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Bahrain Imprisonment, Torture and Statelessness: the Darkening Reality of Human Rights Defenders in Bahrain International Mission Report
BAHRAIN IMPRISONMENT, TORTURE AND STATELESSNESS: THE DARKENING REALITY OF HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS IN BAHRAIN International Mission Report June 2015 Cover photos: Photos of Hussain Jawad, Ghada Jamsheer, Abdulhadi Al-Khawaja, Sayed Ahmed Al-Wedaei, Ibrahim Al-Dimistani, Naji Fateel, Madhi Abu Deeb, Mohammed Al-Maskati, Zainab Al-Khawaja, Taïmoor Karimi and Nabeel Rajab. All rights reserved. Directors of publication: Karim Lahidji, Gerald Staberock Authors of the report: Safya Akorri Edition and coordination: Alexandra Pomeon O’Neill and Miguel Martín Zumalacárregui Design: CBT / Lay out: Stéphanie Geel Imprimerie de la FIDH Dépôt légal juillet 2015 FIDH (English ed.) ISSN 2225-1804 – Fichier informatique conforme à la loi du 6 janvier 1978 (Déclaration N° 330 675) 2 The Observatory IMPRISONMENT, TORTURE AND STATELESSNESS: THE DARKENING REALITY OF HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS IN BAHRAIN TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION .................................................................. 4 METHODOLOGY . 5 I. THE CONTEXT: A SHRUNKEN SPACE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS . 6 A. Political context ..............................................................6 B. Legal framework . 8 B.1. Restrictions to freedom of association .......................................8 B.2. Criminal provisions used to repress human rights defenders .....................9 II. CASES OF HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDERS SUBJECTED TO JUDICIAL HARASSMENT IN BAHRAIN 11 • Mr. Madhi Abu Deeb. .11 • Mr. Ibrahim Al-Dimistani. 13 • Mr. Naji Fateel. 15 • Ms. Ghada Jamsheer .........................................................17 -
Submission to Bahrain's UPR Third Cycle Human Rights Council UPR Working Group 27Th Session April-May 2017
Submission to Bahrain's UPR Third Cycle Human Rights Council UPR Working Group 27th Session April-May 2017 1/5 75 Broad Street, 31st Floor, 805 15th Street, N.W., #900 1303 San Jacinto Street, 9th Floor New York, NY 10004 Washington, DC 20005 at South Texas College of Law, Houston, TX 77002 Tel: 212.845.5200 Tel: 202.547.5692 Tel: 713.955.1360 Fax: 212.845.5299 Fax: 202.543.5999 Fax: 713.955.1359 human rights f irst.org In this report, Human Rights First includes a follow up to the previous universal periodical review and makes recommendations for the following areas: Wrongful Imprisonment Several human rights defenders were in custody or in prison in late 2016 for reasons connected with their peaceful activities. These include anti-corruption and women's rights activist Ghada Jamsheer, and Nabeel Rajab. He was taken into detention, charged with what the government described as “insulting a statutory body” and “spreading rumors during wartime”. He was also charged with "undermining the prestige" of Bahrain for publishing an article in The New York Times. If convicted, Rajab could face up to 15 years in prison under Bahrain's penal code. Other HRDs remained in prison sentenced to long terms, including Abdulhadi Alkhawaja, the former president and co-founder of the Bahrain Centre for Human Rights and the former Coordinator of Middle East and North Africa Protection at Front Line Defenders. He is serving a life sentence for his part in the 2011 protests. Naji Fateel from the NGO Bahrain Youth Society is serving a 15-year imprisonment sentence). -
Introduction
Chapter 1 Introduction 1 Introduction to the Project This book presents a catalogue of the Islamic funerary inscriptions of Bahrain dat- ing to before 1317 AH/1900 AD (all dates are specified as either AH or AD. Where both dates are cited these are in the format AH/AD). It results from fieldwork completed between 2013 and 2015 undertaken in co-operation with the Bahraini Shiʿa Jaffaria Waqf and the Sunni Waqf authorities who provided information on the locations of relevant gravestones, personnel to participate in the recording, and ethical clear- ance and research authorisation (along with the Directorate of Archaeology and Heritage of the Bahrain Authority for Culture and Antiquities). 150 gravestones were recorded in 26 locations: in 23 cemeteries, mosques, and shrines (136 gravestones), two museums (13 gravestones), and one private house (1 gravestone) (Table 1.1; Figure 1.1). Of these, 38 gravestones were exposed through archaeological excava- tion and 106 have inscriptions. Table 1.1 Gravestone locations, abbreviations, and numbers Name Location Type Number of Gravestones Aʿali (AAL) Mosque 1 Abu Anbra (ABN) Originally urban now 50 village cemetery Abu Saiba (ABS) Village cemetery 1 Askar (ASK) Village cemetery, mosque 2 and shrine Barbar (BAR) Private house 1 Beit al-Quran (BEIT) Museum 1 Bilad al-Qadim (BAQ) Mosque 1 Daih (DAI) Village cemetery 1 Hoora (HOO) Urban cemetery 12 Hunaniyah (HUN) Urban cemetery 1 Jebelat Habshi (JBH) Village cemetery 13 Jidhafs (JID) Village cemetery 1 Jidhafs al-Imam (JAI) Village cemetery 3 Karranah -
The UK's Relations with Saudi Arabia and Bahrain
House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee The UK’s relations with Saudi Arabia and Bahrain Fifth Report of Session 2013–14 Volume II Additional written evidence Ordered by the House of Commons to be published 12 November 2013 Published on 22 November 2013 by authority of the House of Commons London: The Stationery Office Limited The Foreign Affairs Committee The Foreign Affairs Committee is appointed by the House of Commons to examine the expenditure, administration, and policy of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and its associated agencies. Current membership Rt Hon Richard Ottaway (Conservative, Croydon South) (Chair) Mr John Baron (Conservative, Basildon and Billericay) Rt Hon Sir Menzies Campbell (Liberal Democrat, North East Fife) Rt Hon Ann Clwyd (Labour, Cynon Valley) Mike Gapes (Labour/Co-op, Ilford South) Mark Hendrick (Labour/Co-op, Preston) Sandra Osborne (Ayr, Carrick and Cumnock) Andrew Rosindell (Conservative, Romford) Mr Frank Roy (Labour, Motherwell and Wishaw) Rt Hon Sir John Stanley (Conservative, Tonbridge and Malling) Rory Stewart (Conservative, Penrith and The Border) The following Members were also members of the Committee during the parliament: Rt Hon Bob Ainsworth (Labour, Coventry North East) Emma Reynolds (Labour, Wolverhampton North East) Mr Dave Watts (Labour, St Helens North) Powers The Committee is one of the departmental select committees, the powers of which are set out in House of Commons Standing Orders, principally in SO No 152. These are available on the internet via www.parliament.uk. Publication The Reports and evidence of the Committee are published by The Stationery Office by Order of the House. All publications of the Committee (including news items) are on the internet at www.parliament.uk/facom. -
Immigration Detention in Bahrain
Immigration Detention in Bahrain Global Detention Project January 2016 About the Global Detention Project The Global Detention Project (GDP) is a non-profit research centre based in Geneva, Switzerland, that investigates the use of detention in response to global migration. The GDP’s aims include: (1) providing researchers, advocates, and journalists with a measurable and regularly updated baseline for analysing the growth and evolution of detention practices and policies; (2) facilitating accountability and transparency in the treatment of detainees; and (3) encouraging scholarship in this field of immigration and refugee studies. This publication is made possible in part by the generous support of the Open Society Foundations. Global Detention Project 1-3 rue de Varembé, 1202 Geneva, Switzerland www.globaldetentionproject.org © 2016 +41 22 733 08 97 [email protected] Immigration Detention in Bahrain January 2016 Abstract Wracked by sectarian conflict and with a growing expat population that now outnumbers citizens, Bahrain has struggled to develop humane policies for its foreign workers. Although the country has adopted labour reforms and set up new rights-related institutions, observers say there is a significant gap between stated intentions and reality on the ground. Introduction The Kingdom of Bahrain, an island nation and the smallest of the Gulf States, relies heavily on foreign workers. Since 2010, immigrants have outnumbered citizens, accounting for more than 51 percent of the country’s population and nearly 80 percent of its work force.1 Recurring tensions between “locals” and “expats” have spurred heated public debate that at times reaches “xenophobic pitch.”2 Bahrain has also been wracked by sectarian conflict. -
United Arab Emirates 2013 Human Rights Report
UNITED ARAB EMIRATES 2013 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The United Arab Emirates (UAE) is a federation of seven semiautonomous emirates with a resident population of approximately 9.2 million, of whom an estimated 11.5 percent are citizens. The rulers of the seven emirates constitute the Federal Supreme Council, the country’s highest legislative and executive body. The council selects a president and a vice president from its membership, and the president appoints the prime minister and cabinet. In 2009 the council selected Sheikh Khalifa bin Zayed al- Nahyan, ruler of Abu Dhabi Emirate, to a second five-year term as president. The emirates are under patriarchal rule with political allegiance defined by loyalty to tribal leaders, leaders of the individual emirates, and leaders of the federation. There are limited democratically elected institutions, but no political parties. A limited appointed electorate participates in periodic elections for the Federal National Council (FNC), a consultative body that can examine, review, and recommend changes to legislation, consisting of 40 representatives allocated proportionally to each emirate based on population. In 2011 the appointed electorate of approximately 129,000 citizens elected 20 FNC members, and the rulers of the individual emirates appointed the other 20. Citizens can express their concerns directly to their leaders through traditional consultative mechanisms such as the open majlis (forum). Topics of legislation can also emerge through discussions and debates in the FNC. While authorities maintained effective control over the security forces, there were some media reports of human rights abuses by police. The three most significant human rights problems were citizens’ inability to change their government; limitations on citizens’ civil liberties (including the freedoms of speech, press, assembly, association, and internet use); and arbitrary arrests, incommunicado detentions, and lengthy pretrial detentions. -
Patterns of Torture in Bahrain: Perpetrators Must Face Justice
Patterns of Torture in Bahrain: Perpetrators must Face Justice A Report by the Gulf Centre for Human Rights (GCHR) March 2021 Patterns of Torture in Bahrain: Perpetrators must Face Justice I. Executive Summary 3 II. Methodology 4 III. Introduction 5 1. Patterns of Torture 6 1.1 The Prevalence of Torture in the Bahraini Justice System and Extraction of Confessions by Torture 6 1.2 Gross Violations of Fair Trial Rights and Due Process: The Admissibility of Confessions Extracted by Torture in Criminal Proceedings 10 1.3 The Use of Torture and its Chilling Effect on Exercising the Rights to Freedom of Expression, Assembly and Association 11 1.4 Torture and Travel Bans in Reprisal against Human Rights Defenders who Interact with International Human Rights Mechanisms 12 2. Ending the Culture of Impunity: Ensuring that Perpetrators of Torture are Held Accountable 14 2.1 Tackling the Culture of Impunity within Bahrain 14 2.2 Ensuring International Accountability by Moving Away from a Culture of Complicity in the International Community 15 3. Conclusion 20 4. Recommendations 21 4.1 Recommendations to the Government of Bahrain 21 4.2 Recommendations to the International Community 21 2 Patterns of Torture in Bahrain: Perpetrators must Face Justice I. Executive Summary This report provides a comprehensive overview of the specific ways and means by which torture is perpetrated in Bahrain, with a particular focus on the period since the 2011 popular movement and the violent crackdown that followed. The report documents the widespread use of forms of -
Bahranian Ngos Shadow Report to CEDAW
Bahraini NGOs shadow Report to CEDAW 2014 1 Index Page INTRODUCTION 5 METHODOLOGY 5 Executive Summary 6 PRIORITY ISSUES FOR BAHRAINIAN WOMEN 11 Rights and freedoms 11 1-1 Institutional Violence 11 1-2 Legislation 14 Women and political Participation 15 2-1 Women Political participation 15 2-2 Women and decision making 18 Personal affairs 19 3-1 Family law (Ghafareysection) 20 3-2 Family law 36/2009 (section one) 20 3-2-1 Age of marriage 21 3-2-2 Guardianship 21 3-2-3 Polygamy 22 3-2-4 Maternal house and “obedience house” 22 3-2-5 Divorce/divorce without informing \g the wife 23 3-2-6Arbitrary divorce with no compensation to divorcee 23 Violence 25 4-1 Domestic violence 25 Work 27 5-1 Non implementation of labor law 27 5-2 Discrimination in employment 28 5-3 Women workers in the trade unions 29 2 5-4 Domestic workers 29 5-6 Workers in nurseries 30 5-7 Wife work 31 Trafficking in women 31 Nationality 38 Stereotype gender roles 40 Reservations 42 Implementation and dissemination of CEDAW 43 REFERENCES 44 ANNEXES Page Annex one: Women testimonies on institutional violence Fatima Abou Edris Naziha Saeed Aqila El Maqabi Annex two: list of fired female workers 53 – 70 Annex three: Report of the Migrant Workers Protection Association 71 - 75 Annex four: Statistics on Protection from human trafficking (Arabs) 76 - 77 Annex five: Statistics on Protection from human trafficking (foreigners) 78 -85 3 Tables Page Table 1 Number and 5 of women candidates/elected to the Council of Representatives and local councils 17 (2002 -2006 – 2010, 2011 complementary -
In Colonial Bahrain: Beyond the Sunni / Shia Divide
THREATS TO BRITISH “PROTECTIONISM” IN COLONIAL BAHRAIN: BEYOND THE SUNNI / SHIA DIVIDE A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Arab Studies By Sarah E. A. Kaiksow, M.St. Washington, D.C. April 24, 2009 I would like to thank Dr. Judith Tucker and Dr. Sara Scalenghe for inspiration and encouragement. ii Copyright 2009 by Sarah E. A. Kaiksow All Rights Reserved iii TABLE OF CONTENTS I. Introduction 1 Research Focus 2 Periodization 7 Archives 9 II. Background 12 The al-Khalifa and the British 12 Economy & Society of an island thoroughfare 17 Trade, pearls, date gardens, fish, and fresh water springs 17 Baharna, Huwala, Persians, Najdis, Thattia Bhattias, and Jews 20 III. Threats on the Ground: Saud-Wahabis in the Nineteenth Century 24 Uncertain allies (1830-1831) 24 First interventions (1850-1850) 26 Saud-Wahabis, Persia, and the Ottomans (1860-1862) 29 Distinctive registers 33 A new role for Britain (circa 1920) 34 The case for internal “reform” (1920-1923) 36 The “Najdi” crisis (April, 1923) 44 Debating the threats (May, 1923) 48 Forced succession (May 26, 1923) 50 Pearling industry and reforms (1915-1923) 52 Resistance to colonial reform (June – September, 1923) 55 Dawasir Exodus (October, 1923) 59 Consolidating the state (1926-1930) 61 IV. Persia and State Consolidation in the Twentieth Century 64 V. Conclusion 66 Bibliography 75 iv I. Introduction In the early months of 1923, the Under Secretary -
Bahrain: Torture Is the Policy and Impunity Is the Norm
Bahrain: Torture is the Policy and Impunity is the Norm A Report by the Bahrain Center for Human Rights (BCHR) produced in cooperation with the Gulf Centre for Human Rights (GCHR) with support from the European Union February 2021 1 Table of Contents I. Introduction 3 II. Methodology and Resources 3 III. Main Acronyms 4 IV. Background 4 V. Bahrain’s International Obligations Regarding Torture 6 VI. Practices of the Security Agencies in Detention Centres 8 VII. The Officials Involved in Torture Practices 9 VIII. Victims and Survivors of the Practices of the Security Agencies 13 Political Activists and Human Rights Defenders 14 On Death Row or Already Executed 19 Protesters 20 Summary Table of Victims of Torture in Bahrain 21 IX. Recommendations 23 2 I. Introduction Bahrain has witnessed several uprisings throughout its contemporary history. Since before its independence, different popular movements have sought the same goal; a democratic society with equal rights. These peaceful movements have been faced with force and resulted in increased repression. The last popular movement of February 2011 was no different. From the first day of the 2011 popular movement, the Bahraini government chose to resort to force to end the peaceful demonstrations. Many protesters were killed because of the security forces’ brutality, either on the streets or under torture in the detention centres. Local and international reports have documented hundreds of cases of torture and ill-treatment. The UN concerned bodies and different international organisations have called on the Bahraini government to address the violations and end impunity. Almost a decade has passed since 14 February 2011, and nothing has changed. -
Gulf States Accused of Co-Ordinated Crackdown on Dissent | World
Gulf states accused of co-ordinated crackdown on dissent UAE's refusal to grant entry to an LSE academic and two Bahraini journalists may stem from security deal agreed last year Ian Black, Middle East editor guardian.co.uk, Tuesday 26 February 2013 17.16 GMT Saudi Arabia led a GCC intervention force in the suppression of protests in Bahrain in March 2011, with a UAE contingent also taking part. Photograph: AFP/Getty Images Nervous Gulf states appear to be co-ordinating a crackdown on critics in the media and academic world as well as on political activists who challenge the status quo and protest about human rights abuses. Two leading Bahraini journalists were blocked from entering the United Arab Emirates on Monday for unspecified reasons, just days after the UAE refused entry to Kristian Ulrichsen, of the London School of Economics, who was scheduled to speak about Bahrain at a conference on the Arab spring, which has unsettled all the region's conservative monarchies. Mansour al-Jamri, editor of the Bahraini newspaper al-Wasat, was refused entry at Dubai international airport along with his wife, Reem Khalifa, an Associated Press correspondent. Jamri had been due to attend a conference on newspapers but believes the ban stems from a security deal agreed by the six Gulf Co-operation Council (GCC) members last year. "The ban clearly has nothing to do with the conference," he told the Guardian . "But we were told it was a decision from the top." The contents of the pact remain secret but it includes a shared database. -
Pen International Writers in Prison Committee Caselist
PEN INTERNATIONAL WRITERS IN PRISON COMMITTEE CASELIST January-December 2013 PEN International Writers in Prison Committee 50/51 High Holborn London WC1V 6ER United Kingdom Tel: + 44 020 74050338 Fax: + 44 020 74050339 e-mail: [email protected] web site: www.pen-international.org PEN INTERNATIONAL CHARTER The P.E.N. Charter is based on resolutions passed at its International Congresses and may be summarised as follows: P.E.N. affirms that: 1. Literature knows no frontiers and must remain common currency among people in spite of political or international upheavals. 2. In all circumstances, and particularly in time of war, works of art, the patrimony of humanity at large, should be left untouched by national or political passion. 3. Members of P.E.N. should at all times use what influence they have in favour of good understanding and mutual respect between nations; they pledge themselves to do their utmost to dispel race, class and national hatreds, and to champion the ideal of one humanity living in peace in one world. 4. P.E.N. stands for the principle of unhampered transmission of thought within each nation and between all nations, and members pledge themselves to oppose any form of suppression of freedom of expression in the country and community to which they belong, as well as throughout the world wherever this is possible. P.E.N. declares for a free press and opposes arbitrary censorship in time of peace. It believes that the necessary advance of the world towards a more highly organized political and economic order renders a free criticism of governments, administrations and institutions imperative.