doi:10.1111/disa.12175

‘Are you prepared?’ Representations and management of floods in Lomanikoro, Rewa ()

Emilie Nolet Assistant Professor, Équipe d’Ethnologie Préhistorique and Centre de Recherche et de Documentation sur l’Océanie, University of Paris, Panthéon- Sorbonne, France

The islands of Fiji, in the Western Pacific, are exposed to a wide range of natural hazards. Tropical storms and associated floods are recurring natural phenomena, but it has been regularly alleged that Fijians lack preparation, over-rely on state assistance in post-disaster situations or engage in risky behaviours that aggravate the negative impact of floods. Risk reduction strate- gies, which are now implemented by government authorities and international organisations, heavily promote the principle of ‘community preparedness’. Both community awareness programmes and capacity-building programmes are conducted throughout the country in the most vulnerable communities. This paper analyses how the inhabitants of Lomanikoro village, in the low areas of the Rewa Delta, perceive and manage existing flood risks. It examines social and cultural factors that contribute to shape risk response locally—in particular, why villagers may be reluctant to adopt some recommended preparedness measures and resettle in higher, safer zones.

Keywords: anthropology, community preparedness, community resilience, disaster risk reduction, floods

Introduction Fiji is exposed to a range of natural hazards but suffers especially from tropical storms and cyclones, which sweep the country during the wet season that extends from November to April (Campbell, 1984; Lal et al., 2009, p. 25). An average of 10 to 12 cyclones affect the island group each decade, of which two or three cause severe damage (Fiji Meteorological Service, 2006, p. 2). In addition to wind damage, cyclones and tropical depressions generate floods of variable intensity: heavy and prolonged rainfall causes rivers and streams to overflow their banks, while storm surges further exacerbate flood levels in coastal zones (Raj, 2004, pp. 2, 4). The severity of flood events range from minor flash flooding to extreme flood conditions, with flood levels rising up to five or six metres above mean sea level, causing widespread destruction (McGree et al., 2010). Frequent consequences of floods include death by drown- ing, damage both to infrastructure and to subsistence and commercial agriculture, destruction or disturbance of land and marine ecosystems, and an increased incidence of water and vector borne diseases such as dengue fever. Cyclones and associated floods represent a significant economic burden. For instance, the economic cost of the January 2009 floods to households and businesses was estimated at FJD330 million gross (about

© 2016 The Author(s). Disasters © Overseas Development Institute, 2016 Published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd, 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford, OX4 2DQ, UK and 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA Emilie Nolet

USD 154 million today) for surveyed areas in and towns (SOPAC et al., 2009).1 It has been asserted that the frequency and/or severity of these floods may increase in the future: first, as a consequence of climate change, which may bring more fre- quent heavy rainfall events (Australian Bureau of Meteorology and CSIRO, 2011, pp. 87, 178); and second, because of accelerated urban development and economic activities such as logging, aggregate mining and unsustainable agricultural practices. These activities tend to increase the depositing of silt in rivers and to aggravate flood- ing potential. The response of local communities to flood risks has often been described as inap- propriate, both in urban and rural areas. Experts, journalists and government officials have regularly alleged that the Fijians are underprepared and that they over-rely on state assistance in post-disaster situations or even amplify the impact of floods by engaging in risky behaviour, because of a lack of ‘awareness’, ‘care’, ‘education’ or ‘memory’ (Fiji Times, 2007a, 2009; SPC, 2011). Some commentators have denounced a passive attitude infused with a ‘laid-back’ philosophy or a cultural tendency to con- sider dangers and hardships only once they have materialised. Others have pointed out an excessive focus on relief assistance or a political use of disaster relief, which might have encouraged a ‘culture of dependence’ at the community level (Campbell, 1984, p. 169; Méheux et al., 2010, p. 1111). However, it should be noted that few studies have explored in depth the social representations2 underlying the management of flood risks and events by specific communities in Fiji. For example, why is a community living in exposed and risky conditions reluctant to resettle, even though it faces chronic destruction? Why may the risk be underestimated or ignored in certain contexts? What are the locally developed and socially accepted ways of dealing with floods at a community level? The Fijian government has historically had a dominant role in disaster manage- ment activities, which were centred on response operations and relief till the late 1980s (Méheux, 2007, pp. 49, 51). The National Disaster Management Office’s (NDMO) mandate has gradually evolved to include ‘prevention, mitigation, pre- paredness, emergency operations, relief, and rehabilitation’ (NDMO, 1995, p. I–1). Nowadays, the government, experts and international agencies all strongly encour- age community preparedness in order to address both environmental risks and climate change impacts in Fiji and the Pacific (Government of the Republic of Fiji,2012 ). Such strategic thrust is in line with broader trends and an increasing focus on disaster risk reduction and participative methods at the global level since the 1990s (Revet, 2009, p. 19). At the second World Conference on Disaster Reduction, the director of Fiji’s NDMO emphasised the need to ‘galvanise community participation in dis- aster risk management and the overall decision making process’ (Rokovada, 2005, p. 2). A recent report on the local implementation of the Hyogo Framework for Action3 also stated that ‘Fiji’s new NDRM (National Disaster Risk Management) arrangement was designed(4) to increase focus on the involvement of the community in disaster risk reduction and disaster management’ (NDMO, 2011, p. 4; see also NDMO, 2012). Several programmes involving the NDMO, regional agencies such as the South ‘Are you prepared?’ Representations and management of floods in Lomanikoro, Rewa (Fiji)

Pacific Applied GeoScience Commission (SOPAC) (now a division of the Secretar- iat of the Pacific Community (SPC)) and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) have been and are being conducted with the avowed purpose of raising commu- nity awareness and enhancing the coping capacity of vulnerable populations in Fiji. Specific objectives of such programmes include education on disaster risks, the influence of human practices and disaster preparedness measures, the implementation or enforcement of early warning response procedures, assistance to communities in developing their own mitigation plans and the strengthening of communities’ capac- ity to recover from hazards (Barnett and Campbell, 2010, pp. 113–137; Gero et al., 2011, pp. 105–106).5 In this paper, our objective is to examine how a flood-prone village in the Rewa Delta manages risks and how local representations may possibly conflict with pre- paredness measures recommended by the state and NGOs. Anthropological research on local approaches to flooding issues was conducted in Lomanikoro, the chief village of (in the south-eastern part of Island), from June to September 2011. The fieldwork involved participant observation as well as semi- structured and unstructured interviews with approximately 30 residents from the village or established there for a considerable number of years (for example, spouses from other provinces). Field interviews were conducted in English and included questions such as: ‘Are you afraid of floods?’ ‘How do you prepare for floods?’ ‘Do you think that there are more floods nowadays than before?’ ‘Would you like to relo- cate to a safer place?’ ‘What is responsible for floods in Rewa?’ Additional informa- tion was obtained from the inhabitants of neighbouring villages such as Nasigatoka. We also use observations collected during previous stays in Lomanikoro for research focusing on local social and political organisation and especially the chiefly system.6 Rewa is the smallest of Fiji’s 14 provinces, covering just 272 square kilometres. It is composed of two non-contiguous areas separated by , plus islets and the large island of Beqa. Politically speaking, Rewa is the capital province of a large traditional confederacy named and its paramount chief, the Dreketi, holds the second highest chiefly title in the country.7 The province of Rewa comprises nine ranked sub-units or tikina, whose traditional leaders owe allegiance to the and his or her war chief, the Vunivalu, who stands second in rank.8 The main village Lomanikoro had a population of 355 inhabitants in 2008 and is home to 13 mataqali, or sub-clans (Rewa Provincial Office,2008 ). Lomanikoro is located in the delta of the Rewa River, on a narrow piece of land surrounded by mangroves and, like all nearby villages, is subject to annual flooding of variable severity. In addition to the massive floods provoked by cyclones, flash floods of lesser intensity regularly hit the region, damaging habitations and destroying taro and cassava plantations (Fiji Meteorological Service, 2001; Kostaschuk et al., 2001; McGree et al., 2010). During cyclones, the delta inhabitants may endure the adverse effects of both strong winds and floods. Rewa is known everywhere in Fiji for its wet weather and swampy landscape but, despite the scarcity of cultivable land9 and high exposure to floods,10 it has been one of the most densely populated areas since Emilie Nolet

Figure 1. The lower Rewa Delta near the landing place at Nasali

Source: E. Nolet (2011). precolonial times. The Catholic missionary Jean-Baptiste Bréhéret wrote in 1861 that the Rewa area was ‘the most populated region of Fiji’ and that the population could number more than 50,000 inhabitants (Bréhéret, 1861). At the 2007 census, the most recent to date, Rewa province had a population of 100,787, of whom 12,024 lived in rural areas and the rest in an urban context (Fiji Bureau of Statistics, 2012a, 2012b).11 The questions that primarily concerned us were: why do inhabitants continue to occupy such a high-risk area despite chronic losses, and what are the local views on relocation? How do they perceive flood risks and flood risk drivers, what type or degree of preparedness can be observed and to what extent do residents follow the recommendations of institutional bodies such as the NDMO? What may explain a certain lack of readiness, if such exists? Finally, what are the local practices and social mechanisms that contribute to community resilience?

The relocation issue During the fieldwork survey in Lomanikoro, a vast majority of residents agreed that relocating the whole village or their own family or clan was hardly feasible, nor nec- essary. Only a couple of retired civil servants believed that flooding may pose a signifi- cant threat and force the community to consider relocation in a vague future. People ‘Are you prepared?’ Representations and management of floods in Lomanikoro, Rewa (Fiji) who expressed a desire to move were usually spouses from other villages, nostalgic for their birthplaces, or those who were planning to leave Rewa for family, economic or professional reasons. The first reason for not considering relocation obviously lies in the main features of land tenure. Most land in Fiji is collectively owned by indig- enous clan units (mataqali) and cannot be alienated.12 Strong ties exist between these clans and the particular territorial areas or vanua with which they are identified and where their ancestors are buried (Ravuvu, 1983, p. 70). In Rewa, the spatial distribu- tion of social groups is often the result of precolonial wars, migrations and alliances, and also reflects their respective rank and the type of social obligations they have towards their chiefs (see Sahlins, 2004, pp. 62–63).13 Both the land tenure system and this spatially embedded social hierarchy limit the possibilities of relocating, even if land gifts and leases introduce some flexibility. A second reason for not relocating is that living in Rewa is an expression of high social rank, especially for the villages immediately adjacent to the paramount chief’s residence (the political and ceremonial core of the chiefdom), which are all flood prone. Many villagers are not keen to leave high-ranking lands and decrease their status, for instance by moving to their mothers’ village or settling in the capital’s sub- urbs, where their social position would be meaningless or little recognised. Moreover, relocating would involve disconnecting with the ancestors buried on communal lands and abandoning their yavu, their ancient house foundations. It is still commonly believed in Fiji that ancestors contribute to social well-being and that their graves and house mounds must be looked after and never forgotten. Conversely, illegally occupy- ing another clan’s ancestral site may expose one to supernatural dangers. In addition, people living on their family lands in Rewa benefit from the paramount chief’s spir- itual power or mana, which is thought to have an influence on the fertility of crops and social harmony. Inhabitants also explained that living in Lomanikoro offered them both easy access to the capital city of and an economical lifestyle, with free access to land and sea resources and the possibility to mobilise kin solidarity if needed. Lomanikoro’s inhabitants have already refused a relocation plan on the grounds that they would have missed their local delicacies14 and because it takes generations to make the most of a new environment: to identify where to fish, how to plant and other everyday sur- vival practices. In 1895, a Native Stipendiary Magistrate reported that the inhabitants of Noco district who had been severely affected by a cyclone were nevertheless reluc- tant to resettle: ‘They do not wish to be removed from Noco on account of the fish and their fishings of all sorts’ (Nemani,1895 ). Additionally, the Vunivalu of Rewa has recently underlined in the media the risks of cultural erosion and social upheaval, which could result from relocation (Fiji Times, 2012b).15 Beyond this, informants expressed a strong emotional attachment to their home- land, many stating that they would not want to live anywhere else despite the chronic floods (or would perhaps go to discover the world, but always come back ‘to their roots’, where they are ‘known’).16 In other words, permanent relocation seems to be unacceptable to many, and even to be viewed as more dangerous than staying Emilie Nolet with the constant risk of losing one’s crops and properties in a flood. More generally speaking, floods have not been identified as a curse but as a familiar characteristic of the land, which human ingenuity can transform into a productive process. There is no doubt that the inhabitants take pride in their past and present ability to cope with a rather difficult environment: the ability to face floods and to maximise plant growth on scarce land is widely considered as a cultural feature and the base of Rewa’s power since precolonial times.17 Some informants even think that living in the delta has enabled Rewans to develop a ‘strong spirit’ or ‘grit’ over time.

Representations of floods and mitigation measures Social perceptions of flood risks An overwhelming majority of Lomanikoro’s inhabitants stated that they were not afraid of floods, whereas cyclones, tsunamis and landslides were described as far more frightening and dangerous events, coming under the category of disasters. According to interviewees, such fearlessness might stem from the fact that floods are ‘a normal thing to Rewa’, and that they feel ‘ready’ and able to return quickly to normality when- ever a flood comes. Floods have been jokingly referred to as ‘just a bath for Rewans’, while tsunamis represent the archetype of disaster. Furthermore, in Lomanikoro many believe that Rewa cannot be struck by a truly catastrophic flood and that the river will always rise slowly, without causing casualties, allowing people to confront it methodically. Some have contrasted the situation of Rewa, where the water is said to spread gently, with that of the Nadi and Ba rivers, where it is said to rise all of a sudden, catching inhabitants by surprise. Both the flat physiognomy of the land and the mangrove or dogo forest (Bruguiera gymnorrhiza) are thought to play a protective role. Such confidence also comes to some extent from the dredging works repeatedly undertaken in the Rewa River (Fiji Times, 2011; Raj, 2004). According to villagers, dredging to increase the river’s discharge capacity has shown results over the years:18 floods are considered smaller and less frequent than before, even virtually non-existent nowadays. Only one retired man, well versed in ecological matters, expressed real concern about the long-term effectiveness of dredging. In addition, some suggested that Rewa was protected by its paramount chief’s rank and mana (spiritual power) and its strong commitment to Christian duties. In particular, the organisation of a large Methodist festival in 2009 is thought to have brought God’s blessing to the prov- ince, despite its last-minute cancellation by government authorities. Most people are well aware of the natural processes leading to floods, describing with precision the effects of heavy rains and their interaction with high tides, which results in flooding. Some also mentioned the adverse effects of deforestation and ‘blocked drains’ (although no one interviewed believed that they played a major role in Rewa’s floods). Nevertheless, ultimately, many also see the floods as manifesta- tions of God’s will and, possibly, as divine sanctions for negative human conduct in the case of large-scale, destructive events. This supernatural origin may help to induce ‘Are you prepared?’ Representations and management of floods in Lomanikoro, Rewa (Fiji) fatalism and to undermine technical preparation for floods in Rewa. Some villagers in Lomanikoro explained that the large floods that hit Fiji in January2009 (Holland, 2009) were the consequence of social differences generated by the December 2006 military coup.19 The floods were seen as a punishment from God for the extensive social conflict tearing apart the Melanesian community and for opposing the par- tisans and opponents of the military junta. Associating natural hazards and large- scale environmental changes with the will of God seems to be common in Fiji and the Pacific (Holmgaard,2011 , p. 59; Lata and Nunn, 2012, p. 176; Mortreux and Barnett, 2009, pp. 109–110). In another instance, villagers in the Yasawa group20 asserted that the disastrous flooding of Nadi in January and March–April2012 sanc- tioned its people’s Western style of life, their focus on capitalistic development and their lesser commitment to traditional and Christian duties:

That’s God teaching them. God’s telling them: ‘You have plenty money and you forgot me’. In Nadi. Because they have plenty money. Everything in Nadi. Everything. Hotels, Airport [. . .] ‘Well, you have money but you forgot me, forget me. You have to change, come back, I love you, come back’ (Yasawa resident of Matacawalevu Island, June 2012).

It has also been stated in the popular media that the March–April 2012 floods ex- pressed disapproval of a casino-building project in Nadi town, after its rejection by certain religious leaders:

The unexpected flood and the debris it brought to the western division especially in Nadi [. . .] seems to relay the message that nature disapproves the casino project (Fiji Times, 2012a).

Disaster risk reduction In Lomanikoro, some informants inferred that, because they come from God, floods should be controlled first and foremost using social and ritual means: that the best way to prevent their destructive impact was to ‘follow the word of God’ (notably ‘to love one’s neighbours’, in the opinion of an elderly clan chief). Nevertheless, most people seem to believe that some technical or logistical mitigation measures can have positive effects. As already observed, dredging is usually considered a reliable method to mitigate flooding.21 The reinforcement of the Rewa river bank with plastic sheets to limit erosion is thought to be equally helpful. Another flood-prone village in Rewa, Waivou, has also recently called on the government to improve the drainage system, ‘which they believe was the reason for the flooding in every heavy downpour’ (Fiji Times, 2010). On the other hand, many would not strictly respect the precautionary household measures promoted by the NDMO, NGOs or foreign agencies. Preventive action recommended to communities includes, for example, relocating dwellings and valu- able crops to higher ground, storing seeds and a basic food supply from the begin- ning of the rainy season, keeping village drains clear of rubbish and weeds, raising houses on high stilts or foundations, and establishing or strengthening a local flood Emilie Nolet

Figure 2. Plastic sheets on the river bank at Nasigatoka

Source: E. Nolet (2011). response plan that clearly stipulates individuals’ and leaders’ responsibilities during floods (NDMO,2014 ; SOPAC, 2006). In Lomanikoro, the majority of houses are raised on wooden or concrete piles (while separate kitchen and storage buildings are generally built directly on the ground), but these are mostly about 30 to 50 centi- metres high, which may not be sufficient protection in the case of a large flood. Raised floors would seem to be the main, or only, precautionary measure for many families. No one interviewed stored canned food or items such as torches, candles, batteries or gallons of kerosene. Respondents argued that there was ‘no need’ to do so or that they could not afford to purchase extra items at the beginning of the hot season. However, flood resistant crops such as dalo ni tana (Xanthosoma sagittifolium) and via (Cyrtosperma chamissonis) are being grown as a disaster food supply in the village. Moreover, some residents felt that the clearing of house and village drains of leaves and debris had a limited efficiency:

When water comes, it will come. It doesn’t matter how you make the drain [. . .] It’s going to touch everywhere, everybody. It doesn’t matter how you do well with your compound around you, water will come (elderly resident of Lomanikoro village, July 2011).

Most respondents admitted to getting ready only when an official flood alert was issued and relayed by local authorities or when the observation of river levels signalled ‘Are you prepared?’ Representations and management of floods in Lomanikoro, Rewa (Fiji)

Figure 3. The flooding of Lomanikoro’s ceremonial ground in January 2009

Source: E. Nolet (2009). imminent flooding. Important items would be then moved to higher levels and frail people and children sent to evacuation centres. Inhabitants emphasised that they felt able to respond promptly and effectively whenever floods came since they were ‘used to it’. Some added that large floods were too rare for them to invest time and money building high concrete houses, moving to higher ground or storing food supplies. One informant even explained that, since dredging, residents no longer tried to build their houses on tall stilts. All respondents reckoned that the commu- nity did not need to be informed by awareness programmes and that Rewan villages were better prepared than most in Fiji because of their long experience of flooding. In other words, the survey revealed a common feeling of cultural preparedness for the floods, implying not only an ability to react in an appropriate manner (‘we know what to do’) but also to identify efficiently imminent flooding threats. The respondents generally expressed confidence in the national weather forecast and official flood warnings but many claimed that they first relied on their own traditional knowledge and experience to predict oncoming floods. In particular, inhabitants would care- fully observe the river level and its variations during and after heavy rains and react accordingly. Other warning signs of a flood included the river turning a brownish colour (which indicates rainfall in the hills) and large trees floating downstream. Most residents considered that the adverse impacts of floods could be minimised but doubted that floods could ever be completely stopped (or would cease spontaneously), Emilie Nolet because they were ‘in the nature’ of the vanua of Rewa. On the other hand, inter- viewees unanimously claimed that floods were much less common nowadays than before. Some stated that the last real flood was experienced when Fiji was hit by Cyclone Kina in October 1993. According to a local woman, Lomanikoro had known only ‘baby floods’ in the past20 years. Many insisted that the distribution of flood- ing risks in Fiji had evolved recently: the south and west coasts of Viti Levu had become risky places, while the flood-prone Rewa Delta was now safer. The fact that the western division and especially Nadi were devastated by floods in January2009 , whereas Rewa was comparatively little affected, was considered as strong proof of such change. Besides dredging, some explained that the west coast was now highly exposed to flood hazards because of its fast urban development, poor farming prac- tices and an associated loss of traditional knowledge. By contrast, Rewa was rewarded for preserving its protective mangrove, its slow development and for keeping alive traditional coping mechanisms and sustainable agricultural practices. Beyond devel- opment, some suggested that repeated floods in the west could be seen as a super- natural warning against rapid Westernisation and a strong focus on capitalistic activi- ties. In addition to this, some seemed to consider the absence of large-scale floods in Rewa as divine approval of the political stand of Rewa’s highest chief against the military regime22 (and of what they saw as ‘a campaign for indigenous culture and the chiefly system’). Nonetheless community perceptions of reduced flood risks in the Rewa Delta are contradicted by some scientific research. A likely increase in the frequency of the strongest tropical cyclones (Knutson et al., 2010, p. 162) and flood- plain sedimentation in the Rewa basin (Terry et al., 2002, p. 180) may result in larger floods. Lata and Nunn infer that shoreline retreat and flooding may even lead to ‘profound societal disruption’ in the Rewa Delta over the next few decades (Lata and Nunn, 2012, p. 169).

The social role of floods Additionally, it should be noted that floods are not seen as purely negative events ruining root crops and houses. Lomanikoro’s inhabitants also described beneficial effects, which even surpass the negative ones. First of all, the floods do not only take property away, they also bring material and immaterial valuables to Rewa. In particu- lar, the water running down from the mountains carries fertile silt from Naitasiri province, located in the rival confederacy of Kubuna. According to indigenous Fijians both from Rewa and outside, taro is especially tasty in the province because of this topsoil brought down in the chronic floods. Moreover, floods are said to bring a lot of kurukoto fish (Eleotris melanosoma). The flooded rivers may also carry living cows, chickens or pigs, which can be used for ceremonial occasions and help people fulfil community obligations. Floods can also attract material and financial help from the government and NGOs, giving some villagers the possibility to improve their hous- ing or to accomplish other types of local projects. Moreover, they represent an oppor- tunity to put conflicts aside, to mobilise kin solidarity and to reinforce both social and ‘Are you prepared?’ Representations and management of floods in Lomanikoro, Rewa (Fiji)

Figure 4. Chiefs’ meeting house in Lomanikoro standing on a raised stone platform

Source: E. Nolet (2007). family ties. A village dignitary framed it as: ‘It’s one way of bringing people together, back to normal (. . .) that’s why we have to thank God for giving us that, so that we can come back together’.23 Floods are also seen to be a boost to religious life, driving people back to church and enhancing Christian values such as comradeship, altruism and compassion. Some villagers also stated that floods played a protective role for local culture and an honest village lifestyle, because they discourage companies from setting up and impede intense economic development in the delta (which, according to some, brings corruptive ideas and encourages immoral activities such as drug consumption and prostitution). Evidence indicates that a flood can even be perceived as a joyful moment, giving an opportunity to break with daily routine. Thomson has described water games that took place ‘in flood-time, when the river is running like a mill-race’ (Thomson, 1908, p. 318). Some young men of Lomanikoro have also described com- petitive water games and presented the floods as a time of amusement: ‘Flood in Rewa we really enjoyed it. Because we get used to it (. . .) It’s kind of a funny thing’. We can assume, on the other hand, that the flooding of certain sites is considered more serious than that of others and may contribute to the local definition of a catas- trophe. For instance, the flooding of a chief’s residence (traditionally built on higher ground) is likely to be interpreted as a weakening of his or her mana, which involves consequences for the whole community. Villagers took care to mention that, during Emilie Nolet the January 2009 flood, neither the church nor the chief’s residence were invaded by the waters. To sum up, the study has revealed both a low level of social anxiety regarding floods and a certain lack of technical and logistical preparation at the household level. Several factors may account for these two features, in particular: the idea that floods are a normal thing for Rewa and involve positive consequences; the shared percep- tion that floods are smaller and less frequent than before (which would undermine the need for individual preparation); and the divine origins of natural hazards, which ‘occur if they have to occur’, according to God’s will, no matter how hard men try to control them. Furthermore, we can assume that inhabitants define preparedness on rather different grounds than those of the NDMO and other institutional bodies involved in awareness campaigns, and actually do feel protected for several reasons. Such a feeling of security seems to be based on three factors: the fact that the river has been repeatedly dredged (whereas individual or community mitigation measures are considered less important or efficient); the presence of high chiefs and religious authorities in the village; and, ultimately, the notion that the Rewans ‘know’ not only how to predict oncoming floods and react promptly, but also how to return life to normality.

The social fabric of resilience Interviewees from Lomanikoro (or who had spent a significant number of years there, like women from other provinces married to local men) appeared highly confident in their ability to recover from floods, relying on local social or moral resources and traditional knowledge: ‘We are our own insurance,’ stated a village headman. Because residents ‘know how to deal with floods’, they are said to be less destructive and disturbing for social organisation than elsewhere in Fiji. This view was even shared by an NDMO official, who explained in2011 that he really didn’t ‘worry for Rewa’ despite the risks (personal communication). Such skills are reflected in Rewa’s ceremonial plant emblem, the giant swamp taro or via (Cyrtosperma chamissonis), which has the capacity to survive floods and which helped to sustain a large popula- tion in the delta during precolonial times. Throughout the country, Rewans are both the subject of jokes, because of their ‘flood-prone existence’, and admired for being ‘a resilient lot’ and for the ingenuity they show in exploiting their mangrove environment (Fiji Times, 2012c)—such as dealing with the floods, trapping the manā (Thalassina anomala or mud lobster) and qari (Scylla paramamosain or green mangrove crab) in the mud, and cultivating wet soil. Whereas the floods are thought to leave the people of the dry lands in a state of shock and panic, the Rewans are considered to be trained to keep their composure and act swiftly, even joke and smile at the height of the floods—to know, for instance, how to stir up the flood waters when they start to recede, so as to avoid the depositing of silt in houses. Equally, they are said to be skilled at travelling on flooded rivers using ‘Are you prepared?’ Representations and management of floods in Lomanikoro, Rewa (Fiji) bamboo rafts (bilibili), reviving their crops and obtaining alternative food resources in the mangrove if needed. Furthermore, according to Lomanikoro residents, kinship and traditional relation- ships provide powerful tools for disaster recovery. As the centre of a large traditional chiefdom, Lomanikoro benefits from a dense network of inter-clan and inter-village relationships, which can be mobilised for assistance (with even ascribed duties of coop- eration). Kin and fellow Rewans may provide material help and shelter to affected families while expatriate Fijians, for instance soldiers employed in the British army, are strongly expected to send money. Besides traditional relations and kin solidarity, the Rewans are thought to have developed a certain sense of patience or abnegation, which helps them to endure the trouble and chronic losses: they do not lose their famous sense of humour or bother about lost mattresses, muddy footpaths and inun- dated gardens, since flooding is in the nature of their land. In summary, the Rewans of the chiefly centre tend to consider themselves as highly resilient to floods. Social and cultural resources allow them to overcome their effects and to continue to occupy the high-ranking lands of the delta, made sacred by the mana of the many chiefs who reigned and were buried there. In 2011, all respondents claimed that they did not rely on the government for recovery: first, because they felt they could cope by themselves; second, because of the government’s expected financial difficulties; and third, because of their high chief’s political stand and the support she received in Rewa province (see endnote 22). Some presumed that Rewa as a whole may be sanctioned because of this political stand and there- fore not receive state assistance should a disaster occur. Such statements obviously contradict the idea of a generalised mentality of dependence for disaster recovery. Evidence from Lomanikoro suggests that NGOs or state assistance may be seen, at least by some, more as a welcome benefit of floods (like the living animals drifting in the current or plant fertility) than as a crucial tool for resilience. Nevertheless, there is no doubt that parts of traditional knowledge on flood miti- gation are disappearing, with the growing importance of the Western lifestyle and salaried jobs in town. Younger generations are less aware of traditional forecasting methods and the ways of managing food crops before, during and after natural hazards. At the same time, the extensive dredging of the Rewa River creates a general feeling of security, which could well be overestimated (Yeo and Blong, 2010, pp. 673–674) and contributes to discouraging preventive action such as the preservation and storing of food surpluses. Dredging may even help to accelerate the disappearance of certain traditional means of coping, which now sound less crucial or effective. The almost complete replacement of traditional thatched bure by wood and tin houses also con- siderably increases reconstruction costs for affected communities.24 In other words, new vulnerabilities may arise in this area, even if residents do currently feel well pro- tected by their culture, dredging technology or the spiritual power of their high chief, which is also highlighted by the prolonged absence of large-scale, destructive floods. In future decades, more intense tropical cyclones over the Pacific region could worsen river flooding in the lowest parts of the Rewa Delta (Leslie et al.,2007 , p. 179; Emilie Nolet

Mimura et al., 2007, pp. 692, 695). Sea level rise—induced by climate change— may be one factor contributing to increased flooding and other developments such as riverbank erosion and groundwater salinisation (Lata and Nunn, 2012, p. 174). In 2011, interviewees in Lomanikoro mentioned various environmental changes such as rainfall variation, shoreline retreat, river level rise and changes in freshwater and marine ecology. For instance, an elderly man explained that in Vunuku village, further downstream, some traditional planting areas had had to be abandoned because of salt- water intrusion. These changes were attributed to natural variations in climate and sea level, local anthropogenic activities and, by a few well-informed individuals, global warming and climate change. But even when they mentioned climate change, respond- ents did not usually believe that it could strongly affect local river flooding in the future because of dredging. Only one respondent stated that Rewa was protected ‘at the moment’ by dredging, suggesting that changes could occur in the future. It is likely, however, that inhabitants will have to develop new adaptation strategies or enhance existing ones to cope with floods in the coming decades, if scientific pro- jections prove to be correct.

Conclusion To conclude, the case of Lomanikoro invites us to reflect on the cultural definitions of natural risks and risk response. It shows that a deep gap may exist between national strategies and community ways of dealing with disasters and also that complex cultural logics may underlie modes of action possibly considered as heedless. In Fiji, both international agencies and the government tend to promote the principle of com- munity preparedness in dealing with flooding. However, this strategy can conflict with community perceptions of the origin and consequences of floods and with socially accepted ways of coping with the risk. In Lomanikoro, floods are usually seen as a normal feature of the vanua: these ‘God given’ natural manifestations interrupt daily routine but do not upset social order. In some ways, the floods have even con- tributed to the expansion of the Rewa chiefdom, helping to transform the man- grove swamps into cultivable land and sustain a large population since precolonial times. Fieldwork has shown that national and international guidelines for disaster preparedness were only half-heartedly followed, despite the risk, and that various representations might account for this: in particular, a spatial hierarchy that hampers mobility, the belief that Rewa’s floods are an indigenous, productive, non-destructive process, the divine origin of natural hazards (which, for some, are better controlled through social and ritual mechanisms, like a sound adherence to Christian duties) or a general focus on reaction processes and the social fabric of resilience. Taking such cultural logics into account can help to plan appropriate solutions for a more efficient management of prevention and crisis at the community level. In rural Rewa, where material losses can be considered less prejudicial than loss of status due to relocation, it seems important to focus on enhancing local resilience capacities ‘Are you prepared?’ Representations and management of floods in Lomanikoro, Rewa (Fiji)

(for instance, through economic diversification) and to keep the reinstallation of families as a last resort option. Equally, people’s propensity to rely on traditional coping mechanisms could be fostered and supported through specific programmes, and local authorities (such as traditional chiefs and religious leaders, who still have considerable influence at the local level) could be involved to ensure a truly efficient diffusion of prevention and warning messages. While Rewan culture seems to favour reactivity over anticipation when dealing with floods, we also suspect that the repeated dredging of the Rewa River has helped to reduce popular vigilance and to further discourage precautionary measures over time. Dredging is widely seen as an effective tool for risk mitigation, even if the perceived decrease in major flooding events is also attributed to a divine will, expressing for some the rightness of Rewa’s political and development choices. Most people believe that Rewa will not experience large-scale floods in the future, contrary to the western side of Viti Levu, which will now suffer from the ill effects of develop- ment. However, dredging has been repeatedly accused of being a short-term solution for Fiji (Fiji Times, 2007b). Moreover, as already mentioned, some scientific evi- dence suggests that flooding in the Rewa Delta could increase in future decades. In other words, the perceived change in flood risks in Rewa could well be merely tem- porary relief. Thus, warning communities of the temporary efficiency of dredging and encouraging them to keep their own traditional coping mechanisms alive must certainly be a policy priority. There seems now to be growing concern over environmental sustainability, devel- opment impact and climate change issues in Rewa, even if climate change conscious- ness is still fairly limited amongst the population. The Vunivalu of Rewa has recently expressed in the national press his concern over the local impact of climate change, especially sea level rise (Fiji Times, 2012b), while the Roko Tui Dreketi and other chiefs have warned against the potentially adverse effects of copper mining on the delta’s ecosystems. Several research projects have been undertaken in the Rewa Delta to assess the consequences of climate change and to design solutions for climate change adaptation (Fiji Sun, 2011; GEF et al., 2009, p. 24; Lata and Nunn, 2012). Moreover, various initiatives are being taken at a community level to restore or protect natu- ral resources such as the mangrove and coral reef (Fiji Times, 2012d; Veitayaki et al., 2007). If the predictions of worsening flooding in the Rewa catchment area prove to be accurate, the delta’s inhabitants may also have to invent new adaptation strat- egies and adopt a more proactive attitude, involving higher logistical preparation at the household level. Equally, climate change could lead to changes in the social representations of floods: these ‘tamed’, indigenous and mostly positive natural phe- nomena could become abnormal, alien, man-made events, demanding political solu- tions or the search for culprits (unless normality is redefined to accommodate new weather patterns; see West et al., 2008). Will the customary tools still be considered efficient to deal with this new threat, and will the Rewans develop a more political approach to environmental issues, asking local and international governments to assume support and responsibility? Emilie Nolet

Acknowledgements I would like to express my deepest gratitude to the people of Lomanikoro, Rewa, for their hospitality and constant support while doing this research. I also thank Simonne Pauwels and the anonymous reviewers for their constructive comments on the original manuscript. Research for this paper was funded by the AXA Research Fund and the French Laboratory of Excellence ‘Coral Reefs Facing Global Change’ (Labex CORAIL).

Correspondence Emilie Nolet, Université Paris 1, Institut d’Art et d’Archéologie, 3 rue Michelet, 75006, Paris, France. Telephone: +33 1 5373 7100; e-mail: [email protected]

Endnotes 1 Nadi and Ba are both located on the western coast of Viti Levu and had a population of 42,284 and 18,526 respectively at the 2007 census (including peri-urban areas). In 2007, Fiji had a total population of 837,271, of which 424,846 lived in the urban sector (Fiji Bureau of Statistics, 2012c and 2012d). 2 ‘Social representations’ refers to distinctive modes of thought and shared values in a given society or community. An anthropological approach can help understand how flood management is shaped both by sociocultural values and local history, and thus help design more appropriate policies and aware- ness programmes. 3 The 10-year Hyogo Framework for Action was adopted by 168 member states of the United Nations at the World Conference on Disaster Reduction held in Kobe, Hyogo, Japan (18–22 January, 2005). 4 However, Fiji’s disaster management arrangements are still covered by the Natural Disaster Man- agement Act 1998 and the National Disaster Management Plan 1995. 5 In addition to community-oriented projects, the government and its partners have organised train- ing sessions for local government personnel and other disaster stakeholders and undertaken dredging and other structural works to mitigate disaster risks. 6 I undertook four different anthropological studies in Rewa and stayed for a total of 16 months in Lomanikoro village between 2007 and 2011. 7 Fiji is composed of three confederacies of chiefdoms, or matanitu: Kubuna, Burebasaga and . Burebasaga, the largest and second in rank, includes the provinces of Rewa, Kadavu, Nadroga, Navosa, Serua, Namosi and parts of Ba. 8 The Roko Tui Dreketi title is today held by a woman chief and politician, , while Ro Epeli Mataitini holds the Vunivalu title. 9 About 54 per cent of land is classified Class5 to 7 (‘unsuitable for arable cropping but suitable for pastoral or forestry use’) or Class 8 (‘unsuitable for productive vegetation; suitable only for pro- tective purposes’). There is no Class 1 land (‘very good multiple use land’) in Rewa (Department of Land Resources Planning and Development, n.d., p. 21, and 2006). 10 It seems to be for these two reasons that the inhabitants of Rewa are collectively named kai vanua ca, ‘the people of the bad land’, by other Fijians. 11 Rewa province includes the capital city of Suva. However this paper will be concerned only with rural communities belonging to the traditional chiefdom (vanua) of Rewa. Lomanikoro people do not include the capital city when they talk of ‘Rewa’. ‘Are you prepared?’ Representations and management of floods in Lomanikoro, Rewa (Fiji)

12 The land tenure system was codified under British colonial rule. Nowadays there are three main types of land holdings in Fiji: state lands, freehold lands and native lands. Native lands are owned by indigenous Fijians and represent about 87 per cent of Fiji’s land area. These lands cannot be sold but may be leased for fixed periods (notably to Indo-Fijian farmers) under the control of the Native Land Trust Board. 13 The various social groups belonging to the vanua (land, chiefdom) of Rewa are precisely ranked and inherit collective duties (i tavi) or ceremonial obligations towards the chiefs: rankings notably include warriors (bati), carpenters (mataisau), fishermen (gonedau) and spokesmen (matanivanua). 14 Delicacies include mud lobster or manā, river prawns or moci, the kuka crabs and eels, which are also ceremonial food presented by the vanua (people of the land) to their chiefs. 15 Nevertheless, various cases of village relocation have been reported for Rewa. For instance, the villagers of Dorokavu have been forced to resettle on the opposite side of the river because of a lack of space linked to soil erosion: ‘The river is ever encroaching on the village, the bank being washed away to such an extent that there is now not sufficient room for the villagers’ houses, many of the house sites having fallen into the river’ (Rewa Provincial Council, 1895, p. 31). 16 Similar statements were collected in Narewa village (Nadi, Western Fiji) a few weeks after the disastrous floods of March–April2012 . Despite extensive damage, only a handful of residents were willing to move, most being women and men from other provinces married to locals. 17 During precolonial times, the Rewa Delta was covered by a dense network of raised fields where aroids (members of the Araceae plant family) were grown. Parry has estimated their areal extent at about 5,200 hectares, representing 21 per cent of the total delta area (Parry, 1977, p. 49). Basil Thomson, a Native Land Commissioner in the 1890s, wrote that in Rewa: ‘Every unit of land had to be reclaimed from the river or the sea. To this day, if one digs down a few feet below the surface, anywhere upon the alluvial flats, one finds mangrove roots’ (Thomson,1908 , p. 369). In 1911, Sutherland observed in the Provincial Council’s minutes: ‘Their lands are too low and swampy to be leased much. The sites of the towns are little more than heaps of soil dug out of the swamp, but they thrive notwithstanding their disadvantages’ (Rewa Provincial Council, 1911). 18 Nevertheless, the dredging project undertaken in 2010 and 2011 by the China Railway First Group Limited (and funded by the Fijian government) was strongly criticised by some of the landowners in the riverside area. The company was accused of throwing sand outside the dumping sites, damaging plantations, in particular coconut trees. 19 Fiji was a British colony from 1874 to 1970. Since independence there have been four coups in the country: in May and September 1987, May 2000 and December 2006. In December 2006, Commodore Voreqe Bainimarama overthrew the elected government of , which he accused of corruption and racial discrimination against the Indo-Fijian population (Fraenkel et al., 2009). Bainimarama won the general election of September 2014 and was sworn in as the Prime Minister of Fiji. 20 Anthropological research was conducted in the Yasawas (Waya and Matacawalevu islands) in June 2012 to study community perceptions of climate change impacts on coral reef ecosystems. 21 However, there are heated discussions about the actual effectiveness of river dredging in control- ling flooding in Fiji today. For some, dredging may only provide a short-term solution at a very high cost, not to mention its side effects on the environment. Besides, the Fijians do not all share the Rewans’ enthusiasm for dredging. During anthropological research conducted in Narewa village in Nadi (May 2012), shortly after severe floods, the inhabitants overwhelmingly claimed that dredg- ing was insufficient to control flooding. 22 Ro Teimumu Kepa, the paramount chief of Rewa and a cabinet minister in the deposed Qarase government, was a declared opponent of the military regime, which took over in Fiji in December 2006. She was even briefly jailed in2009 after being charged with incitement to disobedience. Her stand against the government’s Peoples Charter for Change, Peace and Progress has been repeatedly Emilie Nolet

supported by the Rewa Provincial Council, which administers the province. Ro Teimumu Kepa has particularly advocated the return of the (Bose Levu Vakaturaga), an institutional body suspended by the military government in April 2007 and abolished by decree in March 2012. She ran against Commodore Bainimarama in the September 2014 general elections. 23 Similar statements were collected about hurricanes in the Yasawa group (North-west Fiji) in June 2012. One fisherman of Waya talked of the positive impact of hurricanes on the island, which involved financial help from the government and a stronger adherence to Christian principles: ‘We know hurricane. We like hurricane. We like hurricane because all changes, gives the change. Build a new bure [traditional house], or the help from the government [. . .] And, one important thing. Because we believe in God. People are changed for their spiritual life. They obey God’s word’. 24 On the other hand, salaried jobs provide a stable income and help the population to overcome the loss of food crops and properties in this rural location that is still close to town.

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