An Interview with Ambassador Princeton N. Lyman and Ambassador Johnnie Carson

What strategic interests does the have in Africa?

Lyman: In Africa you have a whole set of complex security and related issues. Not only the expansion of terrorism from East Africa across the Sahel and the dangers of health pandemics which pose threats to the international community, but if you combine those with the demo- graphics and problems of poverty, development, and climate change, these will cause a tremen- dous migration push toward Europe and elsewhere. All of which impacts on the United States. That combination of things going on in Africa has a very direct and important, strategic impor- tance for the United States. Carson: The United States is part of a global community and Africa is an increasingly important member. Stability, economic growth, improved health, and greater trade and com- merce in Africa contribute to global stability and thus to U.S. stability. The absence of peace is conflict; and the absence of development is poverty; the absence of good economic growth can also generate inequality, poverty, and social upheaval. We have to recognize we are better off as a country and as a global community when Africa is better off. The problems in Africa do not exist in isolation from the United States. Conflict in Africa generally comes at a high cost to our country. The State Department, USAID, and the White House are often required to engage politically. It also costs us financially at the UN because we [the United States] have to pay the largest share of the budget for UN peacekeepers, humanitar- ian support and refugee assistance, and for implementing many of the organization’s political and diplomatic resolutions.

This interview was conducted by Mr. Michael Miklaucic on March 6, 2017.

PRISM 6, no. 4 INTERVIEW | 3 What are the major impediments to peace, did not correspond to any of the ethnic or economic growth, and development in Africa? tribal relationships in the continent. You had systems that moved basically from a chief- Lyman: One of them is the difficulty taincy model with all of the patrimonial related to creating large enough economic linkages that entails, to a national model markets, sub-regional, and then beyond under the rule of state law. Some of the sub-regional markets in Africa so that you have inherited models were essential for holding economies of scale and efficiencies of produc- the countries together when they first became tion. Better and more stable governance are independent, but many countries never needed; and investment is needed. You also evolved into more effective and accountable need a transformation in Africa from being systems of governance. In some cases they merely suppliers of natural commodities, and did; there are countries like , , natural resources—that transformation has Ghana, and Senegal that have evolved not taken place in very many African coun- tremendously in terms of developing demo- tries. And on top of that, there is a tremendous cratic norms, etc. But, you have a lot of other growth in population, and the ability of countries in which this remains a problem, Africans to manage that is still limited. and issues of identity, rivalry, and lack of Carson: I would agree that probably the modern governing institutions continue to greatest impediment is the absence of good constrain development. leadership, the absence of good governance, and the absence of the rule of law. There is in Africa is economically one of the most fact a correlation between good governance dynamic regions of the world and it is also one and stability. Countries that are governed well of the regions experiencing the most dramatic are generally more stable and peaceful. Those urbanization. What impact will urbanization areas of Africa where we see the greatest have on stability and economic development? instability are those areas where we see enormous deficits in the quality of leadership; Lyman: There are two theories: Some where we in fact see inadequate governance, people think urbanization is a very powerful poor rule of law, and a disrespect for basic force for development; particularly for freedoms and civil liberties. Where we see the industrialization and economic moderniza- greatest attempts to strengthen good gover- tion, but also for revamping the agricultural nance, rule of law, and respect for democratic sector into a more modern economic culture values, we see less persuasive instability. and away from subsistence farming. There is a lot of historical evidence that this is the case. What are the origins of that deficit in But if you don’t have some of the basic governance and absence of good leadership in political and economic infrastructure and Africa? What are the causes of that deficit? leadership, urbanization can be a source of great instability and greater poverty. That is Lyman: There is a whole history of the challenge for some African governments. colonial rule, building countries within There is a related challenge that is only borders that were created in Europe and that beginning to be recognized—the nature of

4 | INTERVIEW PRISM 6, no. 4 economic development may be changing. in Africa, and some of those megacities are Historically countries have moved into more already enormously challenged. modern economies through labor intensive Africa has the youngest population of any industries such as textiles, beverages, low-level region in the world. It also has the fastest technology instruments, and then moving up growing population. , for example, the chain. But there is evidence that robots, currently has a population of 185 million artificial intelligence, as well as 3D printing people. It is the seventh largest country in the may change the dynamic of industrialization. world in terms of population. In less than 35 Africa could be left behind—it would have to years Nigeria’s population, and the urbaniza- find a whole new paradigm. That makes the tion that goes with it, will overtake that of the urbanization a more worrisome prospect. United States. By 2050, Nigeria will rank just Carson: Urbanization will be an enor- behind India and China as the third most mous challenge for Africa. Coupled with the populous country in the world—ahead of the migration of people from rural areas into United States. During that time, Nigeria’s urban areas, we also have to look at the population will double. Today, already there enormous population growth that is occur- are more children born in Nigeria every day ring across the continent. The population and every week than across all Western growth plus migration into the cities will put Europe. Nigeria will need substantially more enormous pressures on governments to infrastructure to deal with these challenges. It provide infrastructure for housing, for will need jobs. It will need economic growth schools, for roads, for electricity, and most and opportunity. This is the challenge that importantly for jobs. Jobs will be critical for a will have to be dealt with and Nigeria is not continent that already has a population the only country in Africa experiencing rapid where 65 percent is under the age of 30. population growth. Urbanization without jobs, without infra- structure, and without planning will present Sticking with that theme of economic enormous challenges for Africa. growth and infrastructure, how would you African countries are already challenged assess the success of the Africa Growth and by the urbanization that they have already Opportunity Act (AGOA), and President experienced. Many of them, regrettably have Obama’s Power Africa Initiative? not been able to provide either the planning, the infrastructure, or the jobs that are needed Lyman: AGOA is important as an today. Add to that a changing economic incentive. It is still just a small part of world model in which people are no longer brought trade, but it is an incentive to African coun- into low-level, entry-level manufacturing jobs, tries to move into more efficient, more and it compounds the problems that exist effective industrialization, as well as agricul- now. We see urbanization but also a prolifera- ture—though there are limits on the agricul- tion of slums, increased poverty, increased tural side. By being open to almost all of the unemployment, and the challenges that go African countries AGOA does not interfere along with those. We already have megacities with sub-regional economic communities; in contrast to the European Union’s bilateral

PRISM 6, no. 4 INTERVIEW | 5 economic partnership agreements, which are and looking at Africa’s potential. It has been disruptive to the development of African enormously important as an advocacy vehicle sub-regional markets. AGOA is a much better for working with African governments, along approach to encouraging African trade and with both the international and domestic development. But not many countries have private sectors, as well as with USAID and profited—a few such as Lesotho and other development agencies, and with the Mauritius have benefitted, but a lot of others Overseas Private Investment Corporation have not yet organized to take full advantage [OPIC], to promote electrification. And I of AGOA. It also has offered a good forum— think it has been done wisely. there is an AGOA forum every year which our Power Africa has focused on renewables. U.S. trade representatives and other officials It has focused on solar. It has focused on wind attend—and it allows for a really frank and geo-thermal energy. It has focused on discussion of Africa’s trade policies, develop- village-level and community access. But it has ment policies, and future directions; so it is also focused on creating large solar farms and more than just a trade agreement. It is a wind farms. And it has also created incentives vehicle for a really candid, but very produc- to work with large companies like General tive dialogue every year. Electric that produce substantial generation capacity on an industrial scale. It’s absolutely What about Power Africa? critical that a program like this continue. The electrification of Africa, both in its rural and Carson: Power Africa has been one of the its urban areas, will be critical to future most important initiatives put forward under economic growth; that economic growth will the Obama Administration. It addresses a key be critical to alleviating poverty, and the industrial sector that needs to be in place for alleviation of poverty will be critical in Africa to realize its full economic and helping to reduce conflict and political strife. commercial promise and potential. Africa Lyman: Let me give you an example: In does not generate sufficient power to drive northern Nigeria, places like Kaduna and the commerce, the trade and industry, and the Kano, had a degree of industrialization job creation that is required. twenty years ago—textiles and related small The two largest economies in Africa— industries. But without a national power grid, South Africa and Nigeria—probably together most of these industries depended on their produce less power than the states of New own power plant because they could not York and Pennsylvania, combined. In order function otherwise. In an era of globaliza- for Africa to take the next step it needs to tion—goods coming in from China, India, substantially increase its power generation at etc.—and unable to generate economies of every level. Power Africa has been extraordi- scale, most of those industries have gone nary in mobilizing U.S. Government under. So, you have simultaneous population resources to support the generation of more growth and de-industrialization in northern power in Africa. Power Africa has been Nigeria. The unemployment problems, at a extraordinarily important in incentivizing time when you have the growth of groups like interested American companies in going out Boko Haram, is just tragic.

6 | INTERVIEW PRISM 6, no. 4 For Nigeria, which has all of that oil and Carson: I think the Obama natural gas capacity, not to have developed a Administration did a very good job of using power infrastructure in the North, has made programs like the TSCTP and its East African that area much more vulnerable. And, just equivalent to help train African forces in seeing those industries decline—big textile counterterrorism tactics; to help improve industries shrinking to a third their original coordination among their police, customs, size, is tragic. If countries like Nigeria do not military, and intelligence services; and also to have a power grid that reaches out across the help get them to work in partnership with country, the ability to absorb its population their neighbors to fight established threats in industry—even agro industry—will not be that are regional in nature rather than there. country-specific. I think a lot has been accomplished. Are de-industrialization and the lack of There is always room for more to be done. economic opportunity the culprits responsible But the TSCTP has brought some of the for the growth of terrorism in Africa? nations that are now working together more collaboratively against Boko Haram more Lyman: They contribute. Boko Haram’s closely together. The terrorist groups operat- original argument was, “these people go to ing in the Sahel region are operating not just college, they come out, and then they have in northern Mali, but in Mauritania and in nothing! Western education is really giving parts of Niger, as well as in parts of Libya; and them nothing.” Their attraction is multi- they are a potential threat to countries like dimensional, but lack of economic opportu- Algeria, Senegal, and Burkino Faso. Working nity is one contributing factor. There are with these countries both as individual others. Poor governance, the lack of good countries and as parts of a regional grouping education, a lot of corruption in the past... to improve their counterterrorism expertise The U.S. Institute for Peace has been develop- and effectiveness is extraordinarily important. ing a program with the governors of northern Let me add that while we don’t pay as Nigeria to try and address some of those much attention to terrorist elements in East underlying problems—not only the eco- Africa, and while critics are quick to point out nomic, but also education and health—so that Somalia is still weak and threated by that young people really have a future there. al-Shabaab, substantial progress has been made in fighting terrorism across East Africa One of the emphases of the Obama during the past eight years. In 2006, 2007, and Administration was counterterrorism, which 2008—just before the Obama Administration led to the emergence of a number of programs. came in—we heard a lot about al-Qaeda in One of them is the Trans-Sahara Counter- East Africa. Today we hear absolutely nothing Terrorism Program (TSCTP). What is your about al-Qaeda in East Africa. We hear about assessment of how successful that has been in AQIM—al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb— reversing the trend of terrorism in Africa? which is responsible for the problems in northern Mali, and in southern Algeria, Libya, and parts of Mauritania. But the people who

PRISM 6, no. 4 INTERVIEW | 7 were responsible for the bombings of the U.S. It is very important that the United States Embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam in remains a good partner with African states as 1998, were part of al-Qaeda in East Africa. We they improve their capacity to deal with no longer hear about them because they no terrorism. However we should not substitute longer exist. As part of the effort to stabilize ourselves as the leaders in defending them, or Somalia, the United States supported the in assuming the obligation to protect their Ugandan, the Burundian, and the Kenyan countries. We should be strong partners. We efforts in the African Union Mission to should be strong collaborators. And we Somalia (AMISON). The United States can should be constantly there to help in the take some credit for the progress that has taken most appropriate ways, but we should ensure place there. For the first time in decades, there that African states remain in the lead and that is an internationally recognized government in they see this as their problem and not as an Mogadishu, and it controls more than just external problem, as our problem. several miles of real estate. In fact, since 2008 Lyman: Let me just pick up on that point, Somalia has had three different presidents—all and then I want to get back to the Sahel. The brought in through indirect participatory African Union (AU) has just gone through a electoral systems. reevaluation of its whole approach to peace The Somali government is taking control processes—that includes remediation, peace of Mogadishu and every major city in the enforcement, and peacekeeping. African southern part of the country. And more countries are today putting their troops on importantly for the United States, we have seen the line in AMISOM, Mali, and a number of an end to al-Qaeda in East Africa. The United other operations, and suffering a lot of States played a key role here. Those individuals casualties. African deployments have not been who were a part of al-Qaeda in East Africa are without problems, but they are bearing the gone and the cell is no longer even spoken of. brunt of peacekeeping and peace enforcement Fazul Harun is dead. Saleh Ali Saleh Nabhan is on the continent. In AMISOM, where the dead. These individuals that were part of the Africans are providing all of the fighting al-Qaeda global network are no longer there. capacity, there has had to be extensive We have also seen a sharp decline in support from the international community piracy off the Somali coast. The government in but the Africans are very much in the lead on power in Mogadishu and the government in the ground. In other cases, close UN–AU power in the Puntland are both committed to cooperation will be the most effective way to the extent that they can to the rule of law and proceed. In this regard, the AU is coming up to cooperating with international efforts, and with new ways of cooperating with the UN as a result we have seen a decline in piracy. and working with the UN to strengthen the There obviously have been setbacks in the AU’s planning, logistics, and human rights battle against terrorism in the region. There practices. The AU is also planning to make was the attack against the Westgate Mall in significant changes in the way it is organized, Kenya in 2013, and other insurgent attacks structured, and financed for promoting peace. across the border. But it is fair to say that there It will need a lot of support from the UN— has, in fact, been some degree of success. especially from the Security Council—because

8 | INTERVIEW PRISM 6, no. 4 it is the Security Council that most often calls Since the establishment of AFRICOM in upon African forces to undertake these tasks. 2008, military-military programs have prolifer- Regarding the Sahel, I would just point ated throughout the continent. Do you believe out a couple of other things. The TSCTP has this should be sustained since AFRICOM is given a lot of attention to the military side, focused on African militaries as opposed to but another program, the Security these other dimensions you have discussed? Governance Initiative (SGI), focuses on the non-military side of this—i.e. the broad Lyman: I think establishing AFRICOM management of issues that contribute to was the right decision to make even though instability and terrorism. What has happened the way it was brought into being and in the Sahel region, is there are a lot of publicized was a public relations disaster. The semi-decentralized groups, some linked to fact is that you had to bring together three drug smuggling, kidnapping of Westerners, different commands that were working in other forms of trafficking, and now to Africa. Before you had CENTCOM, EUCOM, terrorism. In the Sahel you also have vast, and PACOM all doing bits and pieces in thinly populated areas that are very, very Africa. AFRICOM began with a very broad- difficult to govern in which these groups based soft power program but because of the operate. But the problems are even broader. problems in Somalia and the Sahel, it has The Gulf of Guinea now has the largest become more engaged in a directly military instances of piracy in the world, which not way—and you need a command to do that. only deprives people of their livelihood but But you can’t look to AFRICOM to do all also contributes to the use of West Africa as a of the soft power work. AFRICOM is a highway to traffic drugs from South America, military organization that is very important through Africa, and into Europe. These but it is not going to do the work of gover- various criminal and terrorist groups are nance building, it is not going to do eco- taking advantage of weak governments in nomic development. AFRICOM’s security places like Guinea Bissau, Mali, and Niger. work will be very supportive of those, but to You have to deal not only with AQIM in look to it to do all of that…that was one of northern Mali, therefor you must strengthen the mistakes when it first started; it looked the capacity of the governments throughout like AFRICOM was going to try to do every- the region to deal with these several prob- thing, and people thought “What’s this? the lems. The counterterrorism programs and the militarization of U.S. policy?” AFRICOM has SGI program are ones that will need to be had to work through all of that. But from a maintained for years to come. To build the purely—“How do you organize and work necessary capacity, and to see it grow in a with militaries in Africa,” I think AFRICOM multi-dimensional way that isn’t just target- was the right decision. ing AQIM or criminal gangs, but offering Carson: AFRICOM is an important opportunities for rapidly growing popula- element in U.S. policy toward Africa today, tions, will take broad-based regional and but it is only one element in our policy international efforts covering security, toolkit. The consolidation of our disparate governance, and development. military operations under one command was

PRISM 6, no. 4 INTERVIEW | 9 a very efficient and positive decision. It All of Africa is not caught up in civil war. All demonstrated that the U.S. is concerned and of Africa probably needs good defense and recognizes the growing importance of what is security forces, but they do not need the kind happening on the security side in Africa. of high-level, kinetic engagement that some But we have to avoid the impression that would associate with the programs in Mali or there has been a militarization of our policies the war in Somalia. So, it’s important that we across Africa. We have always had military look at this holistically. attaches and military assistance officers in One thing that is sometimes overlooked many of our posts on the continent, who is that we have a number of what I call have done great work on behalf of the United heritage conflicts in Africa—conflicts that States. Now that they are all under one have gone on for decades, that have gone on command they can do that work more since the independence of African states. They efficiently—and that is a very positive effect. have been too complicated, too complex, too But we also must recognize that we need a hard to resolve, and they have dragged on, complete and holistic set of policies when and on, and on. But for the most part, conflict dealing with Africa. And those policies should has actually declined across Africa over the come from the State Department; from past thirty or forty years; except in these USAID and the development organizations; heritage cases. We no longer have the conflicts the Commerce Department; as well as from of the 1970s and the 1980s. We do not have the Defense Department. armed conflict in South Africa; we do not AFRICOM is doing some very vital and have armed conflict in Angola; we do not important work across Africa but it cannot be have armed conflict in , or a substitute for USAID; it cannot be a . The wars in Liberia and Sierra substitute for the Commerce Department, or Leone have ended. Where we do have the Agriculture Department—in promoting conflicts today are areas that have been in trade and investment, or promoting agricul- conflict for decades. tural trade—and it cannot be another Peace The problems in the Sudan and South Corps, with weapons. AFRICOM has a role Sudan did not start with Darfur, they started but it is important that it be seen as a part of in 1957 and have been going on since then. a holistic policy toward Africa and not a The Democratic Republic of the Congo dominant, or overarching part of that policy. (DRC) and the problems there did not start For the most part the work that we do across with the collapse of the Mobutu regime in Africa is best done by organizations that are 1997 and 1998, they started six months after outside of the defense and security establish- independence. The first UN peacekeepers ment; best done by the State Department; went into the DRC during the first year of that best done by USAID or the development country’s independence. And today the UN institutions; and best done by those organiza- force in the DRC is still the largest peacekeep- tions like OPIC or the Export-Import Bank ing program in Africa. These most difficult that promote trade. places in Africa like the Sudan and South All of Africa is not in conflict. All of Sudan, the DRC, Somalia, and the Central Africa is not being destabilized by terrorism. African Republic, have been in conflict for

10 | INTERVIEW PRISM 6, no. 4 decades; these countries have long, compli- weren’t enlightened, they were just despots. cated political histories—and for reasons Today there are countries that have adopted both domestic and international, too difficult aggressive development programs behind to get our heads around and to take a serious rather autocratic governments, like Rwanda interest in trying to resolve. and Ethiopia, but you also see the cracks that Lyman: We have talked about all of these are growing in those countries underneath terrible problems in Africa. But one of the the surface. In Ethiopia, there has been most positive things going on in Africa is to tremendous unrest in the last year, which is see the growing capacity of the new, young very threatening to that country. The idea that generation. They are very entrepreneurial; you a democratic system based on the rule of law, have people in Nigeria coming up with new with regular elections, is incompatible with technologies; you see the use of technology to Africa—I remember Kofi Anan saying there is help fishermen to know prices in local and nothing Western about human rights! Ask global markets; you see them starting busi- any African father whose son has been jailed nesses in Kenya, in Nigeria, and elsewhere. whether he thinks that is an appropriate There is a program called the Young African African way of dealing with dissent. Leaders Initiative (YALI) that has now The societies that have good, solid connected thousands of young people to each democratic institutions like Ghana today, or other across the continent. Some of them are Mauritius, or even South Africa despite all its pushing for democracy, some of them problems, in those states you see stability pushing for better business opportunities. and growth. I think the argument that That’s a very exciting part of Africa, and if they autocratic, enlightened despots are right for are given a chance—if their governments are Africa is a myth. really going to open up to them and give Carson: There is only democracy. There is them the international connections they no African democracy. There is no American need—they will be the future. And some of democracy. There is no Asian democracy. them are extremely impressive. There is no Latin American democracy. Democracy represents a set of fundamental I would like to return to the issue of soft values and principles that are to be found in power. There is a critique that says Western all democracies, wherever they are in the style democracy might not be the most appro- world, whatever the region. priate model to promote stability and economic We have different democratic systems. growth and development in Africa; that there There are federal systems and unitary systems. might be an Asian model, a Lee Kuan Yew style There are parliamentary systems, presidential, model, or a Chinese model, represented by and prime ministerial systems. There are Rwanda and President Kagame, and Ethiopia. mixed systems with prime minister over Do you give any credence to that idea? president, or president over prime minister. There are unicameral and bicameral Lyman: We heard that in the 1960s a democracies. great deal, when dictators claimed they were But democracy at its cores is based on a going to be enlightened despots. But they set of values and principles; multi-party

PRISM 6, no. 4 INTERVIEW | 11 democratic rule, which allows for routine and higher risk of failure then if we put it into a periodic elections for people to select their democratic one. leaders, leaders who respect freedom of speech, freedom of religion, freedom of During the past 15 or 20 years China has association, freedom of the press, and emerged as a growing presence in Africa. There commit to protect civil liberties and property is speculation that the new Administration will alike. Democracy protects the rights of impose significant reductions in the foreign citizens as well as corporate interests. These assistance budget. What do you think the costs principles are universal. We do not talk about are? What warning would you give to the the Asian model of democracy when we current Administration with respect to a describe India. Some refer to the Singapore decrease of support for African development model of Lee Kuan Yew; of course Singapore and governance programs, in light of China’s is comparatively easy to manage being that growing presence? What are the risks? Singapore is a city-state. There is an alterna- tive model out there. I will give it a blunt Lyman: It is good to have other countries name—it is authoritarian capitalism. contributing to the development of Africa. There is a model that you see in China— China has done a lot in terms of infrastruc- authoritarian political systems operating ture and other kinds of investments. But alongside a quasi-free market, economic China is not interested in good governance system, where private ownership and property and it is not interested in fighting corruption. are now allowed and the state no longer And it is not necessarily always playing by the controls all elements of the economy. same set of commercial rules. Individuals can own and build up assets of It does allow for the United States and capital, but political controls is rigid and China to cooperate in certain areas. We have authoritarian, and political space is restricted. cooperated with China on peace processes in That is the model that Paul Kagame in South Sudan, we both support African Union Rwanda, and others elsewhere are pursuing. peacekeeping and peacemaking, and we But I believe that this model will be just as cooperate in anti-piracy efforts off the coast of much a failure as the old Soviet and socialist Somalia. But if the United States starts to play models were, because it does not provide a lesser role in the broader areas of develop- protections of individual civil liberties, and it ment and governance in Africa, where will be does not provide protection of corporate and the strength and support for Africans who intellectual property. believe in those things? Governments that will take a person’s Let me give you an example from the aid rights away, will also take their factory away; program—one of the most successful aid will take their intellectual property away; and programs that we have in Africa is PEPFAR will take a person’s ideas away, whenever they [President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief], come in conflict with the political thinking of which contributed to arresting the terrible the state. I think that democracy is absolutely disease [HIV] and gradually getting control of important and every time we put an invest- it. It’s expensive—it costs about $3.5 billion ment into an authoritarian state it has a per year. If you cut away the overall aid

12 | INTERVIEW PRISM 6, no. 4 program and left only PEPFAR—because you the globe. It is PEPFAR, which has helped to cannot stop PEPFAR; people would die if you stem and reverse the HIV/AIDs pandemic. It stopped PEPFAR, literally—but then you are is the global health programs, in general, that cutting off all the other things, all of the other allow us to work against malaria, to work health programs, all of the governance against ebola, and other contagious diseases programs, trade capacity, all of those things, that can come into the United States as you would be taking much of the best of swiftly as the most direct incoming flight. It is America out of the equation. And then all of the MCC—the Millennium Challenge the issues we have talked about—the prob- Corporation—program, another started lems of population and terrorism, excessive during the George Bush Administration that migration, etc.—would not be addressed, and has been instrumental in addressing some of then they will come back and bite us in the the key infrastructure needs of a number of ankle or worse later on. African countries. It is YALI. It is also the If you look at security in a broad sense, programs of the OPIC and the EXIM Bank. these programs are all very much a part of the These are critical. And, on a human level, it is broad security role in Africa. And if we cut organizations like the Peace Corps, and the back on them in a substantial way, other thousands of volunteers who continue to go countries won’t make up that difference. out and are, in fact, the personal, daily face of America to hundreds of thousands of Africans Ambassador Carson what is your advice to across the continent. this Administration? This is the array of our soft power. These are the things that give the real meaning to Carson: Soft power is our most impor- what America is about, and what America is tant asset and policy tool across Africa. It is attempting to do. And this is the seriousness of the thing that distinguishes us more than where we are—our soft power is the most anything else. That soft power is delivered important and significant asset in Africa and through our development agencies and we have to remember that. While we want to through our diplomatic engagement. And it address the security issues that are on the table has been extraordinarily successful in helping before us, the best way to ensure stability is a number of African countries move forward. through stronger democratic institutions; These soft power instruments have been put greater and more inclusive economic develop- in place by both Democratic and Republican ment and growth; and providing opportunities administrations and they have been aimed at for a burgeoning population; and our capacity addressing the most critical issues that face to work with Africans—at every level, as Africa today. partners in a collaborative fashion. This is best It has been Power Africa, to provide done through soft power. This is best done power to the continent that has the least through working and supporting democratic amount of electricity. It has been Feed the institutions, and development that is inclusive, Future—helping to create a green revolution broad-based, and accessible to everyone. across a continent, which is the lowest per PRISM capita producer of agricultural goods across

PRISM 6, no. 4 INTERVIEW | 13 AUTHOR

In 2014, water workers survey a biomass site in Kenya as part of the USAID Power Africa initiative. (Alexa Kameru/ USAID)

14 | FEATURES PRISM 6, no. 3