In 2021, Phalang Pracharat has become a model for other militaries in Southeast Asia intent on institutionalising their power. In Thailand itself, the party has become so well- entrenched that it will be a difficult task removing it from office. 2 ISSUE: 2021 No.
    [Show full text]
  • The Two Faces of Thai Authoritarianism
    East Asia Forum Economics, Politics and Public Policy in East Asia and the Pacific http://www.eastasiaforum.org The two faces of Thai authoritarianism 29th September, 2014 Author: Thitinan Pongsudhirak Thai politics has completed a dramatic turn from electoral authoritarianism under deposed premier Thaksin Shinawatra in 2001–2006 to a virtual military government under General Prayuth Chan-ocha. These two sides of the authoritarian coin, electoral and military, represent Thailand’s painful learning curve. The most daunting challenge for the country is not to choose one or the other but to create a hybrid that combines electoral sources of legitimacy for democratic rule and some measure of moral authority and integrity often lacked by elected officials. A decade ago, Thaksin was practically unchallenged in Thailand. He had earlier squeaked through an assets concealment trial on a narrow and questionable vote after nearly winning a majority in the January 2001 election. A consummate politician and former police officer, Thaksin benefited from extensive networks in business and the bureaucracy, including the police and army. In politics, his Thai Rak Thai party became a juggernaut. It devised a popular policy platform, featuring affordable universal healthcare, debt relief and microcredit schemes. It won over most of the rural electorate and even the majority of Bangkok. Absorbing smaller parties, Thai Rak Thai virtually monopolised party politics in view of a weak opposition. Thaksin penetrated and controlled supposedly independent agencies aimed at promoting accountability, particularly the Constitutional Court, the Election Commission and the Anti-Corruption Commission. His confidants and loyalists steered these agencies. His cousin became the army’s Commander-in-Chief.
    [Show full text]
  • The Ongoing Insurgency in Southern Thailand: Trends in Violence, Counterinsurgency Operations, and the Impact of National Politics by Zachary Abuza
    STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 6 The Ongoing Insurgency in Southern Thailand: Trends in Violence, Counterinsurgency Operations, and the Impact of National Politics by Zachary Abuza Center for Strategic Research Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University’s (NDU’s) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for Technology and National Security Policy, Center for Complex Operations, and Center for Strategic Conferencing. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, and publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the Unified Combatant Commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community. Cover: Thai and U.S. Army Soldiers participate in Cobra Gold 2006, a combined annual joint training exercise involving the United States, Thailand, Japan, Singapore, and Indonesia. Photo by Efren Lopez, U.S. Air Force The Ongoing Insurgency in Southern Thailand: Trends in Violence, Counterinsurgency Operations, and the Impact of National Politics The Ongoing Insurgency in Southern Thailand: Trends in Violence, Counterinsurgency Operations, and the Impact of National Politics By Zachary Abuza Institute for National Strategic Studies Strategic Perspectives, No. 6 Series Editors: C. Nicholas Rostow and Phillip C. Saunders National Defense University Press Washington, D.C.
    [Show full text]
  • Thailand, July 2005
    Description of document: US Department of State Self Study Guide for Thailand, July 2005 Requested date: 11-March-2007 Released date: 25-Mar-2010 Posted date: 19-April-2010 Source of document: Freedom of Information Act Office of Information Programs and Services A/GIS/IPS/RL U. S. Department of State Washington, D. C. 20522-8100 Fax: 202-261-8579 Note: This is one of a series of self-study guides for a country or area, prepared for the use of USAID staff assigned to temporary duty in those countries. The guides are designed to allow individuals to familiarize themselves with the country or area in which they will be posted. The governmentattic.org web site (“the site”) is noncommercial and free to the public. The site and materials made available on the site, such as this file, are for reference only. The governmentattic.org web site and its principals have made every effort to make this information as complete and as accurate as possible, however, there may be mistakes and omissions, both typographical and in content. The governmentattic.org web site and its principals shall have neither liability nor responsibility to any person or entity with respect to any loss or damage caused, or alleged to have been caused, directly or indirectly, by the information provided on the governmentattic.org web site or in this file. The public records published on the site were obtained from government agencies using proper legal channels. Each document is identified as to the source. Any concerns about the contents of the site should be directed to the agency originating the document in question.
    [Show full text]
  • POLITICAL PARTY FINANCE REFORM and the RISE of DOMINANT PARTY in EMERGING DEMOCRACIES: a CASE STUDY of THAILAND by Thitikorn
    POLITICAL PARTY FINANCE REFORM AND THE RISE OF DOMINANT PARTY IN EMERGING DEMOCRACIES: A CASE STUDY OF THAILAND By Thitikorn Sangkaew Submitted to Central European University - Private University Department of Political Science In partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science Supervisor: Associate Professor Matthijs Bogaards CEU eTD Collection Vienna, Austria 2021 ABSTRACT The dominant party system is a prominent phenomenon in emerging democracies. One and the same party continues to govern the country for a certain period through several consecutive multi-party elections. Literature on this subject has tended to focus on one (set) of explanation(s) deduced from electoral model, but the way a certain party dominates electoral politics at the outset of democratization remains neglected. Alternatively, this thesis highlights the importance of the party finance model, arguing that it can complement the understanding of one-party dominance. To evaluate this argument, the thesis adopts a complementary theories approach of the congruence analysis as its strategy. A systematic empirical analysis of the Thai Rak Thai party in Thailand provides support for the argument of the thesis. The research findings reveal that the party finance regime can negatively influence the party system. Instead of generating equitable party competition and leveling the playing field, it favors major parties while reduces the likelihood that smaller parties are more institutionalized and competed in elections. Moreover, the party finance regulations are not able to mitigate undue influence arising from business conglomerates. Consequently, in combination with electoral rules and party regulations, the party finance regime paves the way for the rise and consolidation of one- party dominance.
    [Show full text]
  • CHAPTER 7 Thailand: Securitizing Domestic Politics
    CHAPTER 7 Thailand: Securitizing Domestic Politics Thitinan Pongsudhirak Introduction Thailand’s second military coup in just eight years—this time on 22 May 2014— bears far-reaching ramifications for the country’s armed forces and defense sector. The military is once again triumphant and ascendant in Thai politics. It is as if Thailand’s political clock has been turned back to the 1960s-80s when the army dominated political life during a long stretch of military-authoritarian rule, punctuated by a short-lived democratic interval in the mid-1970s. The latest putsch came after six months of street demonstrations against the government of Yingluck Shinawatra, led by erstwhile Democrat Party senior executive, Suthep Thaugsuban. The street protests paralyzed central Bangkok and eventually paved the way for the coup, led by General Prayuth Chan-o-cha, then the army commander-in-chief. Since the coup, Thai politics has been eerily quiet, partly owing to the indefinite imposition of martial law and tight control on civil liberties and civil society activism. The ruling generals, under the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO), immediately abolished the 2007 constitution, initially governing through military decrees before promulgating an interim constitution after two months. After that, it ascended a clutch of governing and legislative organs to rule, including the appointment of Gen. Prayuth as prime minister. This was the kind of hard coup and direct military-authoritarian rule Thailand has not seen in decades. But interestingly, the reactions to the coup both at home and abroad were mixed. Within Thailand, the forces belonging to former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, Yingluck’s deposed and self-exiled brother have not taken to the streets as anticipated.
    [Show full text]
  • 'Thailand's Amazing 24 March 2019 Elections'
    Contemporary Southeast Asia 41, No. 2 (2019), pp. 153–222 DOI: 10.1355/cs41-2a © 2019 ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute ISSN 0129-797X print / ISSN 1793-284X electronic Anatomy: Future Backward DUNCAN McCARGO The most popular man in Thailand appears out of the bushes on Thammasat University campus, dripping with sweat and with no staff in sight: Future Forward leader Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit is promptly mobbed by fans clamouring for selfies and autographs. Voters on Bangkok’s Charoenkrung Road look delighted to see a former prime minister out on the campaign trail: eager to show off his fitness, Abhisit Vejjajiva practically runs up some footbridge steps, leaving the local candidate panting behind. A Pheu Thai candidate asks a village crowd in Ubon Ratchathani to raise their hands if they are better off now than they were five years ago: everyone roars with laughter at a woman who puts her hand up by mistake, since nobody could possibly be better off. In Pattani, thousands of people stay until midnight at a football ground to hear prominent speakers from the Prachachart Party. No big outdoor rallies like this have been held after dark in the three insurgency-affected southern border provinces since 2004. The weeks leading up to the 24 March 2019 elections were a time of excitement; after almost five years of military rule following the 22 May 2014 coup d’état, Thais were finally free to express themselves politically. Around 51 million people were eligible to vote, while a record total of 80 political parties and 13,310 candidates from across the ideological spectrum were listed on their ballot papers.
    [Show full text]
  • NOREF Report
    July 2012 NOREF Report Thailand: contested politics and democracy Naruemon Thabchumpon Executive summary This report assesses the current political cross-class networks that have adopted situation in Thailand. It first explores the a dual strategy: engaging in the issue- politics of contestation after the 2011 based politics of favour or against a election, upcoming events on the electoral particular person or subject matter, while calendar and the 2007 constitutional at the same time forming a social grouping amendment. It then examines the politics for the betterment of the people. Since of change in Thailand’s political landscape there has been more agitation against the and the effect of political parties’ policies on political role of the military, the idea of a the country’s socioeconomic conditions. judicial coup d’état has been increasing Thereafter it discusses the country’s seen in Thai political society. By using democratic space and the limited freedom such arguments, the contestation over of expression, especially in terms of the meaning of democracy of the political issues and the lese-majesty law. abovementioned networks can be seen as Finally, it analyses possible scenarios a mechanism to unite ordinary people into for democratic change and conflict a political force and is thus related to the transformation in terms of the politics of issue of ordinary citizens’ access to power. succession. The report argues that Thailand’s politics of contestation can be seen as a set of Naruemon Thabchumpon, PhD, is a lecturer in politics and government in the Faculty of Political Sciences and director of the International Development Studies Programme at Chulalongkorn University, Thailand.
    [Show full text]
  • Constitutional Reform and the Rise of Thai Rak Thai
    Journal of East Asian Studies 6 (2006), 381-407 Party Fabrication: Constitutional Reform and the Rise of Thai Rak Thai Allen Hicken Among the most interesting questions in Thai politics today is how to account for the rise and (until recently) the success of Thaksin Shinawatra and his Thai Rak Thai party. This article describes and analyzes some of the factors that contributed to the rise and success of Thaksin and Thai Rak Thai, arguing that neither Thaksin's personal assets nor the effects of the crisis are enough to ex­ plain Thai Rak Thai's rise and success. It focuses instead on the 1997 changes to Thailand's constitution. These institutional reforms were crucial because they altered Thailand's political-institutional landscape in fundamental ways. The reforms provided new opportunities and incentives for political actors that Thaksin and his party adeptly took advantage of. The argument presented is that the key reforms that helped pave the way for the rise of Thaksin and Thai Rak Thai were those reforms that helped reduce the number of political parties and that increased the power of the prime minister relative to coalition partners and intraparty factions. KEYWORDS: Thailand, elections, political parties, democracy, institutions, re­ form, Thaksin, Southeast Asia mong the most interesting questions in Thai politics today is how to account for the rise and success of Thaksin Shinawatra and his Thai Rak Thai (TRT) party. Thai Rak Thai's 2001 electoral victory brought an (impermanent?) end to a short-lived multiparty coalition government that had been the norm throughout Thailand's democratic/semidemocratic history.
    [Show full text]
  • Who Is Thaksin Shinawatra?
    THE THAKSINIZATION OF THAILAND Ukrist Pathmanand Duncan McCargo Duncan McCargo and Ukrist Pathmanand For decades, Thailand was economically dynamic, yet politically shambolic. 1997 changed all that: the Asian economic crisis, closely followed by the promulgation of a new liberal constitution in Thailand, paved the way for the political rise of Thaksin Shinawatra, a fabulously wealthy telecommuni- cations magnate often compared with Italian premier Silvio Berlusconi. Although presenting itself as a national, transformative party, at heart Thaksin’s ruling Thai Rak Thai Party was little more than a vehicle for the OF THAILAND THE THAKSINIZATION interests and ambitions of its founder-leader. After winning a landslide election victory in 2001, Prime Minister Thaksin exercised an extraordinary degree of personal dominance over the Thai political scene. He was re- elected in 2005, the first Thai premier to do so. Though toppled by a military coup in 2006, Thaksin continues to exert a powerful influence on Thai poli- tics today, both in terms of his legacy and ongoing political activities. This book – by two leading scholars in the field – is an analysis of Thaksin at the height of his power. It examines Thaksin’s background, his business activities, the emergence of Thai Rak Thai, his relationship with the military, Thaksin’s use of rhetoric through media such as radio, his wider political economy networks, and what this all meant for the future. The result is essential reading for students, academics, journalists, dip- lomats, investors – and anyone else who needs to understand the Thaksin phenomenon in present-day Thailand. Winner of the 2009 Bernard Schwartz Book Award for his Tearing Apart the Land, Duncan McCargo is professor of Southeast East Asian politics at the University of Leeds.
    [Show full text]
  • Descent Into Chaos RIGHTS Thailand’S 2010 Red Shirt Protests and the Government Crackdown WATCH
    Thailand HUMAN Descent into Chaos RIGHTS Thailand’s 2010 Red Shirt Protests and the Government Crackdown WATCH Descent into Chaos Thailand’s 2010 Red Shirt Protests and the Government Crackdown Copyright © 2011 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-764-7 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th floor New York, NY 10118-3299 USA Tel: +1 212 290 4700, Fax: +1 212 736 1300 [email protected] Poststraße 4-5 10178 Berlin, Germany Tel: +49 30 2593 06-10, Fax: +49 30 2593 0629 [email protected] Avenue des Gaulois, 7 1040 Brussels, Belgium Tel: + 32 (2) 732 2009, Fax: + 32 (2) 732 0471 [email protected] 64-66 Rue de Lausanne 1202 Geneva, Switzerland Tel: +41 22 738 0481, Fax: +41 22 738 1791 [email protected] 2-12 Pentonville Road, 2nd Floor London N1 9HF, UK Tel: +44 20 7713 1995, Fax: +44 20 7713 1800 [email protected] 27 Rue de Lisbonne 75008 Paris, France Tel: +33 (1)43 59 55 35, Fax: +33 (1) 43 59 55 22 [email protected] 1630 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Suite 500 Washington, DC 20009 USA Tel: +1 202 612 4321, Fax: +1 202 612 4333 [email protected] Web Site Address: http://www.hrw.org May 2011 1-56432-764-7 Descent into Chaos Thailand’s 2010 Red Shirt Protests and the Government Crackdown I. Summary and Key Recommendations....................................................................................... 1 II. Methodology ........................................................................................................................ 28 III. Background .......................................................................................................................... 29 The People’s Alliance for Democracy and Anti-Thaksin Movement ......................................
    [Show full text]
  • Thailand Under Thaksin: a Regional and International Perspective Pasuk Phongpaichit Professor of Economics, Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok
    Thailand under Thaksin: a regional and international perspective Pasuk Phongpaichit Professor of Economics, Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok Core University Project, Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University 6–8 September 2004 This paper is an attempt to understand the recent politics of Thailand within a regional and international perspective. But first let me give you a local interpretation on what has happened recently in Thai political arena, particularly with the rise to power of the telecom tycoon, Thaksin Shinawatra, at general elections in 2001. The consensus interpretation of Thai politics in writings over the last decade is a story about the qualified success of democratization following half a century of military rule. In this view, the student revolt of October 1973 broke the back of military dictatorship and began a gradual process of pushing the military back to the barracks and crafting new institutions of representative democracy. Several forces contributed to this process. First, the student rebels of 1973 pioneered the development of a new civil society which, by the 1990s, ranged from academics and intellectuals through to local grassroots activists. This civil society mobilized people on the streets at critical points — especially in 1992 — but also pressed for a liberal-democratic agenda which included a fully sovereign parliamentary system, protection of human rights, decentralization of power, media freedom, and more equitable economic policy. Second, after the divisive Cold War politics of 1973-6, powerful segments of the Thai elite recognized the danger of continuing military dictatorship, and helped to orchestrate a gradualist trend of democratization. Third, business also supported democracy for two main reasons.
    [Show full text]