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The Non-Christian Nature of Marxism
The Non-Christian Nature of Marxism Andrew T. Looker, Jr. HSOG Culture and Crisis Conference Liberty University March 6, 2021 I am from Charlotte, North Carolina. I graduated from Liberty University in May 2020 with a Bachelor of Science Degree in U.S. Government, with a concentration in Politics and Policy. I also graduated with a minor in History. I am currently in my second semester of studies in the Master of Arts in Public Policy program. Introduction Marxism is one of the most impactful philosophies in the history of mankind. It refers to the political and economic theories formulated by Karl Marx, a German philosopher who lived from 1818 to 1883. Marx’s most well-known works include the Communist Manifesto (1848) and Das Kapital (1859). Marxism initially consisted of the three related ideas of a philosophical anthropology, a theory of history, and a radical economic and political program.1 More specifically, Marx claimed that capitalism is just one stage in the historical progression from inferior economic systems to superior ones. Marx held that every society throughout history has been divided into different social classes which drive conflict. Within the capitalist framework, Marx claimed that society consisted of two classes: the bourgeoisie, or the business class who control the means of production, and the proletariat, or the workers whose labor produces valuable economic goods. In Marx’s view, the bourgeoisie profit at the expense of the proletariat, who they exploit by means of low wages and poor working conditions. As the political and economic inequalities between the upper and working classes continue to grow, Marx predicted that the proletariat would increasingly become alienated from capitalism. -
Mystified Consciousness: Rethinking the Rise of the Far Right with Marx and Lacan
Open Cultural Studies 2018; 2: 236–248 Research Article Claudia Leeb* Mystified Consciousness: Rethinking the Rise of the Far Right with Marx and Lacan https://doi.org/10.1515/culture-2018-0022 Received March 31, 2018; accepted September 2, 2018 Abstract: This paper brings core concepts coined by Karl Marx in conversation with Jacques Lacan to analyse some of the mechanisms that have mystified subjects’ consciousness, and contributed to a scenario where the (white) working-classes in the United States and elsewhere turned to the far right that further undermines their existence, instead of uniting with the raced and gendered working class to overthrow capitalism. It explains that the money fetish, which we find at the centre of the American Dream of wholeness (on earth), serves as the unconscious fantasy object petit a to deal with the desires and fears subjects fundamental non-wholeness creates, which have been heightened by the insecurities of neoliberal capitalism and exploited by the far right. It also shows how religion offers the illusion of wholeness in the sky, which produces subjects who endure rather than rebel against their suffering. Finally, it explains how the far-right brands the sexed and raced working-classes as inferior to uphold the illusion of the white working-class subjects as whole, which further undermines the creation of a revolutionary proletariat. Keywords: far right, Marx, Lacan Introduction1 The reform of consciousness consists only in enabling the world to clarify its consciousness, in waking it from its dream about itself, in explaining to it the meaning of its own actions (Marx, “For a Ruthless Critique” 15). -
Sculptor Nina Slobodinskaya (1898-1984)
1 de 2 SCULPTOR NINA SLOBODINSKAYA (1898-1984). LIFE AND SEARCH OF CREATIVE BOUNDARIES IN THE SOVIET EPOCH Anastasia GNEZDILOVA Dipòsit legal: Gi. 2081-2016 http://hdl.handle.net/10803/334701 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/deed.ca Aquesta obra està subjecta a una llicència Creative Commons Reconeixement Esta obra está bajo una licencia Creative Commons Reconocimiento This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution licence TESI DOCTORAL Sculptor Nina Slobodinskaya (1898 -1984) Life and Search of Creative Boundaries in the Soviet Epoch Anastasia Gnezdilova 2015 TESI DOCTORAL Sculptor Nina Slobodinskaya (1898-1984) Life and Search of Creative Boundaries in the Soviet Epoch Anastasia Gnezdilova 2015 Programa de doctorat: Ciències humanes I de la cultura Dirigida per: Dra. Maria-Josep Balsach i Peig Memòria presentada per optar al títol de doctora per la Universitat de Girona 1 2 Acknowledgments First of all I would like to thank my scientific tutor Maria-Josep Balsach I Peig, who inspired and encouraged me to work on subject which truly interested me, but I did not dare considering to work on it, although it was most actual, despite all seeming difficulties. Her invaluable support and wise and unfailing guiadance throughthout all work periods were crucial as returned hope and belief in proper forces in moments of despair and finally to bring my study to a conclusion. My research would not be realized without constant sacrifices, enormous patience, encouragement and understanding, moral support, good advices, and faith in me of all my family: my husband Daniel, my parents Andrey and Tamara, my ount Liubov, my children Iaroslav and Maria, my parents-in-law Francesc and Maria –Antonia, and my sister-in-law Silvia. -
Louis Aragon and Pierre Drieu La Rochelle: Servility and Subversion Oana Carmina Cimpean Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College
Louisiana State University LSU Digital Commons LSU Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 2008 Louis Aragon and Pierre Drieu La Rochelle: Servility and Subversion Oana Carmina Cimpean Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations Part of the French and Francophone Language and Literature Commons Recommended Citation Cimpean, Oana Carmina, "Louis Aragon and Pierre Drieu La Rochelle: Servility and Subversion" (2008). LSU Doctoral Dissertations. 2283. https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/gradschool_dissertations/2283 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at LSU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in LSU Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized graduate school editor of LSU Digital Commons. For more information, please [email protected]. LOUIS ARAGON AND PIERRE DRIEU LA ROCHELLE: SERVILITYAND SUBVERSION A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Louisiana State University and Agricultural and Mechanical College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in The Department of French Studies by Oana Carmina Cîmpean B.A., University of Bucharest, 2000 M.A., University of Alabama, 2002 M.A., Louisiana State University, 2004 August, 2008 Acknowledgements I would like to thank my dissertation advisor Professor Alexandre Leupin. Over the past six years, Dr. Leupin has always been there offering me either professional advice or helping me through personal matters. Above all, I want to thank him for constantly expecting more from me. Professor Ellis Sandoz has been the best Dean‘s Representative that any graduate student might wish for. I want to thank him for introducing me to Eric Voegelin‘s work and for all his valuable suggestions. -
A Post-Capitalist, Post-Stalinist Social Democracy: Hungary 1956 and 1990
Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe Volume 11 Issue 2 Article 3 1991 A Post-Capitalist, Post-Stalinist Social Democracy: Hungary 1956 and 1990 Leslie A. Muray Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.georgefox.edu/ree Part of the Eastern European Studies Commons, and the Religion Commons Recommended Citation Muray, Leslie A. (1991) "A Post-Capitalist, Post-Stalinist Social Democracy: Hungary 1956 and 1990," Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe: Vol. 11 : Iss. 2 , Article 3. Available at: https://digitalcommons.georgefox.edu/ree/vol11/iss2/3 This Article, Exploration, or Report is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ George Fox University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Occasional Papers on Religion in Eastern Europe by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ George Fox University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. · .. , A POST-CAPITALIST, POST-STALINIST SOCIAL DEMOCRACY: HUNGARY 1956 and 1990 by Leslie A. Muray Dr. Leslie A, Muray (Episcopalian) is a professor at Lansing Community College in Michigan. Born in Hungary, he came to the U.S.A. as a young boy. He received his Ph.D. degree at Claremont Graduate Theogical School in California. He is the editor of the C.A.R.E.E. Newsletter on the Christian-Marxist Encounter. This paper presented at the "Marxism and Religion" seminar, at the Annual Meeting of the American Academy of Religion, November 19, 1990. It is rather commonplace to hear that there is no tradition of democracy in Central and Eastern Europe. Focusing on resources provided by history, religion, and certain aspects of Marxist thought for the construction of a non-capitalist, post-Stalinist society in the country of the author's birth, Hungary, I hope to dispel this Western European and North American stereotype in this essay. -
1 Remembering Marx's Secularism* Scholars Engaged in the Critique Of
Remembering Marx’s Secularism* Scholars engaged in the critique of secularism have struggled with the numerous meanings of the secular and its cognates, such as secularism, secularization, and secularity. Seeking coherence in the secular’s semantic excess, they have often elided distinctions between these meanings or sought a more basic concept of the secular that can contain all of its senses (Asad 2003; Taylor 2007; see Weir 2015). Numerous scholars have observed strong similarities between secularism and Protestantism (Fessenden 2007; Modern 2011; Yelle 2013; see McCrary and Wheatley 2017), at times echoing a Christian theological tradition that has long been anti-secular (Taylor 2007; Gregory 2012; see Reynolds 2016). Unlike this anti-secular tradition, the strongest version of the critique of secularism is a critique of the conditions that produce a distinction between secular and religious and a critique of the ways that empire benefits from this distinction. Overcoming a tidy separation between secularism and religion requires fracturing both and reassembling them in new ways that allow messy life to exceed governance (Hurd 2015, 122- 27). Remembering Karl Marx’s secularism provides an opportunity to recover the differences within secularism and its difference from Christianity, but also its odd similarities with religion. This recovery can help refine the critique of secularism and preserve some important tools for improving material conditions. * Joseph Blankholm, Department of Religious Studies, University of California, Santa Barbara, CA 93106, USA. E-mail: [email protected]. I owe thanks to several PhD students at the University of California, Santa Barbara for their valuable insights and feedback, including Matthew Harris, as well as the students in my seminar on materialism: Timothy Snediker, Lucas McCracken, Courtney Applewhite, and Damian Lanahan-Kalish. -
Opiate of the Masses? Social Inequality, Religion, and Politics
OPIATE OF THE MASSES? SOCIAL INEQUALITY, RELIGION, AND POLITICS Landon Schnabel* Indiana University, Bloomington Abstract: This study considers the assertion that religion is the opiate of the masses. Using a special module of the General Social Survey and drawing on structuration and positionality theories, I first demonstrate that religion functions as a compensatory resource for disadvantaged groups— women, racial minorities, those with lower incomes, and, to a lesser extent, sexual minorities. I then demonstrate that religion—operating as both palliative resource and values-shaping schema—suppresses what would otherwise be larger group differences in political values. This study provides empirical support for Marx’s general claim that religion is the “sigh of the oppressed creature” and suppressor of emancipatory politics. It expands upon and refines the economics-focused argument, however, showing that religion provides (1) compensatory resources for lack of social, and not just economic, status, and (2) traditional-values-oriented schemas that impact social attitudes more than economic attitudes. I conclude that religion is not a simple distraction, but instead a complex and powerful social structure in which people both receive psychological compensation and develop rules-based belief systems that shape their political values. Key Words: Inequality; Religion; Politics; Attitudes; Gender; Race; Ethnicity; Class; Sexuality Last Revised: 1/4/2018 Running Head: Opiate of the Masses? Word Count: 11,128 Figures: 1 Tables: 7 THIS IS A DRAFT. DO NOT QUOTE OR CIRCULATE WITHOUT AUTHOR PERMISSION. * The author is grateful to Brian Powell for exceptional feedback. He would also like to thank Art Alderson, Clem Brooks, Youngjoo Cha, Andy Halpern-Manners, Patricia McManus, Chris Munn, Roshan Pandian, Brian Steensland, Evan Stewart, Jenny Trinitapoli, and members of the Indiana University Politics, Economy, and Culture Workshop for helpful input. -
Sing 2018 Tempestuous Affair.Pdf
Muslims and Capitalism – An Uneasy Relationship? Edited by Béatrice Hendrich KULTUR, RECHT UND POLITIK IN MUSLIMISCHEN GESELLSCHAFTEN Herausgegeben von Thomas Bauer, Stephan Conermann, Sabine Damir-Geilsdorf, Gudrun Krämer, Anke von Kügelgen, Eva Orthmann, Anja Pistor-Hatam, Irene Schneider, Reinhard Schulze Band 39 ERGON VERLAG Muslims and Capitalism – An Uneasy Relationship? Edited by Béatrice Hendrich ERGON VERLAG Gedruckt mit freundlicher Unterstützung der Fritz Thyssen Stiftung, Köln Umschlagabbildung: Claudia Bülbül, Feldforschung 2014, AKM Şura, Ort: KA-MU-DER Vakfı Fatih İstanbul Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar. © Ergon – ein Verlag in der Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft, Baden-Baden 2018 Das Werk einschließlich aller seiner Teile ist urheberrechtlich geschützt. Jede Verwertung außerhalb des Urheberrechtsgesetzes bedarf der Zustimmung des Verlages. Das gilt insbesondere für Vervielfältigungen jeder Art, Übersetzungen, Mikroverfilmungen und für Einspeicherungen in elektronische Systeme. Gedruckt auf alterungsbeständigem Papier. Umschlaggestaltung: Jan von Hugo Satz: Thomas Breier www.ergon-verlag.de ISBN 978-3-95650-463-1 (Print) ISBN 978-3-95650-464-8 (ePDF) ISSN 1863-9801 Table of Contents Béatrice Hendrich Introduction: Exalting the Past, Rebelling against the Present, and Struggling for a (Better) Future? ............................................................ -
Of Ernst Bloch Michael Löwy
C The Principle of Hope from Ernst Bloch is undoubtedly one C R R I of the major works of emancipatory thought in the twentieth century. I Romanticism, Marxism S Monumental (more than 1600 pages), it occupied the author for a large S I I S part of his life.Written during his exile in United States, from 1938 to S 1947, it would be reviewed for the first time in 1953 and a second in & & and Religion in the 1959. Following his condemnation as “revisionist” by authorities of the C C R German Democratic Republic, the author eventually left East Germany R I in 1961. I “Principle of Hope” of T T I Nobody had ever written a book like this, stirring in the same I Q breath the visionary pre-Socratic and Hegelian alchemy, the new Q U U Ernst Bloch E Hoffmann, the serpentine heresy and messianism of Shabbataï Tsevi, E Schelling’s philosophy of art, Marxist materialism, Mozart’s operas V V O and the utopias of Fourier. Open a page at random: it is about the man O L. L. 2 of Renaissance, the concept of (material) substance in Parecelse and 2 Jakob Böhme, of the Holy Family in Marx, of the doctrine of knowledge I I S in Giordano Bruno and the book on the Reform of Knowledge of S S Spinoza. The erudition of Bloch is so encyclopedic that very few readers S Michael Löwy U U E are capable of judging the entirety of each theme developed in the three E #1 volumes of the book. -
Marxismo Y Religión: ¿Opio Del Pueblo?**
Michael Löwy* Marxismo y religión: ¿opio del pueblo?** ¿ES AÚN LA RELIGIÓN, tal como Marx y Engels la entendían en el siglo XIX, un baluarte de reacción, oscurantismo y conservadurismo? Brevemente, sí, lo es. Su punto de vista se aplica aún a muchas institu- ciones católicas (el Opus Dei es sólo el ejemplo más obvio), al uso fun- damentalista corriente de las principales confesiones (cristiana, judía, musulmana), a la mayoría de los grupos evangélicos (y su expresión en la denominada “iglesia electrónica”), y a la mayoría de las nuevas sectas religiosas, algunas de las cuales, como la notoria iglesia del reverendo Moon, son nada más que una hábil combinación de manipulaciones financieras, lavado de cerebro y anticomunismo fanático. Sin embargo, la emergencia del cristianismo revolucionario y de la teología de la liberación en América Latina (y en otras partes) abre un capítulo histórico y alza nuevas y excitantes preguntas que no pueden responderse sin una renovación del análisis marxista de la religión. Inicialmente, confrontados con tal fenómeno, los marxistas recu- rrirían a un modelo tradicional que concibe a la iglesia como un cuerpo reaccionario enfrentando a los trabajadores y los campesinos cristianos * Filósofo y director de investigación del Centro Nacional de Investigación Científica de Francia, CNRS. ** Traducción de Bárbara Schijman. Revisión de Michael Löwy. 281 La teoría marxista hoy que podrían haber sido considerados soportes de la revolución. Incluso mucho tiempo después, la muerte del Padre Camilo Torres Restrepo, quien se había unido a la guerrilla colombiana, fue considerada un caso excepcional. Corría el año 1966. Pero el creciente compromiso de los cristianos –incluidos muchos religiosos y curas– con las luchas popula- res y su masiva inserción en la revolución sandinista claramente mos- traron la necesidad de un nuevo enfoque. -
Intellectual Culture: the End of Russian Intelligentsia
Russian Culture Center for Democratic Culture 2012 Intellectual Culture: The End of Russian Intelligentsia Dmitri N. Shalin University of Nevada, Las Vegas, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalscholarship.unlv.edu/russian_culture Part of the Asian History Commons, Cultural History Commons, European History Commons, Intellectual History Commons, Other Languages, Societies, and Cultures Commons, Political History Commons, Slavic Languages and Societies Commons, and the Social History Commons Repository Citation Shalin, D. N. (2012). Intellectual Culture: The End of Russian Intelligentsia. In Dmitri N. Shalin, 1-68. Available at: https://digitalscholarship.unlv.edu/russian_culture/6 This Article is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Scholarship@UNLV with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this Article in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This Article has been accepted for inclusion in Russian Culture by an authorized administrator of Digital Scholarship@UNLV. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Intellectual Culture: The End of Russian Intelligentsia Dmitri Shalin No group cheered louder for Soviet reform, had a bigger stake in perestroika, and suffered more in its aftermath than did the Russian intelligentsia. Today, nearly a decade after Mikhail Gorbachev unveiled his plan to reform Soviet society, the mood among Russian intellectuals is decidedly gloomy. -
The State Policy in the Field of School Education in the Soviet Russia in 1917–1923
Stanislav Slobodian DOI: 10.14746/bhw.2017.36.4 Yuriy Fedkovych Chernivtsi National University Chernivtsi, Ukraine The state policy in the field of school education in the Soviet Russia in 1917–1923 This article reviews Bolshevik policy in the field of school education in the early years of Soviet power. The author draws attention to the ideological and political differences between the party and most of the teachers, which intensified after the Bolsheviks seized power. The atmosphere of mutual distrust negatively affected the social policies concerning teachers at the local level. The terrible financial situation of the teachers led to a critical shortage of staff, a decrease in the overall competence of school employees, lack of motivation and capacity to effectively implement school reform. At the same time, the authorities significantly increased the requirements for teachers. Therefore, the Bolsheviks’ concept of the “labour school” was implemented with considerable distortions, causing a general decline in the quality of school education. Summing up the experience of school policy in the first years of the Soviet power, the Bolsheviks understood the need to review their attitude to people’s teachers and in particular to the remuneration of their labour. Keywords: soviet power, Bolsheviks, teachers, professional organisations, school, school reform, labour school. Introduction The period from 1917 to 1923 can undoubtedly be called the most difficult in the history of Russian education. Civil war, famine and devastation were major, but not the only causes of the crisis in the field of public education. The party’s attitude to education- al content, to methods of teaching and the educational process, as well as their social policy concerning teachers had a decisive influence on the situation in this field.