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It's BAAACK! Japan's Slump and the Return of the Liquidity Trap
IT’S BAAACK! JAPAN’S SLUMP AND THE RETURN OF THE LIQUIDITY TRAP In the early years of macroeconomics as a discipline, the liquidity trap - that awkward condition in which monetary policy loses its grip because the nominal interest rate is essentially zero, in which the quantity of money becomes irrelevant because money and bonds are essentially perfect substitutes - played a central role. Hicks (1937), in introducing both the IS-LM model and the liquidity trap, identified the assumption that monetary policy was ineffective, rather than the assumed downward inflexibility of prices, as the central difference between “Mr. Keynes and the classics”. It has often been pointed out that the Alice-in-Wonderland character of early Keynesianism, with its paradoxes of thrift, widow's cruses, and so on, depended on the explicit or implicit assumption of an accommodative monetary policy; it has less often been pointed out that in the late 1930s and early 1940s it seemed quite natural to assume that money was irrelevant at the margin. After all, at the end of the 30s interest rates were hard up against the zero constraint: the average rate on Treasury bills during 1940 was 0.014 percent. Since then, however, the liquidity trap has steadily receded both as a memory and as a subject of economic research. Partly this is because in the generally inflationary decades after World War II nominal interest rates stayed comfortably above zero, and central banks therefore no longer found themselves “pushing on a string”. Also, the experience of the 30s itself was reinterpreted, most notably by Friedman and Schwartz (1963); emphasizing broad aggregates rather than interest rates or monetary base, they argued in effect that the Depression was caused by monetary contraction, that the Fed could have prevented it, and implicitly that even after the great slump a sufficiently aggressive monetary expansion could have reversed it. -
How to Escape a Liquidity Trap with Interest Rate Rules Fernando Duarte Federal Reserve Bank of New York Staff Reports, No
How to Escape a N O . 776 Liquidity Trap with M A Y 2 0 1 6 Interest Rate Rules REVISED JANUARY 2019 Fernando Duarte How to Escape a Liquidity Trap with Interest Rate Rules Fernando Duarte Federal Reserve Bank of New York Staff Reports, no. 776 May 2016; revised January 2019 JEL classification: E43, E52, E58 Abstract I study how central banks should communicate monetary policy in liquidity trap scenarios in which the zero lower bound on nominal interest rates is binding. Using a standard New Keynesian model, I argue that the key to preventing self-fulfilling deflationary spirals and anchoring expectations is to promise to keep nominal interest rates pegged at zero for a length of time that depends on the state of the economy. I derive necessary and sufficient conditions for this type of state contingent forward guidance to implement the welfare-maximizing equilibrium as a globally determinate (that is, unique) equilibrium. Even though the zero lower bound prevents the Taylor principle from holding, determinacy can be obtained if the central bank sufficiently extends the duration of the zero interest rate peg in response to deflationary or contractionary changes in expectations or outcomes. Fiscal policy is passive, so it plays no role for determinacy. The interest rate rules I consider are easy to communicate, require little institutional change and do not entail any unnecessary social welfare losses. Key words: zero lower bound (ZLB), liquidity trap, new Keynesian model, indeterminacy, monetary policy, Taylor rule, Taylor principle, interest rate rule, forward guidance _________________ Duarte: Federal Reserve Bank of New York (email: [email protected]) The author thanks Sushant Acharya, Tobias Adrian, Christine Breiner, Marco Del Negro, Gauti Eggertsson, Marc Giannoni, Pierre-Olivier Gourinchas, Alfonso Irarrazabal, Chris Sims, Rui Yu, and, particularly, Anna Zabai for comments and discussions. -
Reconstructing the Great Recession
Reconstructing the Great Recession Michele Boldrin, Carlos Garriga, Adrian Peralta-Alva, and Juan M. Sánchez This article uses dynamic equilibrium input-output models to evaluate the contribution of the con- struction sector to the Great Recession and the expansion preceding it. Through production inter- linkages and demand complementarities, shifts in housing demand can propagate to other economic sectors and generate a large and sustained aggregate cycle. According to our model, the housing boom (2002-07) fueled more than 60 percent and 25 percent of employment and GDP growth, respectively. The decline in the construction sector (2007-10) generates a drop in total employment and output about half of that observed in the data. In sharp contrast, ignoring interlinkages or demand comple- mentarities eliminates the contribution of the construction sector. (JEL E22, E32, O41) Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis Review, Third Quarter 2020, 102(3), pp. 271-311. https://doi.org/10.20955/r.102.271-311 1 INTRODUCTION With the onset of the Great Recession, U.S. employment and gross domestic product (GDP) fell dramatically and then took a long time to return to their historical trends. There is still no consensus about what exactly made the recession so deep and the subsequent recovery so slow. In this article we evaluate the role played by the construction sector in driving the boom and bust of the U.S. economy during 2001-13. The construction sector represents around 5 percent of total employment, and its share of GDP is about 4.5 percent. Mechanically, the macroeconomic impact of a shock to the con- struction sector should be limited by these figures; we claim it is not. -
A Neoclassical Theory of Liquidity Traps
A Neoclassical Theory of Liquidity Traps Sebastian Di Tella∗ Stanford University August 2017 Abstract I propose a flexible-price model of liquidity traps. Money provides a safe store of value that prevents interest rates from falling during downturns and depresses in- vestment. This is an equilibrium outcome — prices are flexible, markets clear, and inflation is on target — but it’s not efficient. Investment is too high during booms and too low during liquidity traps. The optimal allocation can be implemented with a tax or subsidy on capital and the Friedman rule. 1 Introduction Liquidity traps occur when the role of money as a safe store of value prevents interest rates from falling during downturns and depresses investment. They can be very persistent, and are consistent with stable inflation and large increases in money supply. Liquidity traps are associated with some of the deepest and most persistent slumps in history. Japan has arguably been experiencing one for almost 20 years, and the US and Europe since the 2008 financial crisis. This paper puts forward a flexible-price model of liquidity traps and studies the optimal policy response. The baseline model is a simple AK growth model with log utility over consumption and money and incomplete idiosyncratic risk sharing. Markets are otherwise complete, prices are flexible, and the central bank follows an inflation-targeting policy. During downturns idiosyncratic risk goes up and makes risky capital less attractive. Without money, the real interest rate would fall and investment would remain at the first best level. ∗ I’d like to thank Manuel Amador, Pablo Kurlat, Chris Tonetti, Chad Jones, Adrien Auclert, Arvind Krishnamurthy, Narayana Kocherlakota, Bob Hall, and John Taylor. -
Macro-Economics of Balance-Sheet Problems and the Liquidity Trap
Contents Summary ........................................................................................................................................................................ 4 1 Introduction ..................................................................................................................................................... 7 2 The IS/MP–AD/AS model ........................................................................................................................ 9 2.1 The IS/MP model ............................................................................................................................................ 9 2.2 Aggregate demand: the AD-curve ........................................................................................................ 13 2.3 Aggregate supply: the AS-curve ............................................................................................................ 16 2.4 The AD/AS model ........................................................................................................................................ 17 3 Economic recovery after a demand shock with balance-sheet problems and at the zero lower bound .................................................................................................................................................. 18 3.1 A demand shock under normal conditions without balance-sheet problems ................... 18 3.2 A demand shock under normal conditions, with balance-sheet problems ......................... 19 3.3 -
Microfoundations
TI 2006-041/1 Tinbergen Institute Discussion Paper Microfoundations Maarten Janssen Department of Economics, Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam, and Tinbergen Institute. Tinbergen Institute The Tinbergen Institute is the institute for economic research of the Erasmus Universiteit Rotterdam, Universiteit van Amsterdam, and Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam. Tinbergen Institute Amsterdam Roetersstraat 31 1018 WB Amsterdam The Netherlands Tel.: +31(0)20 551 3500 Fax: +31(0)20 551 3555 Tinbergen Institute Rotterdam Burg. Oudlaan 50 3062 PA Rotterdam The Netherlands Tel.: +31(0)10 408 8900 Fax: +31(0)10 408 9031 Please send questions and/or remarks of non- scientific nature to [email protected]. Most TI discussion papers can be downloaded at http://www.tinbergen.nl. MICROFOUNDATIONS Maarten C.W. Janssen1 Erasmus University Rotterdam and Tinbergen Institute Abstract. This paper gives an overview and evaluates the literature on Microfoundations. Key Words: Representative Agents, New Keynesian Economics, and New Classical Economics JEL code: B22, D40, E00 1 Correspondence Address: Erasmus University Rotterdam and Tinbergen Institute, Postbus 1738, 3000 DR Rotterdam, The Netherlands, e-mail: [email protected]. This paper is prepared as an entry for The New Palgrave Dictionary of Economics (3rd edition) that is currently being prepared. I thank the editors, Steven Durlauf and David Easley, for comments on an earlier version. 1 The quest to understand microfoundations is an effort to understand aggregate economic phenomena in terms of the behavior of -
Microfoundations?
MICROFOUNDATIONS? J.E King* Department of Economics and Finance La Trobe University Victoria 3086 Australia [email protected] September 2008 *Discussions with Peter Kriesler first set me thinking about this question; I am also grateful to Sheila Dow, Mike Howard, Tee-Hee Jo, Fred Lee, Ian MacDonald, Kurt Rothschild, Michael Schneider and Tony Thirlwall for comments on an earlier draft of this paper. None of them is implicated in errors of fact or judgement. 1 Abstract It is widely believed by both mainstream and heterodox economists that macroeconomic theory must be based on microfoundations (MIFs). I argue that this belief is unfounded and potentially dangerous. I first trace the origins of MIFs, which began in the late 1960s as a project and only later hardened into a dogma. Since the case for MIFs is derived from methodological individualism, which itself an offshoot of the doctrine of reductionism, I then consider some of the relevant literature from the philosophy of science on the case for and against reducing one body of knowledge to another, and briefly discuss the controversies over MIFs that have taken place in sociology, political science and history. Next I assess a number of arguments for the need to provide macrofoundations for microeconomics. While rejecting this metaphor, I suggest that social and philosophical foundations (SPIFs) are needed, for both microeconomics and macroeconomics. I conclude by rebutting the objection that ‘it’s only a word’, suggesting instead that foundational metaphors in economics are positively misleading and are therefore best avoided. Convergence with the mainstream on this issue has gone too far, and should be reversed. -
Paul Krugman Gets His ‘Nobel’
“A maximization-and-equilibrium kind of guy”: Paul Krugman gets his ‘Nobel’ Paper for the 11th Conference of the Association for Heterodox Economics, on the theme “Heterodox Economics and Sustainable Development, 20 years on”, Kingston University, London, 9-12 July 2009 Hugh Goodacre Senior Lecturer, University of Westminster Affiliate Lecturer, Birkbeck College, University of London Teaching Fellow, University College London Abstract. Paul Krugman’s ‘new economic geography’ currently enjoys a high profile due to his recent Nobel award for contributions to the economics of geography and trade; it also conveniently focuses a number of wider issues regarding the relations of economics with its neighboring social science disciplines. Krugman describes himself as “ basically a maximization-and- equilibrium kind of guy…, quite fanatical about defending the relevance of standard economic models in many situations.” In contrast, the incumbent sub-discipline of economic geography has long played host to a zealous critique of such ‘standard’, that is, neoclassical models, and has fiercely defended its pluralistic traditions of research against the ‘monism’, or ‘economics imperialism’, of invasive initiatives such as Krugman’s. This paper surveys the lively polemical literature between these two very different kinds of guys on how to address the question of the global pattern of distribution of economic wealth and activity. It is argued that neither side in the interdisciplinary polemic has focussed sufficiently sharply on the political economy and intellectual and historical legacy of the colonial era. In conclusion, it is suggested that only by rectifying this shortcoming can the current inter- disciplinary standoff be shifted away from narrowly theoretical and methodological issues onto terrain where a more telling blow to economics imperialism can be made than the geographical critique has hitherto managed to deliver. -
Who's Afraid of John Maynard Keynes?
Who‘s Afraid of John Maynard Keynes? “Paul Davidson is the keeper of the Keynesian fame. Keynes lives (intellectu- ally), and Davidson is one of the reasons.” —Alan S. Blinder, Gordon S. Rentschler Memorial Professor of Economics and Public Afairs, Princeton University, USA Paul Davidson Who‘s Afraid of John Maynard Keynes? Challenging Economic Governance in an Age of Growing Inequality Paul Davidson Holly Chair of Excellence Emeritus University of Tennessee at Knoxville Knoxville, TN, USA ISBN 978-3-319-64503-2 ISBN 978-3-319-64504-9 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-64504-9 Library of Congress Control Number: 2017950681 © Te Editor(s) (if applicable) and Te Author(s) 2017 Tis work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifcally the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microflms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. Te use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specifc statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. Te publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. -
JAPAN's TRAP Paul Krugman May 1998 Japan's Economic Malaise Is First and Foremost a Problem for Japan Itself. but It Also Poses
JAPAN'S TRAP Paul Krugman May 1998 Japan's economic malaise is first and foremost a problem for Japan itself. But it also poses problems for others: for troubled Asian economies desperately in need of a locomotive, for Western advocates of free trade whose job is made more difficult by Japanese trade surpluses. Last and surely least - but not negligibly - Japan poses a problem for economists, because this sort of thing isn't supposed to happen. Like most macroeconomists who sometimes step outside the ivory tower, I believe that actual business cycles aren't always real business cycles, that some (most) recessions happen because of a shortfall in aggregate demand. I and most others have tended to assume that such shortfalls can be cured simply by printing more money. Yet Japan now has near-zero short-term interest rates, and the Bank of Japan has lately been expanding its balance sheet at the rate of about 50% per annum - and the economy is still slumping. What's going on? There have, of course, been many attempts to explain how Japan has found itself in this depressed and depressing situation, and the government of Japan has been given a lot of free advice on what to do about it. (A useful summary of the discussion may be found in a set of notes by Nouriel Roubini . An essay by John Makin seems to be heading for the same conclusion as this paper, but sheers off at the last minute). The great majority of these explanations and recommendations, however, are based on loose analysis at best, purely implicit theorizing at worst. -
From the Great Stagflation to the New Economy
Inflation, Productivity and Monetary Policy: from the Great Stagflation to the New Economy∗ Andrea Tambalotti† Federal Reserve Bank of New York September 2003 Abstract This paper investigates how the productivity slowdown and the systematic response of mon- etary policy to observed economic conditions contributed to the high inflation and low output growth of the seventies. Our main finding is that monetary policy, by responding to real time estimates of output deviations from trend as its main measure of economic slack, provided a crucial impetus to the propagation of the productivity shock to inflation. A central bank that had responded instead to a differenced measure of the output gap would have prevented inflation from rising, at the cost of only a marginal increase in output fluctuations. This kind of behavior is likely behind the much-improved macroeconomic performance of the late nineties. ∗I wish to thank Pierre-Olivier Gourinchas and Michael Woodford for comments and advice and Giorgio Primiceri for extensive conversations. The views expressed in the paper are those of the author and are not necessarily reflective of views at the Federal Rserve Bank of New York or the Federal Reserve System. †Research and Market Analysis Group, Federal Reserve Bank of New York, New York, NY 10045. Email: Andrea. [email protected]. 1Introduction The attempt to account for the unusual behavior of US inflation and real activity in the seventies, what Blinder (1979) dubbed the “great stagflation”, has recently attracted a great deal of attention in the literature. This is partly the result of a growing consensus among monetary economists on the foundations of a theory of monetary policy, as articulated most recently by Woodford (2003). -
Congressional Record United States Th of America PROCEEDINGS and DEBATES of the 112 CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION
E PL UR UM IB N U U S Congressional Record United States th of America PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE 112 CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION Vol. 157 WASHINGTON, THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 10, 2011 No. 21 House of Representatives The House met at 10 a.m. and was The Lillian Trasher Orphanage, loudest voice on the field because called to order by the Speaker pro tem- begun in 1911 by an American from that’s the kind of person that she is. pore (Mr. CHAFFETZ). Jacksonville, Florida, is one of the old- She is passionate, she is fierce in her f est and longest-serving charities in the dedication to her friends, and she has world. It currently serves over 600 chil- devoted her entire life to making her DESIGNATION OF SPEAKER PRO dren, along with widows and staff. This community, her State, and her country TEMPORE pillar of the community has been home a better place for all Americans. The SPEAKER pro tempore laid be- to thousands of children who needed Bev recently had a curveball thrown fore the House the following commu- food, shelter, and a family. Orphanage at her when she was diagnosed with nication from the Speaker: graduates serve around the world as amyotrophic lateral sclerosis, also WASHINGTON, DC, bankers, doctors, pastors, teachers, and known as ALS—Lou Gehrig’s Disease. February 10, 2011. even in the U.S. Government. Bev has always taken life head-on, and I hereby appoint the Honorable JASON Despite many challenges over the that’s how she addressed this chal- CHAFFETZ to act as Speaker pro tempore on years, the wonderful staff, now led by lenge, the same way she has lived her this day.