Irish Political Review, June 2010
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												Crisis and Change in Ireland (ARI)
Area: Europa ARI 79/2011 Date: 28/4/2011 Crisis and Change in Ireland (ARI) Raj Chari* Theme1: The 2011 Irish election must be placed in the context of both the economic and the political crisis that preceded the vote in order to examine its results and consider Ireland’s future in Europe. Summary: After years of economic growth during the ‘Celtic Tiger’ boom, Ireland fell into economic decline as a result of its financial crisis in 2008. Ireland’s fall can best be understood as home-made, fuelled by speculation and lax regulation of the financial sector. In the context of this economic and financial crisis, Ireland then suffered a political crisis in which the Fianna Fáil (FF) government coalition lost legitimacy, prompting an early election on 25 February 2011. Unsurprisingly perhaps, a new coalition government comprised of Fine Gael (FG) and Labour came into being as a result. A major issue to be addressed by the new government relates to the renegotiation of the interest rates on the EU/IMF bailout agreed in December 2010. However, what remains unclear is how much this new government’s hands are already tied and whether or not the EU seeks to renegotiate the terms of the deal. Analysis: The Economic and Political Context For almost a decade before 2008, the ‘Celtic Tiger’ gained the attention of the world: after being a laggard in the EU economy throughout much of the 70s and 80s, from the late 90s Ireland was one of the fastest-growing EU economies and represented a model for growth. - 
												
												A Question of Political Will: Corruption and Public Administration in Ireland Di Gary Murphy, Robert Gillanders E Michael Breen
A question of political will: Corruption and Public Administration in Ireland di Gary Murphy, Robert Gillanders e Michael Breen Abstract: A question of political will: Corruption and Public Administration in Ireland – The paper provides the reader with a transversal analysis of the issue of corruption in Ireland – including the Irish legislation against corruption and the economical shortcomings of corruption. Keywords: Ireland; Transparency; Corruption; Public administration. 1. Introduction At the end of May 2018 the Irish parliament (Oireachtas) passed all stages of the Criminal Justice (Corruption Offences) Bill of 2017. The original bill was introduced in November 2017 by the Minister for Justice and Equality, Charles Flanagan, as the final piece in a range of acts entitled to ensure that Irish politics and public life was clean. The purpose of the bill was to completely modernise Irish anti-corruption laws and make them more accessible to the general public. The Criminal Justice (Corruption Offences) Act 2018 repealed and replaced seven previous Prevention of Corruption Acts dating from 1889 to 2010. The 2018 act was, however, far more than a simple consolidation of the old law. Rather it was a robust and innovative piece of legislation that provided for a number of new offences as well as stronger penalties for those convicted of corruption. The Act followed a range of open government initiatives such as the Freedom of Information Act 2014, the Protected Disclosures Act 2014, and the Regulation of Lobbying Act 2015. In that context the Act enabled the Irish state to meet with some of its international obligations as well as significantly strengthening its legislative defences against white collar crime and corruption. - 
											
The Concise Dictionary A-Z
The Concise Dictionary A-Z Helping to explain Who is responsible for the key services in our district. In association with Newry and Mourne District Council www.newryandmourne.gov.uk 1 The Concise Dictionary Foreword from the Mayor Foreword from the Clerk As Mayor of Newry and Mourne, I am delighted We would like to welcome you to the third to have the opportunity to launch this important edition of Newry and Mourne District Council’s document - the Concise Dictionary, as I believe Concise Dictionary. it will be a very useful source of reference for all Within the Newry and Mourne district there our citizens. are a range of statutory and non-statutory In the course of undertaking my duties as organisations responsible for the delivery a local Councillor, I receive many calls from of the key services which impact on all of our citizens regarding services, which are not our daily lives. It is important that we can directly the responsibility of Newry and Mourne access the correct details for these different District Council, and I will certainly use this as organisations and agencies so we can make an information tool to assist me in my work. contact with them. We liaise closely with the many statutory This book has been published to give you and non-statutory organisations within our details of a number of frequently requested district. It is beneficial to everyone that they services, the statutory and non-statutory have joined with us in this publication and I organisations responsible for that service and acknowledge this partnership approach. - 
												
												Journalism, Politics and the Celtic Tiger Journalists
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by DCU Online Research Access Service Chapter 8 Declan Fahy A limited focus? Journalism, politics and the Celtic Tiger Journalists dominated the 2009 end-of-year bestseller lists with books castigating Ireland’s financial and political elites for causing the financial crisis that would eventually claim the country’s economic sovereignty. In The Bankers Shane Ross criticised bank executives and regulators for their close relationship that facilitated years of reckless property speculation, while in Who really runs Ireland? Matt Cooper laid out the elite nexus of bankers, developers, politicians and media owners that he argued allowed a thriving economy to overheat. In Ship of Fools, Fintan O’Toole traced the entwined Irish histories of economic mismanagement, political corruption and financial fraud that combined so disastrously in the crisis. In Follow the Money, David McWilliams described a panicked Irish government amid the 2008 global financial meltdown, as then finance minister Brian Lenihan, eating garlic to stay awake, paid a late-night visit to the columnist’s house for advice. In Anglo Republic, Simon Carswell forensically examined the succession of high-risk financial decisions by Anglo Irish Bank executives that forced the government to guarantee bank debts and deposits. These books unflinchingly laid out the national systemic political and financial failure that found apt symbolism, among international media, in the half-finished ‘ghost estates’ that littered the Irish countryside. 190 These post-crash books were cutting and critical. But such comprehensive analyses, commentators noted, were mostly absent during the boom years, from the mid-1990s to the mid-2000s, when Ireland’s economy expanded with unprecedented growth. - 
												
												Carrickmines Chapter 19
The Final Report of the Tribunal of Inquiry into Certain Planning Matters and Payments Vol. V (The Carrickmines Module) 2 Page | iv TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER NINETEEN – Carrickmines Module…………………………........... 1 Part 1 The delay in publication of this chapter ………………………………. 1 The reasons for the Inquiry …………………………………...………… 1 The phases of the Inquiry…………………………………...………….. 2 The background to the Inquiry…………………………………………. 4 The O’Halloran Consortium lands…………………………...………… 5 The PW/JW lands………………………………….................………… 6 Part 2 The source of funds used to purchase the Tracey lands ..…………. 6 Part 3 The relationship between Mr George Redmond and Mr Jim Kennedy ………………………………………………………… 8 General relationship……………………………………………….……. 9 The County Council zoning map ………………………………..…....... 11 The Tribunal’s conclusions relating to the provision of the map to Mr Caldwell...............………………………......................17 Part 4 The relationship between the O’Halloran Consortium and the owners of the PP/JW lands pre 1991 ……………………………. 18 The joint residential scheme……………………………………………. 19 The joint rezoning submission …………………………………………. 19 Proposed purchase of the O’Halloran lands………………………….. 21 The Covenant Agreement and the Access Issue..……………………. 22 Mr Kilcoyne’s reservations concerning Mr Kennedy..……………….. 22 Part 5 Mr Frank Dunlop’s relationship with Paisley Park / Jackson Way (PP/JW) ………………………………………………….. 24 Mr Dunlop’s engagement by Mr Kennedy ..………………………….. 24 Mr Dunlop’s claimed first meeting with Mr Kennedy ….…………….. 28 Mr Dunlop’s and Mr Kennedy’s understanding regarding payments to councillors …………………………………...…………… 29 Mr Dunlop’s success fee ..……………………………………………… 35 The Tribunal’s findings regarding Mr Dunlop’s engagement by PP/JW ……………...…………………………………………………. 37 Mr Dunlop’s lobbying activities for PP/JW.……………………………. 40 The Special Meeting of 24 May 1991………………………………….. 41 Mr Dunlop’s involvement in the period between the meeting of 24 May 1991 and that of 12 June 1992 and his liaisions with Mr Kennedy and Mr Caldwell……….…………………………………. - 
												
												Department of Employment Affairs and Social Protection Annual Report 2018
Department of Employment Affairs and Social Protection Annual Report 2018 Annual Report 2018 | Department of Employment Affairs and Social Protection Contents: Chapter 1 The Department of Employment Affairs and Social Protection 6 Functions of the Department of Employment Affairs and Social Protection 7 The Department’s Mission 7 Scale of The Department’s Business 7 Organisation of the Department 8 Chapter 2 2018 Performance 11 Economic and Employment Recovery Continues 12 Expenditure 2018 13 Key Activities 2018 14 Scheme Recipients 2018 15 Social Inclusion and Poverty 16 Poverty and Deprovation Rates by year 2007-2017 17 Impact of Social Transfers on the At Risk of Poverty Rate 17 Implementing Budget 2018 - €343m in additional expenditure 18 Increased Payments to Families and Children 18 Other Payments 18 Social Impact Assessment of Budget 2018 19 Budget 2019 Measures Announced 20 Award winning approach to customer engagement 21 Redundancy, Insolvency & Debt Recovery Activity in 2018 21 Moving Online 22 Chapter 3: Strategic Objectives and Review 24 The Department’s Strategic Objectives 2017 to 2020 25 Put the Client at the Centre of Policy and Service Delivery 26 Children and Families 27 Secondary Benefits 29 People of Working Age 31 Employment Supports 33 Illness, Disability and Carers 39 Incomes and Employment 43 Reaching out to Clients 45 Jobseeker Customer Satisfaction in 2018 50 Drive Cost, Efficiency and Effectiveness 51 Corporate Governance 51 Identity Management 52 Compliance and Anti-Fraud in 2018 53 Financial Management 55 Digital - 
												
												Officers of the Irish Defence Forces and Civilian Higher Education Since the 1960S
Socialisation, Role Theory, and Infrapolitics: Officers of the Irish Defence Forces and Civilian Higher Education since the 1960s Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy Trinity College Dublin November, 2020 Andrew Gerard Gibson Supervisor: Dr John Walsh Title: Socialisation, Role theory, and Infrapolitics: Officers of the Irish Defence Forces and Civilian Higher Education since the 1960s. Author: Andrew Gerard Gibson Abstract: The military profession has a long history, and its institutions of education have been central to the development of military officers. Questions about the higher education of officers became increasingly important in the wake of World War 2 and the changing nature of military authority and the roles that military officers would be expected to fill. In Ireland these changes became manifest in the advent of the decision in 1969 to send Army officers to university in University College Galway. Combining documentary and archival research with data generated through semi-structured interviews with 46 retired and serving officers, it adopts a conceptual frameworK of role theory combined with ideas from James C. Scott in a case study approach to examine the origins and effects of the USAC scheme for the civilian higher education of Irish military officers since 1969. It answers the question of how officers in the Defence Forces interacted with civilian higher education at undergraduate level, and how this influenced their socialisation, professional formation, and the implications of higher education for them as individuals and for their military role. Declaration I declare that this thesis has not been submitted as an exercise for a degree at this or any other university and it is entirely my own work. - 
												
												Papers of Gemma Hussey P179 Ucd Archives
PAPERS OF GEMMA HUSSEY P179 UCD ARCHIVES [email protected] www.ucd.ie/archives T + 353 1 716 7555 © 2016 University College Dublin. All rights reserved ii CONTENTS CONTEXT Biographical History iv Archival History vi CONTENT AND STRUCTURE Scope and Content vii System of Arrangement ix CONDITIONS OF ACCESS AND USE Access xi Language xi Finding Aid xi DESCRIPTION CONTROL Archivist’s Note xi ALLIED MATERIALS Allied Collections in UCD Archives xi Published Material xi iii CONTEXT Biographical History Gemma Hussey nee Moran was born on 11 November 1938. She grew up in Bray, Co. Wicklow and was educated at the local Loreto school and by the Sacred Heart nuns in Mount Anville, Goatstown, Co. Dublin. She obtained an arts degree from University College Dublin and went on to run a successful language school along with her business partner Maureen Concannon from 1963 to 1974. She is married to Dermot (Derry) Hussey and has one son and two daughters. Gemma Hussey has a strong interest in arts and culture and in 1974 she was appointed to the board of the Abbey Theatre serving as a director until 1978. As a director Gemma Hussey was involved in the development of policy for the theatre as well as attending performances and reviewing scripts submitted by playwrights. In 1977 she became one of the directors of TEAM, (the Irish Theatre in Education Group) an initiative that emerged from the Young Abbey in September 1975 and founded by Joe Dowling. It was aimed at bringing theatre and theatre performance into the lives of children and young adults. - 
												
												Political Developments in Northern Ireland October 2008 to March 2009
Political Developments in Northern Ireland October 2008 to March 2009 Standard Note: SN/PC/05029 Last updated: 23 March 2009 Author: Diana Douse, Oonagh Gay, E Jude Section Parliament and Constitution Centre This note aims to give an update on the political events in Northern Ireland from October 2008 to March 2009. Previous versions of this Note have been published periodically, and are available on the intranet Subject page for the Northern Ireland Assembly. Research Paper 09/62 The Northern Ireland Bill is available at the same location This information is provided to Members of Parliament in support of their parliamentary duties and is not intended to address the specific circumstances of any particular individual. It should not be relied upon as being up to date; the law or policies may have changed since it was last updated; and it should not be relied upon as legal or professional advice or as a substitute for it. A suitably qualified professional should be consulted if specific advice or information is required. This information is provided subject to our general terms and conditions which are available online or may be provided on request in hard copy. Authors are available to discuss the content of this briefing with Members and their staff, but not with the general public. Contents 1 Background 2 2 Northern Ireland Act 2009 3 3 Independent Monitoring Commission 20th Report 3 4 Senior Salaries Review Body report into MLAs' pay 4 5 Northern Ireland Arms Decommissioning Act 1997 (Amnesty Period) Order 2009 5 6 Postponement of Local Elections (Northern Ireland) Order 2009 7 7 Northern Ireland Assembly (Elections) (Amendment) Order 2009 8 8 Anonymous registration 10 9 Possible mergers of Ulster/GB parties 10 10 The shootings at Massereene Barracks 11 11 Cost of public inquiries 12 12 Northern Ireland Affairs Select Committee 13 1 Background The Northern Ireland Executive did not meet from June 2008 until November 2008. - 
												
												Bradley - Time to End the Suffering of the Families of the Disappeared
SDLP BRADLEY - TIME TO END THE SUFFERING OF THE FAMILIES OF THE DISAPPEARED Back to Latest News SDLP Newry and Armagh Assembly Member Dominic Bradley has called on those information on the whereabouts of the Disappeared to come forward and end the suffering of the families. Latest News Events Mr Bradley said the families of the Disappeared are not asking for justice or retribution but only to bury their loved ones with dignity. Key Speeches Photo Gallery He said: “Throughout the history of the troubles many individuals have been killed and many families and communities have struggled with the aftermath. The overwhelming majority of families have had the consolation of waking and burying their dead in accordance with the rites of the faith in which they were raised. “The families of the Disappeared who have not yet had the remains of their loved ones returned to them have not had even that possibility open to them. They have been left, in many cases for decades, asking the why and wherefore of their loved ones’ disappearance, to wonder about their fate, to arrive at their own conclusions, and to await the recovery of their remains. “The rest of us who have experienced deep sorrow at the death of a loved one can never imagine the anguish which the families of the Disappeared have had to endure over all these years. In our own sad situations we have been enwrapped in the support and concern of our communities but in some areas the community from which people have disappeared has been silenced. - 
												
												A Democratic Design? the Political Style of the Northern Ireland Assembly
A Democratic Design? The political style of the Northern Ireland Assembly Rick Wilford Robin Wilson May 2001 FOREWORD....................................................................................................3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .................................................................................4 Background.........................................................................................................................................7 Representing the People.....................................................................................................................9 Table 1 Parties Elected to the Assembly ........................................................................................10 Public communication......................................................................................................................15 Table 2 Written and Oral Questions 7 February 2000-12 March 2001*........................................17 Assembly committees .......................................................................................................................20 Table 3 Statutory Committee Meetings..........................................................................................21 Table 4 Standing Committee Meetings ..........................................................................................22 Access to information.......................................................................................................................26 Table 5 Assembly Staffing - 
												
												LGBTQ Election 2015 Update1
LGBTQ EQUALITY & Northern Ireland’s Political Parties An independent survey General Election 2015 UPDATED VERSION (1) In April 2015 I emailed all the political parties in Northern Ireland that have candidates standing the the 2015 General Election. I enclosed a list of questions about their policies and active records on important lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans* and queer issues. The following pages contain the original information and questions sent to the parties, along with their replies and some additonal facts about each party’s record on LGBTQ rights. All replies are printed exactly as received, except where editied (with due respect and care for key facts) to keep them roughly around the requested 150 word limit. Parties are listed in the order their answers were returned. Where parties have not responded, I have researched their available policies, manifestos and records online and compiled some information. While most of us who identfy as LGBT or Q are unlikely to vote based on a party’s LGBTQ policies alone, it does help to know what each party thinks of some of the issues that effect our lives. And, more importantly, what they have already done and what they plan to do to tackle some of the serious problems caused by homophobia and transphobia; invisibility; institutionalised discrimination and exclusion. I hope that it will be updated and added to over time. This is an independent survey. It has no agenda other than to give each party an opportunity put on paper what they intend to do to help us build a more equal Northern Ireland in terms of sexual orientation and gender identity.