Bahro on Eastern Europe Martin Myant (Rudolph Bahro's New Book, the Alternative in Eastern Europe, Has Attracted Considerable Attention on the Left

42 MARXISM TODAY, FEBRUARY, 1979

Bahro on Eastern Europe Martin Myant (Rudolph Bahro's new book, The Alternative in Eastern Europe, has attracted considerable attention on the Left. Martin Myant, who has researched extensively on Czechoslovakia, discusses below what is clearly an important work.) Events of the last few years have left little doubt contrary, he has spent practically the whole of his that there is widespread discontent, and even adult life as a member of the ruling Socialist Unity considerable desire for change, throughout Eastern Party working in various responsible positions in Europe today. A major contribution to understanding journalism and industry. Like many of his colleagues, the origins of this feeling has been made by the however, he encountered innumerable petty frustra East German Rudolf Bahro. He has not always tions in his work, but he firmly rejected thoughts been an opponent of his country's regime: on the of trying to emigrate. Instead, inspired by the MARXISM TODAY, FEBRUARY, 1979 43

example of the democratisation process in Czecho usually he accepts the officially recognised termino slovakia in 1968, he devoted all his free time for logy and describes them as "existing socialism". almost ten years to studying and writing on "existing" socialist societies. Theoretical Framework His efforts indicated a lack of interest in In my opinion the most serious and basic fault is movements centring on the human rights issue which in the theoretical framework that he adopts. In he regards as "not just the broadest but also the effect everything is explained in terms of the flattest, and most unconstructive, so far as its hierarchical division of labour, i.e. the fragmenta content goes." His aim was to transcend this basis tion of society into a hierarchy of authority with for an opposition in Eastern Europe by writing a those at the top dictating to those beneath them. major analytical work which could outline clear This reductionist framework is altogether too proposals for the future. He thereby left no scope abstract and too general to be a guide for changes for doubt about his clear commitment to Marxism in Eastern Europe today: in fact it assumes away and his belief that only a Communist movement the crucially important concrete political processes can provide answers to the problems confronting in a manner disappointingly reminiscent of the class the world today reductionism of the Stalin period. As he has made clear, writing his book was itself The weakness of his framework becomes clear an act of political defiance. He knew that, at the very early in the book when he tries to derive an moment, it could not appear legally in the GDR, explanation for the rise of Stalin from the but he had no hesitation in publishing it through a writings of Marx and Engels. trade union body in West Germany. He makes it He is particularly interested in the passages of quite clear that he rejects in total the view that to Anti-Diihring where Engels referred to the origins of use sources of publicity in the West is in any sense the state in the Asiatic mode of production. The an act of betrayal or treason. As he puts it: argument there is that working people could not spare time from necessary labour to concern them "Who owned the sealed railway carriage in which selves with the common affairs of society—in Lenin travelled from Switzerland to Russia, and who practice this meant the construction and mainten gave the go-ahead for this trip? What was decisive ance of irrigation works—so that this function was was what the 'German spy' took out of his pocket 1 in Petrograd. On that occasion it was the celebrated taken by a special class, freed from actual labour. April Theses." (p. 326) This suggests that the beginnings of exploitation, and even the power of "Oriental despots," represented As is now widely known, Bahro was recently an historical advance. sentenced to eight years imprisonment following a Bahro applies a similar approach to Soviet secret trial. He had allegedly "made available to a history, insisting that problems cannot be attri group of people hostile to the GDR intentionally- buted to "deformations" of an otherwise socialist fabricated falsifications and untruthful claims". development. Instead he argues that industrialisation Evidently, the East German authorities took his required a strong state and the continuation of a work very seriously. It also attracted a great deal hierarchical division of labour. Starting from this of interest in West Germany while its publication uncontroversial conclusion he reaches the highly in English has been welcomed by some on the left questionable conclusion that even Stalin's "most in ecstatic terms: Ken Coates, writing in Tribune, fearsome excesses" may have been unavoidable, described it as "the most important book on (p. 90). socialist theory to have appeared since the second Unfortunately Bahro does not provide a detailed world war." enough study of Soviet history to substantiate this. Despite the obvious importance of any attempt at Above all, he does not concern himself with the a Marxist analysis of Eastern European societies lengthy process of political struggle whereby Stalin today, such adulation seems to me misplaced. gradually, and at times uncertainly, established his There are very small errors of fact, inconsistencies dominance. The studies that exist of that period— and unnecessary side-tracks which divert attention one example being J. Gollan's article in Marxism from the central argument. Moreover Bahro has Today, January 1976—leave little doubt that, rarely felt it necessary to support his arguments with although a strong and to some extent authoritarian careful referencing. He is also annoyingly inconsistent regime may well have been essential, there were in terminology: an important example of this several alternatives available within the general which indicates theoretical indecisiveness is his framework. To have maintained a collective leader failure to decide on a term to characterise the ship and some form of inner-party democracy would societies of Eastern Europe today. Sometimes he describes them as "protosocialist", sometimes as having nothing in common with socialism, but 1 F. Engels: Anti-Diihring, p. 217-218. 44 MARXISM TODAY, FEBRUARY, 1979

undoubtedly have been of great benefit to the possible" (p. 272). In other words, by retiring into development of Soviet society. their private lives and enjoying large salaries. This is Bahro's suggestion that, given the Soviet Union's contrasted with "emancipatory interests" in which backwardness and hence the need for a continuing people can utilise their mental energies in psycho hierarchical division of labour, then the rise of logically productive activities. Above all this means Stalin was inevitable is extremely unconvincing. It non-alienated labour rather than carrying out tasks can only follow from the erroneous view that an decided on entirely from above. economic base somehow uniquely and unambiguous Although Bahro has described real enough phe ly determines the political superstructure. nomena, this does not make it an adequate basis for understanding political change in Eastern Europe. Alienation in existing socialist societies In the first place, it is not clear where the dividing This determinacy is, in his view, to some extent line should fall between "emancipatory" and reversed in present-day socialist societies where he "compensatory" interests, especially when discussing believes that the "politbureacratic dictatorships"— leisure activities: the deeper significance of this point the term he uses to characterise the top party will become clear in the discussion of Bahro's ideas leaders who stand at the top of the power for a communist society. Secondly, Bahro subsumes structure—have become "the decisive developmental all alienation and all forces for change within his obstacle in the way of further human emancipation concept of surplus consciousness. He thereby under in our countries" (p. 249). He believes that they are estimates both the diversity of forms of discontent now preventing the possible, and necessary, changes and the degree to which they centre on the power whereby the hierarchical division of labour can be of the top party leadership rather than authority overcome. and power in general. An example is his inability To analyse what forces can bring that change to assess in a consistent way such an important about he first constructs a theory of the sources event as the explosion of working class discontent in of alienation which, despite its shortcomings, is his Poland in 1970 in response to a decision by the most significant original theoretical contribution. It party leadership to raise meat prices. At one point he is a bold attempt to synthesise ideas of psycho suggests that its impact was so important that even analysis, derived from Freud and W. Reich, with in the GDR the party leadership was forced to Marxism. abandon "the pose of absolute knowledge" (p. 255). Central to his theory is a new concept, "surplus Elsewhere he argues that the Polish workers could consciousness", by which he means the mental not be a force for change because their action did abilities that are left restricted or unused by the not lead to a complete transformation or collapse of hierarchical management structure. At one time, the existing power structure, (p. 90). when educational levels were much lower, people In fact he goes beyond arguing that the prole were barely able to cope with the labour tasks they tariat cannot be the ruling class or the unique had to perform. Now, however, the mental abilities leading force in society to claim, totally erroneously developed through years of education are left in my view, that manual workers are effectively unused and frustrated by the rigidly compartmenta incapable, at any time, of serious independent lised tasks people have to perform. political action because long hours of boring, He is certainly referring to a real enough routine and stultifying work effectively stunt their phenomenon. The frustration of working under a mental abilities and energies. He further under restrictive and seemingly blind authority are prob estimates the economic causes of discontent by ably well known in large organisations anywhere in ignoring the significance of differences in incomes the world. There are probably also innumerable in Eastern Europe. He states, without giving any cases where workers could suggest improvements in source, that income distribution "is in no way the the organisation of work, but their objective major source of social differentiation in our society" situation within the power structure stunts any (p.211). Interestingly, surveys have been carried out such initiatives. Socialism should be able to release in several Eastern European countries directly this "surplus consciousness" but, as it exists today, contradicting this and suggesting that differences in it has clearly failed to do so. incomes are perceived as the most important So what happens to the unused mental energy? source of "dislike" in society. Moreover, there is a Bahro maintains that it is directed into "compen widespread feeling that these differences should be 2 satory interests". This too is a well-known pheno smaller. This is not to deny the importance of the menon : even those in positions of responsibility can "cultural" dimension of social differentiation depen- encounter frustrations with their work and find their initiative stunted by authority. They can then seek 2 W. D. Connor, Z. Y. Gitelman: Public Opinion in to compensate for this "by the possession and European Socialist Systems, New York, 1977, p. 62 and consumption of as many things and services as p. 153-154. MARXISM TODAY, FEBRUARY, 1979 45

ding on level of education and position within the Nevertheless Bahro's sketchy view of the "Prague hierarchical stratification of society, but it does Spring" gives no indication of the processes whereby immediately indicate that Bahro has provided at best the political chances were initiated. He earlier only a partial basis for understanding the forces for concludes that the "Stalinist bureaucracies" cannot change in existing socialist societies. This is take the initiative in breaking out of the dilemma illustrated by his discussion of the democratisation between their original revolutionary task and their process in Czechoslovakia prior to the Soviet practice of domination." (p. 240). He later pro invasion of August 1968. claims that there is "nothing to be hoped for from the machine" and that the "whole system of political Czechoslovakia 1968 institutions ... is incapable of actively changing Although he gives considerable prominence to itself", (p. 359). these events as proving the possibility of a genuine He is, however full of praise for the Czecho alternative, his analysis indicates a disappointingly slovak Communist Party's Action Programme of superficial knowledge of what actually took place. April 1968 which, it should be emphasised, was no Nevertheless, he rightly points out that there was no sudden invention of that Spring. The ideas it threat to "the socio-economic foundation": instead contained were already being shaped in the Party there was undeniable evidence of "the survivability apparatus in the immediately preceding years. This of our social order without the politbureaucratic gives the gradual process of liberalisation during dictatorship." (p. 305). It could no longer be seriously the mid-1960s much greater significance than is argued that a repressive political regime was neces suggested by Bahro's dismissive comment that "so- sary to prevent a restoration of capitalism. called liberalisation is advancing anyway", (p. 309). In line with his theory of alienation, he argues From Bahro's account the fundamental origins of that "a latent bloc of interests directed against the the events of 1968 are clear enough—he ascribes it existing political regime" had taken shape stemming to surplus consciousness—but it remains unclear how from the widespread existence of "surplus con that led to the precise processes that initiated the sciousness". To support his view that this had "Prague Spring". This illustrates again a systematic engendered the mobilisation against the "polit- error in his whole analysis as he never adequately bureautic dictatorship", he argues that the changes confronts the methods whereby important decisions started with "ideologists" (writers, artists, social are taken. scientists), protesting over the censorship of intellec In his view the "politbureaucracy" suppresses tual life, and then extended to other sections of the even implied criticisms of existing socialism so intelligentsia. Bahro proclaims: "mobilization for the effectively that it is served up by social scientists reform ran like a chain reaction through the structure only with "pitiful self-justifications for the good of of education, from top to bottom." (p. 312.) their (i.e. the politbureaucrats') own souls", (p. 227.) This movement then served as a transmission belt It is certainly true that direct criticisms of the to workers in factories. power of the party leadership, Bahro's work being So the most educated and hence privileged an example, generally are met with firm repression, sections of society, trying to do the most poten but the same does not apply across all spheres of tially creative jobs and apparently the closest to the social activity. This can be illustrated with a actual centre of power, found themselves the most discussion of the related issues of management restricted by bureaucratic power relations. There is structure in industry and education policy. Both of considerable truth in this. The complaints of writers these are absolutely central to Bahro's argument against censorship are a familiar feature of Eastern that the "politbureaucracy" has now become an European societies and they were extremely impor obstacle to society's development. tant in Czechoslovakia in 1968. The sources of their alienation have been summarised more convincingly Industrial Management indeed, by another East German "dissident", Bahro is able to argue from first hand experience Stefan Heym, who insisted that it is the respon that the rigidly hierarchical structure through which sibility of the writer to portray reality as he sees it the economy is managed leads to an enormous even though "reality might be such that the waste of resources, especially of expertise and political leadership doesn't quite like it". The initiative. Moreover, he maintains that despite politicians, he argued, are concerned "to paint propaganda and widespread participation, the "boss things rosy" so that books, stories or works of art relationship" is evident throughout the economy. that "bring the more or less smelly side of things to Erroneously believing that the leadership completely their attention don't meet their approval." This prevents all scientific investigation of relations in 3 inevitably leads to conflict. industry, he demonstrates this with references from modern Soviet literature. There is in fact an 3 Artery, No. 9, p. 16. abundance of Eastern European, including Soviet, 46 MARXISM TODAY. FEBRUARY, 1979

material on the lack of participation in industrial vity by making better use of existing skills and management. Central to Soviet thinking on this has techniques. been the notion of "one-man management" meaning that at each level, be it a workshop, a factory or an Education individual combine, one individual bears ultimate This directly links up with education policy on responsibility for the decisions taken. The rationale which Bahro quite rightly places enormous emphasis. for this apparently authoritarian principle is the His argument is that the "politbureaucracy" is belief that otherwise coordination and organisation holding back social development by restricting would be impossible. It is, however, not necessarily access to education. In his words: incompatible with participation in decision-making "At present is is decided through the plan how by wider sections of the workforce, especially many people are to be excluded at each step from the through party and trade union organisations. higher functional levels of labour. The existing Unfortunately, surveys of opinion among employ division of labour is programmed into the educa ees in the Soviet Union leave little doubt that the tional system more rigidly in our society than under majority, and an overwhelming majority of manual capitalism," workers, feel that they have no influence at all. The comparison here with capitalism remains Moreover, investigations inside industrial enterprises unsubstantiated but there certainly is restriction on suggest that, with the exception of some safety access to higher education. regulations, practically all the decisions actually Interestingly, this is another issue on which there taken are also initiated and suggested by the has been lively public discussion inside the Soviet management. Union. One aspect of this has been the relationship This has led to suggestions for a less autocratic between the educational level and the productivity style of management to overcome the frustration of individual workers. As long ago as 1924 the that well-educated workers suffer in the restrictions economist Strumilin showed that expenditure on of their jobs. This has not remained at the level of basic education, such as literacy, was repaid many abstract or academic debate. An ambitious experi times over in higher industrial output. More ment was, for example, undertaken around 1970 in recently, however, studies have suggested a different the Akchi state farm in Kazakstan. Although little problem. Workers are helped to learn new skills information about it was published it appears that quickly and produce more by better educational quite abnormally high outputs were achieved without standards only up to a certain level. There comes a a higher level of mechanisation or longer hours of point when those in jobs requiring comparatively work. little mental effort are "overeducated": they become The new element was that there was no division dissatisfied and bored and their productivity may be of "the functions of production and management". below that of less educated workers. The crucial There were no individual norms or piece rates and point is that compulsory education in the USSR is administrative staff were effectively unnecessary. already beyond the level necessary for many of the There was just a director, chosen on a rotating basis semi-skilled jobs that still exist. from among the workers, and a bookkeeper. The There are essentially two possible solutions. One, experiment had ended by 1974 and it was con particularly popular among educationalists, is to cluded that the democratisation of management had take steps towards "eliminating existing differences been irrelevant to its success. No justification for this between mental and physical work".6 This argument was published leaving scope for the suspicion that it has been strengthened by examples demonstrating reflected the prejudices, and even fears, of profes the wider economic benefits of education: the sional managers in the economic and political 4 educated worker may have a higher sense of spheres . responsibility and perhaps also the self-confidence It is true that no great advances have been made to criticise management for inefficiencies and waste.6 in the USSR in democratising industrial manage The alternative is to gear education more directly ment. The point is, however, that the problem is to the needs of the economy, or rather to the needs recognised and sometimes discussed even at a very of the existing division of labour. This too has been high level. There may well be strong opposition to, cautiously advocated with the suggestion of a clear or scepticism about, changes, but there has at least separation at the age of fifteen between those been a willingness to experiment. The reason for heading for higher education and those destined to this is not hard to find: the difficulties in Soviet become skilled workers. This has met with a storm agriculture are so immense that no Minister could of opposition. It was argued, for example, that lightly dismiss suggestions that might raise producti- 5 D. I. Koslova, translated in The Economics of 4 All this is from M. Yanovitch: Social and Economic Education in the USSR, New York, 1969, p. 117. 6 Inequality in the Soviet Union, London 1977, p. 150-160. S. G. Spasibenko, translated in the same work, p. 128. MARXISM TODAY, FEBRUARY, 1979 47

workers needed an education not just "to effectively President and party First Secretary, and he exercised master technology but to actively participate in considerable autocratic power. To others it seemed social life, to be politically mature, to consciously that Czechoslovakia was among the most liberal of assimilate the values of spiritual life."' It remains the East European states. This contradiction was a unclear which side triumphed as changes in Soviet real one. Novotny had felt obliged to allow education policy during the last few years suggest liberalisation, but wanted to retain the monopoly of that both of these views have had some influence important decision-making at the top. on those who actually take the decisions. Cultural Revolution The importance of "liberalisation" As Bahro's concept of alienation misses so much What does this discussion show? It certainly of the concrete changes taking place in Eastern seems to me to indicate the importance in general Europe today, it is not surprising that it also terms of Bahro's references to "surplus conscious provides an inadequate basis for a programme for a ness", but it also highlights the issue he evades: the communist future. mechanism whereby important social changes can This takes up a large part of his book and he has come about and the importance of "liberalisation" made it clear that he regards his proposal of a in the socialist countries. concrete alternative as his most important contribu These examples suggest that the very gradual tion. The basic aim is a "cultural revolution" which and cautious relaxation of controls on intellectual is to be of equivalent significance "to that other freedoms are not just a concession to the demands transition which introduced humanity into class of the intelligentsia. A completely paranoid polit- society, by way of patriarchy, the vertical division of bureaucracy would never have allowed the education labour and the state", (p. 257.) of so many intellectuals anyway. Rather, liberalisa He provides a list of changes that will constitute tion reflects the recognition by party leaders of their this "cultural revolution": the most important is a own inability to find solutions to all their society's redivision of labour such that everyone will take an problems without a process of discussion and con equal share of activities at the various functional sultation. They therefore have an obvious incentive levels. Although he makes it clear that this can only to take seriously suggestions that are made. be achieved by a gradual process rather than a There is also another side to this, illustrated single revolutionary act, he is annoyingly dismissive both by the fate of the Akchi farm experiment and of what could be the first and most practicable by the changes in education policy. Irrespective of steps towards it. As an example, the important where ideas originate, the decisions are ultimately attempt to introduce systematic participation by taken at the very highest level, often without any employees in management through workers' councils public explanation, let alone debate between in Czechoslovakia in 1968 is considered only long the leadership and members of the public. This enough to condemn it for not going far enough. must encourage feelings of helplessness and aliena The aim, apparently, was not "genuine workers' tion among those in subordinate positions in the councils, but rather a regime of directors merely hierarchy. with councils attached to them." (p. 98.) This was the essential background to the changes It seems that, despite his useful insights into in Czechoslovakia in 1968.8 Failures were very contemporary problems of industrial management, noticeable. Hopes of rapid economic growth were he is either ignorant of or uninterested in recent dashed when, in 1963, national output actually discussions of possible immediate changes. decreased despite a very high rate of investment. The regime suffered other disappointments and Universal higher education embarrassments too and could hardly fail to notice He links the distant all-or-nothing aim of complete the widespread disillusionment, especially among redivision of labour with the equally ambitious and young people. The party leadership therefore felt distant objective of a unitary education up to the obliged to cautiously welcome discussion of possible age of 23. This, he believes, is a precondition for reforms. participation in the highest functional levels of society. Immediately prior to the democratisation process At one stage in the book the argument is sober Czechoslovak politics presented a paradox to many and fairly persuasive as he argues that there could Western observers. To some it seemed that changes be enormous gains in inventiveness and productivity had been small since the time of Stalin: above all if all employees were better educated, understood there was still one man occupying the posts of more about the technology they were using and were periodically involved in management. Such an 7 The debate is summarised in Yanovitch's book. argument could certainly justify experimenting with 8 See my articles in Comment 24/6/78 and Socialist new management forms, but later in the book Europe, No. 4. Bahro adopts a different approach. 48 MARXISM TODAY, FEBRUARY, 1979

He implicitly accepts that such an enormous below those of the most advanced capitalist expansion in education would impose an immense countries, but it is an extremely important issue for burden on the economy, but, already indicating a Bahro: once it is rejected, the rest of his vision of a lack of interest in raising living standards, suggests communist society looks very unconvincing. For it that the rapidity of growth in the GDR would is only in the context of a non-growing economy make it possible within the lifetime of a generation. that his ideas on the economics and politics of He thereby avoids unambiguously proposing that communism make any sense at all. An example is his this should be done at once and it remains proposal for the establishment of quasi-autonomous unclear how far he would differ in his immediate "communes" which are to combine the activities of proposals from the present policy in socialist work, education and general living within one countries which clearly has involved the provision unit. This idea is compatible with a primitive of all levels of education. Again, by concentrating economy and possibly also with an unchanging one, entirely on a very distant objective he has lost sight but it could not provide an adequate organisational of the practical politics and realities of the present. framework for regulating and coordinating the pre sent advance in technology. As an example, Opposition to growth developments with such wide-ranging implications Even less convincing is his insistence on coun- and effects as nuclear power can hardly be decided terposing his "cultural revolution" to the objective on or organised below the national level. of economic growth. This follows partly from an A still more important issue that he evades in his acceptance of an extreme environmentalist position discussion of communism is that of the exercise of suggesting that the only way to save the world from political power. This omission is impermissible as, ecological disaster is a dramatic reduction in growth quite obviously, it was the central one in rates in the most advanced countries. It is also Czechoslovakia in 1968. The source of his error is partly an over-reaction to a belief that the socialist illustrated in his comments on suggestions for a countries can never achieve the aim of overtaking multi-party system which he dismisses as an irrele the advanced capitalist countries. vance for present day socialist societies because "a There is some justification for his pessimism in plurality of parties rests on a class structure the persistence of a "technological gap". Even in consisting of clearly different and even contrary those fields in which Soviet industry is strongest, social elements" (p. 350). In other words, in his view such as steel, there may have been no significant the political superstructure is no more than a reflec reduction in the lag (compared with the more tion of the economic base. advanced capitalist countries) in applying the most He even argues that once the hierarchical division modern production methods over the last twenty of labour has been overcome, the exact method years.9 That, however, is hardly an argument for whereby decisions are taken becomes irrelevant. He abandoning the objective of economic growth. It contents himself with the vaguest and least would seem to me to indicate instead the importance specific of generalisations such as "the power of of discussions of economic reforms that could organised public opinion which in case of need can improve industrial performance. Bahro is uninterested be reinforced by secret ballot" (p. 452), or, in this, preferring to emphasise only the total "whenever society is faced with a choice" the issue redivision of labour. can be decided by "a general vote" (p. 367). He has, however, a still more important argument It seems that after arguing that Stalin's rise was for rejecting the aim of growth. It follows from his broadly a consequence of economic necessity, he has belief that the possession of goods and the completely overlooked the dangers of an abuse of enjoyment of entertainment are just "compensatory power which is not subject to clearly defined interests" necessitated by the unfulfilling nature of mechanisms of control. alienated labour. He therefore argues that the five- day forty-hour week should be kept (p. 421). The next step Moreover, he expresses disinterest in the poten It is hardly surprising that Bahro's inadequate tialities of present advances in technology believing appraisal of the problem of political power in that new methods of production should be sought general should lead to confused proposals for what only to eliminate the most unpleasant and stultifying should be done next. Having written off the unskilled work. existing power structure he concludes that the time It is hard to believe that the asceticism of this has come to organise outside it, starting with a argument will gain much support in Eastern "theoretical-ideological and propaganda circle" Europe today where living standards are still far (p. 303) based on those with faith in the possibility of an alternative and gradually expanding to 9 R. Amman, J. M. Cooper, R. W. Davies: The become a mass movement. Experience suggests that Technological Level of Soviet Industry, London 1977. this is no easy task. Those who take a stand MARXISM TODAY, FEBRUARY, 1979 49

against the regime condemn themselves not only to Conclusion personal discomfort, which Bahro recognises and is My general feeling after reading Bahro's book is prepared to accept, but can also be so effectively one of disappointment. Despite his own ambition, silenced as to appear powerless. Although there are and some ecstatic reviews, it is in no sense a elements of a Marxist opposition in a number of masterpiece. The fault is in the theoretical frame East European countries, they are tolerated only to work he has adopted which serves to obscure the extent that the regime is not completely mono rather than to elucidate the changes that are lithic and does respond to some pressures. Hungary possible in Eastern Europe over the next few is the obvious example: opposition may be the best decades. developed, but it also has the best chance of This is not to suggest that he does not make gaining some influence and therefore the least many perceptive points when basing himself on his reason to indulge in rash acts of open defiance. own personal knowledge but, taken as a whole, his It therefore seems likely that the next changes in work falls far short of providing a realistic and Eastern Europe will centre on issues like economic attractive vision for the future. Neither does it show reform, the distribution of incomes, egalitarianism the link between the ambitious objective of a in education policy and steps towards the democra communist society and the realities of how tisation of management structures: these are all the political changes today can take place. subject of present controversies and are discussed in These critical remarks are in no way intended as a specialised works in Eastern Europe today. Bahro, justification for those who have tried to silence however, is implicitly presenting a very different Bahro. Neither are they intended to suggest that perspective. He believes that the existing power either his book, or his defiant gesture in writing it, structure will prove helpless once confronted with are politically unimportant. He has at least raised in the determination "of even a small group of a thought-provoking and forceful way the question people" (p. 345). He provides no serious evidence of the long-term objectives of those Marxists to support this assertion which simply underlines dissatisfied with existing socialist societies. This is yet again his naivety and ignorance about the undoubtedly an important and significant contri political realities. That, of course, is an issue which bution, but unfortunately he has not provided is assumed away in his highly general and abstract convincing answers. theoretical framework.