The Gqngu-Hrolfssaga

COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS SA LES A GENTS

mm roux : LEMCKE BUECHNER

30-33 Wis't 3 7m Su m

LONDON H EN RY F ROWDE

A MEN Comma , E. C.

m nom'o H EN RY F ROWDE

3 Rxcxm oxm Su m . 5 , W T H E GQ N GU-H ROL FSSA GA

A ST U DY IN O LD N o ns a P H ILOLO GY

ITTMER HA RTMA N N PH D A CO B W . . J ,

e nd Lit Ins tru ctor in th e Germa n Languag a era ture. l Th e Col ege ofth e City ofN ew York.

goth COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS Co r 1 1 2 py ight, 9

Br COLUMBIA Umvn sm r Pu s s

P rinted from t ul 1 1 3 typ J y, 9 A ll

n u s or I n a n i n Pl ll fll ‘ Conn " u ncu t" . PA. A roved or ublica tion on th e D e a rtmmt o pp f p , qf p f

' G erma nic si La nguages a nd Litera ture: of Columbia Umwr qy .

V N MA CAL I THO S . N ew Yonx , June, 1 9 1 2.

F LL A PRO ESSOR WI IAM H . C RPENTER

A ND

OF S O A U F Y PR E S R RTH R . J . REM

OF COLUM BIA U N IVERSITY

PREFACE

T h e completion of this work would have been irnpossible a o n h h t l g the present lines if t e aut or had not been able, hrough o u t th e o O f h o c urse his investigations , to draw wit ut reserve o n the advice and assistance of several gentlemen who were kin d enough to place their special philological accomplishments a t h is disposal . T h e author is indebted to Professor William H . Carpenter , o f C U o th e olumbia niversity , for the suggesti n of subject and fo r many hints as to the division and distribution of th e ma

teria l r . , as well as for many litera y references of great value ’ T o Mo k L Professor Eugen g , of eipzig, are due the author s th anks for suggestions as to the source O f some of th e ll f . H a ér so o GH S . d lklore material in Mr Hermanns n , Cus to dian of the F iske Icelandic Collection at the Cornell Univer s i L n ty ibrary , aided the author in properly utilizi g the resources M in o f o n . that great collecti n, also by se ding him lists of SS

a in u . ccessible this city, and by introd cing him by mail to Mr M érda rson C now atthias p , then of openhagen , of Reykjavik, -H rélfs Rimur C Iceland, who copied the Gongu at openhagen, M n a . a d later collated them with nother S at Reykjavik . F o . . C U Pr fessor Arthur J Remy, of olumbia niversity, care M S . fully went over the entire , thus giving the author numer ous corrections and suggestions based on an intimate acquaint ance with the phonology O f Old Norse and with the whole ’ r But ﬁeld of medieval lite ature . for Professor Remy s gen erous t n gif of his time and his expert k owledge in these ﬁelds ,

the publication of these pages might have been much delayed . F B m s n C . a a o Mr . harles , a native of Iceland, and now a stu a t Y dent the College of the City of New ork, rendered valuable

assistance in preparing the Rima and translation for print . ’ TO these gentlemen it is the author s privilege to a cknowl edge his great obligations ; where anything has been derived o ff fr m books . e ort has been made to give proper credit .

W . H . J . Tm; COL L EGE or TH E

CI TY or w Y ORK ,

I I z January, 9 .

CONTENTS

Expla n a tion of A bbreviations

- Ca n 't u I . Th e Forna lda rsggur in Genera l

- II . Manuscripts of the Gongu H rOIfssaga

h -H r lf III . A Synopsis of t e Gongu o ssa ga

-H r . o IV S urces and Materials of th e Gongu OIfssa ga .

-H rélf V . Gongu as an Historica l Ch aracter

o r ca K l a VI . Ge g aphi l now edge displ yed in the Gongu H rélfssaga

-H rélfsrimur VII . Gongu

n Th c f H Appe dix I . e Vo abulary and Style o O S

H l Appendix II . Parallel Passages of G S and Knyt inga saga

L O f ca Appendix III . Alphabetical ist All Geographi l Names Occurring in OH S Bibliography EXPLANATION OF A BBREVIATIONS

h . . é s B . Ant Rus Antiquit s russes, ee ibliograp y A - S . S Anglo axon . Bibi B . ibliography .

. m cpd co pound . i ’ CV . C a V fuss n le sby and g o s Icelandic Dictionary .

Deum . Denmark .

Engl . English .

E V Eirik a vib f r S . s l s ga o a . F F orna ld rs ur orBrl da as . a og n an . F F r . o nma nna s ur ms og . F r F . rench .

Ger . German .

Gr . Greek . B -H r lf é . G S . Gongu s Saga H H Hb . l k ilSa H n s n . a e g v undi g ba a .

a k l és H alm rs lv s . o é k é . Hj lm O v . j p saga O O H r m r H rO u r n r O . i m n r a a i o S G e . da s e ss a . . p g G p ISV = Yn V gvS . Kn l Kn tlin a a yt . y g s ga .

K Bi r Kr r B . d . i isk id . S . t e B a rit g, see ibl , under torm La L t. atin . L l Lil B . i . e ren j j g , see ibl

MHG . Middle High German . ML L o e . G. Middle w G rman

Mod . Modern . F ld F O O . . rench

H l . O G. O d High German rl u rf m ur Stu a ssa a sta sa a . St l SS . g g

N . O Old Norse . Y Y r n ss vil a . ngvSV . gva a ga e A few other abbreviations are explained at the h ead of list of geographica l names in th e appendix .

xii CHA PTER I

TH E F ORN A LDA RSQGUR I N GEN ERAL

In a consideration of the literature written in the Old Norse L anguage it has long been customary to regard as of greater importance those saga s that deal with purely historica l persons

a nd s to O f t . events, or such agas as appear be his character P ossibly because the historical material orally preserved in I n O f celand was so rele tlessly present in the minds the people, th e historical saga has always been put in to a position of first importance as compared with th e more distinctly fictional kind b t . e that we are abou to consider There can no reason , in a study limited to a consideration of one comparatively insig nifica nt c th e work, for re asting all values in estimating rela tive importance of th e various literary forms employed in Ice Y landic literature . et it is an open question in Icelandic literature whether or not the main emphasis should be placed

on the purely historical and didactic . In the medieval litera O f a ture the various Europe n countries, pure ﬁction no doubt

received the larger share of . the popular as well as of the more

aristocratic interest . Perhaps, as has been suggested , the inter ru tion s O f t p in the continuity continental history , and the e suiting lack of connection with th e story of great movements

( 3. lack of connection due also no doubt in part to the in of ﬁnitely greater vastness the European community, in which the individual and the family must have appeared even then as o a x n of relatively slight imp rt nce) , will to some e tent explai o the desire so apparent on the continent , to occupy neself

rather with th e products of the imagination than with reality . O f The little band Icelanders , on the other hand , who at no time in their history have exceeded the number O f eighty thousand i th e O f souls, have never at any t me lost knowledge their rela tions to the persons and events of their national life . th e Although historical saga has always held the ﬁrst place , it would be erroneous to assume that the existence of pure 2 l 2

fiction in the literature of the Icelanders is of very recent ex e t date . In fact, it is tr mely probable hat stories without h istorical founda tion were very common before any prose nar r ti s r i tin in t t e a ve we e put nto wri g at all, o her words, that h y existed in oral tradition side by side with the historically cor m t re rect accounts of the doings of real fa ilies . Al hough the cording O i th e fictitious stories does not begin as early as that of the comparatively true ones (which Mogk very plausibly ex plains by the fact that the greater esteem in wh ich th e latter were held required that the first efforts of native scribes writ ingin the vernacular be directed towards preserving them rather 1 h a v e than the untrue) , we ve no con incing reason to b lieve that h B ut they are less old as a class tha n t e historical sagas . the m very fact that they were as a rule written down later i plies , h x O f th as of course, t at the e tant forms e fictitious sag must be somewhat more recent th an those of th e historical sagas . ’ Olrik2 has shown that Saxo s history is founded almost en tirel y on current legendary accounts . A truthful account O fthe life O fan individual or O f a family must be a really artistic production if it is to hold our atten i n t o for long . This requirement is of course fulfilled by the s best historical agas , but it should be remembered that where the faculty O f invention is kept in check by th e fear of pos O f ct h sible criticism fa , t ere is a strong chance for the prosy writer to become hopelessly prosy . That mere a nnals as such are comparatively unenjoyable to the seeker for literary stim h t l a d ulus, and t at a saga mus become du l through too great h erence to h a commonplace or per aps sordid det il, goes without m . a a m an t t saying It y l ost, in fact, be set down as axiom ha m xh as historical aterial becomes more and more e austed, the repetition O f it is bound to become dull unless it is narrated new im from a point of view . What is rea lly dramatic and o in th e th e all p sing lives of ancestors of any race, will finally have been written, and attention will then be turned to more

en . O n rec t events These, however, are ften so closely con ected h O f i wit the legal practices the times , that the r narration may

Gm ndris r def erm n h n P l l a is c e h ilo o ie vo . I . A bt. . g g , II , , p 7 37 ( a nd

Kildem a til S a re: Oldh is tor ie B . , see ibl 3 very well be a bore to th e reader who ta kes up the story several a c en turies after it has been written . V ldemar Vedel has po inted out that in many cases in the Icelandic sagas th e war like instincts O f the Icela nders were beginning to ma nifest th emselves within the forms prescribed by a gradually stiffen in l e O f g lega code, and that what might have b en the story pitched battles was tra nsformed into the tale of dreary legal “ ‘ N dls a controversies . Even so perfect a work as the j sag does n ot t O f escape , from the poin of view the modern reader, the ch arge of being too prolix in the recital of the litigations of th e t time , which to us are seldom in elligible without special s O f v tudy . course we must not confound our point of iew w O f O f th Bu ith that the contemporary hearers e story . t is it n ot th e possible that increase of purely conventional activities, which is one of th e characteristic concomitants of an advancing c z O f h ivili ation , may have made the lives t e Norwegians and Icelanders less interesting as subjects O f artistic treatment ? t th e i in At any ra e, we find that Norsemen presently beg n to new r vent pastures for the imagination to st ay in, because their own a present, like our , was becoming too re l , too actual , for t th e O f v them , and hey needed stimulus that which had ne er been on sea or land . These brief remarks are in no sense to be regarded as an O f t h adequate history of the origin the my hical saga, but rat er as an attempt to characterize briefly the attitude of mind that would result in the production and favorable reception O f purely fictitious writings even in a community that regarded them as secondary in importance to such as were strictly his l o torica . The w rthiness of th e fictitious saga as an Object of attention will become even more apparent through th e efforts of men like Alexander Bugge to Show that the boundary- line between the fictitious and the historica l sagas is by no mea ns On . t as clear as has been supposed the o her hand, there is

' H l nl M l i rl c K lmride le L z 1 1 0 e de eben itte te i h e u a . 1 : ( a ) eip ig, 9 , p 33 r u H e u P rozessr m n Rechtso dn ng verwandelt die ldendicht ng in o a e. ’ H ff H oved unkter a den Oldirla nds ke littera turh is torie C o s p f , openhagen 1 8 7 5 , which gives only the most sketchy information, has this to say on

N dl D et erste a f . e. j a ( p . er den ypp dem alle ( i , the family sagas) , kla ss isk s a mm en sa etn in o ka ra kterskildrin lidt tnn i sprog, g g g, dog g at ” la es e retsv a es en et 31 b et deli . , da spiller en y g rolle deri 4

a different error that must be avoided in the consideration O f t the ﬁctitious sagas . We have tried to show above hat the strictly historical account may at times have become less inter esting to the natives themselves ; it would be wrong to assume that the unhistorical account is necessarily more interesting to the modern reader through the absence O f practices current at ’ O f the time of th e saga s composition . As a rule this kind saga not so t is nearly carefully constructed , and moreover has o her

defects , as will appear in this and the following chapters . What would be the natural literary outcome of a desire not to read painstakingly accurate accounts O f persons in their u - - n ? p to date actions , clothes , speech and relatio s And above a ll th e O f to , what would be result an attempt to impart a literary work the appearance of having been composed in the ” dim - S , dark, fore time, when things were imple and men did o not go to law, but f ught ﬁercely with strange monsters and with each other ? The most disillusioning element possible in such a story of the old times would be the necessity O f a ssocia t ing these events with the places in which the readers were now living : the ﬁrst trick of the writer of the untrue saga is there - ff fore to shift the scene of action to a far o country . I f he be O f an Icelander, the last country he will think introducing will too be Iceland, but he will be careful also to avoid great famil ia rit t S y with the o her three candinavian countries ; at any rate, n h e if he i tends to introduce the supernatural at all , will not e lay the scene in one of those lands , but rather in some oth r, t w much less familiar country , the inhabitan s of hich the reader is willing to credit with harmful practices . It will also be the O f o duty the author to remove his story, in p int of time , as far as possible from the reader . The greatest collection O f un “ ” e th e n F orna lda rs ur true sagas appropriately b ars ame og , a

c C . C . name given by the ollector, Rafn , to the compilation which is still the authoritative one in this ﬁeld ( see “ F innur Jonsson also names these F om a ldars ogur oldtidssa ” ”5 gaer, by which he means , sagas of prehistoric times . O f In regard to the habits and characteristics his personages , the author will have to make everything as general and vague “ D en oldn ors ke o oldis la nds ke Litera turs H is toric . 0 : h vor ol i g , p 7 9 dt d " forh i torisk n t n er s tid fra u ide s standpunkt .

i a H h mate h istor cal sagas . In G S this trick is used wit great w effect . Another thing that the riters would be likely to avoid w h is the too frequent occurrence of real Icelandic names, hic would result in making th e stories seem too familiar to th e th e in reader, and thus impairing impression of remoteness time and space that the authors are striving for . The indices of the personal names occurring in the La ndmima (which may O f be cited as representative the strictly historical saga) , on a th e the one h nd, and of those occurring in the on other, afford a very striking and interesting material for comparison . L ndndma Thus , while the a is found to abound in purely Ice landic Th orkell h names , such as , Thorsteinn , suc names are F a s . two almost entirely absent in the , occurring there but or three times each . It was perhaps felt by the writers that these - w well known , familiar names ere little ﬁtted to be used for w n heroes that ere intended to produce an ancient, ve erable, prehistoric impression , and that for this purpose the time h onored names O f royal dynasties in th e Old peninsular h ome were more appropriate . This carefully selectiveprocess is a O f h f indic tive not only erudition and sop istication , but also O o a consistent artistic purpose in the comp sition of the F as . The writers were acquainted not only with many historical s f O F as . agas , but, also, in some cases, with other sagas the s h cla s . It is to t is latter fact that we must attribute the recur F or rence of the same person in several of the . In fact, it is h t n F ard to resis the co clusion that sometimes an entire as . may h ave been originally suggested by th e name O f some person not ﬁ F 1 ° f t as . su ciently described in some o her Thus , one of th e

V tnsd l a a e as a a . z g , c . It is unfortunate that the index of persons in F ar must remain inac fﬁ cessible for most readers, as the original edition of Rafn, now di cult to

u . obtain, is the only one that contains f ll indices The later edition of A smunda rson a cont ins neither the indices nor any other critical material . ” l v F as . th e We sha l so often ha e occasion to mention the , that a list of sa v v gas contained in the three olumes ( of either edition) , is here gi en

I . H o ok loBbrO r lfs saga kraka kappa hans, Volsungasaga, Ragnars saga ok a a f s num N -G a S a t kar sona hans, b ttr Ragnars o , orna ests b ttr, orla b t r, S b rot a f nokkurum fornkonun um i D ok S v H erva rar sa ogu g ana via eldi , ga ok H eilSreks .

I . H v rsu N or r b ist F u N ore r Ha s ok Hilfsrekka I e eg yn , undi n g , lfs aga , A lendin a konun m orsteins Vikin ss ona r F ri 6fs a ens f Upp g gu , p saga g , l j s ga ' 7 c h ie f characters in S ta rta ngssaga sta rfsa ma (the story of ’ G n - o t A sa wh o s o gu Hr lf s fa her) is , the sister of Egil , become ’ th e wife of A smund s friend H erra uﬁr at th e end O fEgils saga 0 k A s a nda r GH S s to m (c . As may have been compo ed ’ c o m th Sturla u oﬁ s rin 1 1 plete e story of gs p g, why may not S tu rlaugssaga s ta rfsa ma also have been written to explain ’ wh a t became of Egil s sister Asa ? The close interdependence F as l h o f many of the . wi l appear w en we consider the origins o f some of the motives of GH S in th e chapter devoted to the h so urces and materials o f t e saga ( IV) . In order th at we ma y later emphasize not only th e points o f H th e h a greement between G S and ot er sagas of its class , but nt f ff t a a lso the poi s o di erence, it will be well o p ss in review F s uch oth er ch aracteristics of the a r. as may be predicated of r f th e entire collection with a fair deg ee o universality . As has n of o been show above, some these qualities are c nditioned in

th e er n th e F as . advance by v y ature of , which are essentially productions that aim to escape the limita tions of historical h c h th e reality . If t is fa t necessarily involves s ifting scene of o n h h e acti n to dista t lands, if it furt er requires a simulation of t nc t th th h t a ien ra er an an ad erence to what is more recen , it follows that this kind of literature will demand improbable and supernatural incidents with as much frequency as th e more e e probabl and natural on s . And as the faculty of invention n h ns t n i m rarely succeeds a yw ere in co truc ing e t rely new otives , we may expect to ﬁnd th e writers O f th e sagas in question so h th e ﬁrm th e h utilizing not muc outlines of istorical sagas, th t -of- wi heir matter fact, unadorned plots, but ra th er th e nu written folk-stories which are known to teem with improbable m ot and even i possible m ives . The collection of these has been one of the chief tasks O f critical sch olarsh ip in the nineteenth

fro kn - e a , Ketils b a G lolSinkinna O rva r O s saga aeng , rims saga , dds aga , A ns bogsv ei is H rémunda rsa a Grei sson a r A smun d rs k saga g , g p . a aga a ppa ba na . - . Ga utreks s C ok D l fiﬂ III saga ( al o called iafa Refs sa ga a a a ) , Hrolfs Gautrekssona r B6sa ok H erraulSS -Hrélfs saga , saga , Gongu saga, Egils einh enda ok A smundar b erserk a ba na S s r saga j , orla saga te ka , Hialmbérs ok lvis Halfdanar E steinssona r Halfdan rsa B n saga O , saga y , a ga ro uféstra , Sturla u s a sta rfsa ma in a Griba rféstra i g s ga , Il ga s ga , E reks saga vil e a . n G n u-Hrélfr GHS S urla o g is in a son of t ug, who is mentioned several t GHS S C imes in ( see ynopsis, hapter III of this work) . 8

1 2 h h a th e F as . th century . In t e selection of c racters for , is o t w ro predilection for the improbable , fr m our poin of vie g f e O f tes ue o . q , creatures popular leg nd is especially noticeable such characters found there side by side with th e ordinary n human beings , a few typical examples may be prese ted Gia nts e t O h , both mal and female, occur frequen ly, ften wit n c a nd m t x ca nibalisti traits , of course, ons rous in size and e ceed in l th mo gy ugly . In a few insta nces e female appears to be re o a t kindly disp sed toward mort ls han the male , and goes so far as to assist the human hero in his undertakings against her own a O f th e m le relatives giant ra ce . A typical instance of this is ff E ils sa a ok A m unda r th n a orded by g g , where e giantess Ari nefj a aids Egil and A smund in their attempt to free the ’ daughters o f th e king of Russia from the h ands of A rinnefj a s ’ two h e e l . S E i s giant brothers ven preserves g hand, after it off in - an d has been cut life giving herbs, later causes the ha nd on i i to grow aga n in ts proper place . Attention is called to t d we o to his peculiar evice , as shall have occasi n notice a close “ in H - G S . parallel and in Icelandic folk lore The giant women, o e S at as in s me cases, therefor , how strong tachment, as well gratitude to mortals for any services rendered to th em by th e “ én latter . J sson calls attention to th e fact that the giantesses are the chief representatives O f the purely sexual element in h t e F as . w o or , hich fact he explains as an outc me of c rupted a to no e t ste due foreign inﬂuence, as there are parall ls in the i H O f in r mur. e historical sagas , but an abundance them the o O e grants , h wever, that the unembellished bsceniti s of the B ésasa B ga are in part a n original home product . esides giant esses and monsters there are also h uman beings that have been

transformed by ma gic into the shapes O f monsters . Thus the “ sorceress Luba changes her stepson into a servant to th e ’ a rm alkn s gi nts, and her two daughters into a ﬁ g and giant e a t o maid, respectively, and all b c use her s epson w uld not aid

” K nder A ta sk performed in Germany by the brothers Grimm in their i a . - H ousman h en for Iceland the collections by Rittersh a us and JOn Arnason

are Of great importance ( see Chap . IV) . l m n See e A Rittersh a us Vo ks iirch e . 1 . refer nce to deline , , on p 4 f

0p. cit . , p . 7 9 5 . ” H ab n érs s a a ok is F a s . 2 0 et . j b g l , III , c passim 9

h er in carrying out her las civious wishes . Etymological con n ection between the ﬁrst syllable of ﬁnngdlkn and the name of th e people to whom th e Scan dinavians above all asc ribed th e " a rt . of witchcraft, is apparent ’ e ser r n e F as h B r ke s pla y a promine t part in th . In t e king s a r e e o m my there are usually sev ral such, who p rf r the most s ff th e th e t of ensational and e ective work of battle , accoun which therefore usually resolves itself into a narration of the in e th th e dividual combats b tween e berserkers and heroes , a ccompanied by a n enumeration O f th ose killed by ea ch com nt Th e t to w O f b a ta . abili y vie a battle as a series mass move m en O f ents is wholly lacking, being an acquirem t relatively recent date . ma o t In so far as the berserker y p ssess magic powers , here is h im sorcerer wh o a similarity between and the real , is not e dwa r es o e infrequ ntly a f. Th e s rcerers must be distinguish d according to their practice of the various forms O f witchcraft r i M ndull H a d s ls . l o . V G S (g , , v C ) The dwarf o in is interest d ing in that he absolutely lacks any in ividuality, exerting his ’ powers quite as readily in Gongu-Hrolf s interests as in his n h e o Bu f ow . t O , and t is for almost no appar nt reas n all the persons in th e saga who possess supernatural powers it is in s t i his ca e that hese powers are the most amply descr bed . In m o e . fact, this is d ne by the dwarf hi s lf F C as . In regard to Geography ( see hapter VI ) , the rather o t n c d O f av id men io of I elan , and , when speaking Scandinavian " o S e . GarlSa c untries, prefer Norway and wed n to Denmark B a rma la nd a re b riki and j great favorites, pro ably because of their remoteness and also because O f th e legendary character

of the knowledge which the Icelanders had concerning them . n of B a rma land F h The i habitants j , and the inns, their neig bors, “ ’ m e cms n are frequently represent d as a race of sorcerers . J so cites an interesting pa rallel to the state of confusion in the mind f H S e o t of the author O G , conc rning ge graphical condi ions ,

V . ﬁnn alkn C s v . g . O d KS e v descri utsi e of G XXXVII , larg ly de oted to geographical p a D tion, there is practic lly no mention of enmark in that saga . 1' B v ecause they li ed so far away, fabrication concerning them was easy . ” 0 . . 8 p cit , p . 7 9 . 10

rba riki h Ga . especially in respect to ( see C ap VI , Geography) . Thus the author O f Om ar-Odds saga is not at all clear in his notions of the geographica l relations between Ga rba riki a nd B a rma la nd the o is s j , being under impressi n that it po sible to m now h t Sea to B h sail fro Gandvik ( the W i e ) in the altic, wit out rounding the north O f Norway and sailing along the entire o n o o west coast of that c u try . J nss n adds that it is probably the geographical proximity of th ese two countries that pro duced the impression that th e body O f water on which they rb riki B rm l d m n e. Ga a a a an ct co (i . , and j ) lay, ust be dire ly d necte . F rom what has been said above it will be readily understood h e i th e F t c of as . why n idents are necessarily unhistorical , or at o th e so— a any rate , less hist rical than those of called historic l h F as i o t e . t sagas . That were as a rule wr tten d wn later han e o h s th hist rical sagas as already been mentioned . It h a also e t ut c o f F as b en poin ed o that the ﬁ titi us subject matter O these . is represented as more ancient than the merely historical o to material . It would be a mistake, h wever, assume that this subject matter is really ancient or drawn from folk-lore or m o h h v th e l yth , alth ugh we s all a e occasion to speak of fo k lore element when we come to discuss th e sources and materials H h of G S ( C ap . IV) . CHAPTER II

MAN USCRI PTS OF TH E GQN cU -H ROL SSA GA

GH S Th . o e best Mss of , as well as some of less imp rtance, a re to be found in th e celebrated A rna ma gna ea n Collection at h n c o h or C o pen age . Those in that colle ti n t at are w thy of a ttention are 1 F v—1 1 6 1 2 h r . f 1 . t 8 . AM 5 fol . Vellum, s centu y 9 — 2 1 F f 1 2 . . 1 h . 6 . t AM 9c fol Paper, 7 century 9 Two frag ments 0) from th e beginning of the saga to 0g voru kappa hans hier all mykelyrkiu ; “ b) from viii asa tun norBur fra ska tna stobum to th e

end . E lfur . 8 1 00. o 3 AM 33 , Paper, about 7 Written by yj B O n ff r sson 88 . j .

. 2d end f 1 o th e . 4 AM 55 , Paper, 7th century Probably n F 1 0 b written by Olafur Gislaso . obv : from the e ginning O f the saga until var ra t a etlan manna at mobir th orms e rest lacking . 6 a— . b m 5 AM 5 7 XI . Two vellu fragments fl a 2 S 1 on . . B S ) econd half of th e 4th century . egins h ogr gelli ends : Pessir menn foru i lid med h rolfi o ff 1 b 2 th . ) . 5 century The first leaf begins with the be “ ginning of the saga as far as : hun var j a fnan ” “ : 'llr iora ek med ; the second leaf begins y g . Wil ” kon iora lSur g y .

6. 8 0 1 2 3 n 6 . AM 5 7 , Paper, writte 55 3 . f - . 1 r F 8 . f v 6 ff. 1 . 7 AM 5 9 , Paper, 5th centu y 3 3 After 1 22 1 7 , , and 3 , lacks one leaf . The saga ends now on 6 . Obv : F ra e d lSr izk f 3 , with the words g e v u after h two- a w ich the rest, ﬁlling thirds of the p ge , seems to

have been erased . 12

' 8 A M 1 e th e O f . 59 , Paper, written in second half the F 1 — f v 1 Obv . 1 7th century by Olafur Gislason . 5 O f th e The great collection of Arni Magnusson, which above th e U Mss . are a part, is now property of the niversity of L C . U openhagen The niversity ibrary also possesses, in its other collections, the following h F f 1 68—2 0 1 8t . 9 . Rask 35 . Paper, century 3 ; ends with A fftur til va lsins 1 0 2 e 1 1 8 - 1 20 N ikula s . Add . , Paper, writt n 7 7 by Einar “ 1 — 1 1 B : meO s n u son . Pp . 5 . egins in Chapter 3 y fOru neite The Ancient Royal Collection also has the following (Gam Kon eli S L C mel g g amling, Royal ibrary, openhagen) k m 1 1 1 1 l l. 00 1 S . G . . th . g 3fol . Vellum , 7 century Written by a S ins on ﬂ 2 — 8 P ll ve s , 5 4 . 2 k ml 1 1 l. . 1 006 1 G . S . h t . t . g fol Paper, 7 century Wri ten by ’ Erl n s 1 2 1 —2 1 m a son . 6 c d . J , pp 1 1 k l Sml 2 1 F f h . . . . . 8 t 3 G g 45 , Vellum, s century 39 — 0bv 54 Obv . The Modern Royal Collection has the following 1 k l ml 1 1 ff 2 v . S . 1 8 Ob 4 Ny g . . 47 fol Vellum , 7th century,

98 Obv . k l l. m 1 1 I . h c N S . 1 8 . 8t 5 y g 7 fol Paper, entury, second half,

n 1 61 . written by M . Mag ussen, pp A copy of AM 1 52 fOL 1 k l Sml 1 6 f 1 th 6 N . O 8 . y g . 74 , Paper, second half the i l v us . 1 61 . . O a century, written by T pp A copy of 8 ° AM 33 . 4 ml 1 1 1 N k l. S . 8 7 y g . 747 , Paper, second half of the th I f d t . s or . 1 8 . cen ury ; written by Th . M j pp , contain ing Variantes ad Ga ungu-Hrolfs sogu from AM 8 0 5 7 . K ’ L all s Collection, also in the Royal ibrary at Copenhagen, has the following K i 2 If l . . 1 1 8 . a 1 688 8 54 fol Paper, written . L In the National ibrary at Reykjavik, the following Mss . in

c L S n the ollection of the Icelandic iterary ociety, contai large portions of GH S

h t Lil r n h a ve been derived the version and t e no es by j eg e , l a in n in S which had a rea dy appe red pri t ( wedish, to th e o d i ns a a nd Lil e r n th e I f we add ab ve e it o of R fn j g e ,

i in F a s . 1 888 1 88 c rnin f poor repr nt , 9 , once g all o which infor mat on il n in th e s i w l be fou d the hea d , Ra n Lil e ren A m unda rs on t h a x f , j g , , respec ively, we ve e h austed H th e list of editions of G S . CHA PTER III

A SYN OPSIS OF TH E GQN GU -H ROLFSSA GA

S n s M o k horter sy opse may be found in g (pp . 848 F innur J ém s on 82 Sa abiblioth k 6 6 ( II , 4 g e ( II , 4 n th ra ea s It has bee ought well, for seve l r ons, to give here a a nd th longer more deta iled epitome of the story . In e ﬁrst n th e and place, refere ces to story will frequently be made, to explain these it will be necessary to have at hand a complete um F urth r s mary of th e contents of the chapter in question . e h H S t e . G os S more, some of Mss of the , notably th e at tock ’ z R fn F a d a s th e s . an holm, have not been utili ed in edition of , ’ are now found mentioned only in Lilj egren s Swedish tra nsla ’ S i o Lil e r n s tion . As these wedish Mss ( judgng fr m j g e trans e o n o lation) , app ar to diverge in s me i teresting p ints from the ” Mss used by Rafn ( see under F enidi in the list of Geo m in A o Lil graphical Na es the ppendix) , and as, more ver , je th e in xt t gren has divided story to si y chapters, wherea s in bo h F as h a s n t t - a i . editions it o ly hir y eight, it has been deemed dv s S d m able to add the we ish na es by way of superscription , and to affix th e Arabic numerals given by Lilj egren to the chap ters that correspond in his edition to th e Roma n numbers of x the te t editions . F a h Two series of paginations are here given for s . : t e ﬁrst, in ta h F as 1 8 0 th an i lics, is t at of . 3 , e second , plain Rom , is that ’ F as 1 88 R fn s A s . a a t of 9 ; the e rlier edition being , the lat er ’ m a r u und son s . In ea ch case it is the third vol me that is L l r h i l meant . It will be seen that i j eg en breaks up t e origna i h chapters nto t ree or four where th ey are too long. — — K un rkla . 2 6 2 0 1 6 1 n R i h H a d . o e v d oc I 3 4 , 4 47 g gg hans r i H61 r6 riki nad 1 . H eggv is was the king of mga a ; the saga x In i rlS e pressly disclaims any knowledge of his wife . gge was a his daughter, the most be utiful of maidens, with long yellow Dulcifa l hair . The king had caught his horse in the neigh 15 1 6

borh ood th e h h Ga rb a riki. of river Dyna, whic flows throug F or seven yea rs he h a s harried the peoples in th e neighborhood h im of this river, returning home after all have given up for Th an dead . e horse refuses to be ridden in battle by y one ’ H re vifi s who is not victorious, nor will gg lance and shield, when struck together, give forth any sound, unless victory is assured . - - 2 1 Konu B rserka r 2 . . 2 0 2 1 8 . n e II 4 4 , 47 4 g Erik och hans E - streka la nd S th e rik, a sea king, rules Ge in weden , inhabitants lSa of which are of great strength and stature . His sister Gy F is very beautiful . our of his knights are of particular value h rk r and Br n élfr a s: to him in warfare : t e brothers SQ ve y j , p r H l ss rsk lli - Grimr B h l e eyj a a and his foster brother . ot the atter r' m h r . f 6 5 é ot e o r. have been brought up by Gr a , a volva, the p ’ o - Grim s m ther must have been a sea woman, as he is eq ually ta a at home on water and on land . It is also s ted that he e ts the flesh and drinks the blood of both men and beasts . —2 - R i 2 2 8 1 . Konun a rn . 8 1 e e v ds III 4 4 , 4 53 g gg och Eriks K h P rin s In e ar in strid 3, o ung Erik och ses en g g d 4. Erik ’ H r viifi vades egg s land . The latter goes forth to meet him , although D ulcifa l refuses to be ridden by him and other un fa vor bl H r io and a e omens are observed . eggv is slain his army I i . t n erB put to flight His daugh er gg , when asked by Erik ca n c whether he onfer any favor on her, requests to be allowed ’ to rule one fourth of her father s kingdom for three years, rk r each year picking a man to do single combat with So ve . ’ In i If the latter shall ever be defeated by ggerfi s champion, c H re vifi the forces of Erik are to leave the ountry . gg , as In i erlS ‘ gg also stipulates, is buried in a strong mound, over to which Erik, the victor, causes powerful charms be spoken, ’ H re vili s h to prevent anyone but the wearer of gg armor, whic S rkver is buried with him, from defeating o . 2 —2 1 — u k m ur u 8 1 . h ar l . S a 1 Ga e o st . IV 4 5 , 53 55 g Rolfs 5 t g H rin ariki the strong, who rules over g in Norway, and his wife A sa : R nva ld F ralSma r H rélf have four sons og , , Erik, . The last t is so heavy hat his horse cannot ca rry him a whole day . He l u is on bad terms with his father Stur a g and his brothers . F h inally, when told one day by his fat er to get married and 1 7

t a r and a th e not set le down , he is ng y decides to le ve place, but before he has obtained from h is mother two cloaks th at m r url u h en éfr a fos r oth e St a . V eyj , her te , made for glong ago W a ekki oss etit Sturla u r a eﬁ sér he dis ppears , er P g , at g g um burtfertl H rélfs

- 1 — fn r rk or n r 2 1 2 1 1 6. Ste e s h a omst 6. s V . 5 5 , 55 5 p g y rule l n h im Ot a nd . a J in De mark His wife is de d, but has left two : tefner is r o children S , who st ong and skilful, and p ra, who is ’ or n r s B n is very pretty . p g y councillor is j or , of whom he ’

B r In ib r . very fond. j o n is married and his wife s name is g jo g

~ - e 2 2 8 1 6 1 60. VI . 5 5 , 5 Rolf och Atle 7 , Rolfs strid med f Vikin n ol ir el va man 8 e e . , Rolf och g J g 9 Three adventures r lf F H é . and of irst, he enters an empty house is discovered Otr son by Atli ygg , the returning owner, who tries to kill him

Sturla u . in order to take revenge on g, who has outlawed him m But o . e Hr lf kills Atli Then, b ing istaken for Atli , he is F attacked by eleven men, but kills them all . inally, he is hired ’ Ol eir r by the skipper J g to se ve on the latter s ship, but in the a h Ol ir course of an alterc tion wit him , he kills J ge and is made captain by the latter’ s eighty men with whom he sails to Jot

th e or n r . land, landing near castle of p g y Jarl 2 8—2 1 60- 1 61 a nkomst Th or rim VII . 5 59 , . Rolfs till g Jarl 10 O n da or n r th e . e y, while p g y is drinking at table , door of h the c amber is opened , and in comes a tall stout man , with a o a . big spe r in his hand He declares himself to be Hr lf, the ’ Sturla u and th or n r s son of g, at he has come to p g y court in th order to learn e manners and customs of his ea rldom . or n r h im p g y receives him gladly, gives a large castle for his

h im n eighty men, and allows to share in the defence of the cou

o r t fn r try . Hr lf gets to be on very good te ms with S e e and ’ B or n r s with j orn, p g y councillor . —2 2 1 — 1 6 la r T . 2 1 S B r ka rn 6 6 . et e se r ve VIII 59 , 3 g mot e ygg

h Tr vi U lfk lsson uk nsiifiu oc Wase 1 1 . ygg el of B a in Skotla nd and his fosterb roth er Vazi come to Denmark in order to avenge h h h r n r r t e t t o . or n death of eir fa er on p g y , his slayer p g y o St fn r being old, puts Hr l f and e e in charge of th e ten ships ’ Tr i v s . o of his fleet, which attack the twelve of ygg fleet Hr lf and Stefner board the huge dragon ship of Tryggvi and Vazi 3 1 8

’

S . and capture it, besides inking six of the enemy s ships

Tryggvi jumps overboard and is drowned . 2 - — K 1 2 . 2 2 1 6 1 66 IX 6 66, 3 . Rafn och rake . Two unknown H ra fn Krakr F men, and , declaring themselves to be lemish , or n r n visit p g y and beg to be his winter guests , appeali g to his

- well known hospita lity to strangers . He accepts them as his guests, but is dismayed later, at a ball game, to ﬁnd them mal t m treating his subjects, bea ing and maiming the in the course o t fn r of the game . Hr lf and S e e are called to play against the H ra fn unwelcome guests . When breaks the neck of one of or n r the players in this game , p g y orders him to be taken and But a o H ra fn fn r killed . fter Hr lf has subdued and Ste e has Kraki th e captured , it is decided to pardon them on ground of their evidently noble origin . They show very little grati tude , departing without a word of thanks . 6 -2 1 —1 6 Th r rim a rl ft 1 n . 2 l 6 6 66 . o O e . e X 7 , 7 g j 3 autumn ’ or n r day, when p g y is sitting by his wife s funeral mound, a n swallow ﬂies over him , dropping a silk handkerchief contai

. to ing a long silken hair In the evening, those whom the hair or n r is shown declare it to be that of a woman , and p g y vows r that he will either mar y her to whom the hair belongs, or die

in . or n r the attempt A few days later, when p g y , in a general a ssembly, asks to whom this hair may belong, he is informed B t H re vio th e by jorn, his councillor, of the fa e of gg and of ’ H re viO s In i eriﬁ B long hair of gg daughter g g , to whom j orn is sure this hair belongs . — — 26 268 1 6 1 68 . erb uder Si a XI . 7 , 7 Rolf j g resa till G rda B r 1 . O n or n rike 4 receiving this information from j orn , p g y promises the hand of his daughter p6ra to him who will defeat rk r In i ro n So ve and bring back gge to De mark . None of the o men volunteer, until Hr lf declares that , in return for the x or n r e cellent treatment he has received at the hands of p g y , : he will try to do it only, as he has no desire to marry, he will not hold the jarl to his promise as to the disposition of his ’ o ff daughter s hand . The jarl thanks Hr lf and o ers him as o large a following as he may desire, but as Hr lf prefers to go

o a alone , the assembly is dismissed, Hr lf going back to his c stle

and the rest to their homes . 1 9

— — ff r vekfull 1 . XII 268 2 0 1 68 1 6 . tra a S . 7 , 9 Rolf Wilhelm 5 A o k short time after, Hr lf steps out unnoticed, with his cloa 1 1 V éfre una ut A tla na ut yj , his spear , a bow and a quiver of r o men a rows . S me distance out from Denmark ( it is not tion d e in what direction) , he meets a man who calls himself V ilh jalm and who proposes th ese alternatives to him : either H o Vilh élm r lf is to inform j of his name, destination and lh a m o Vi l . bject, or j will kill him Not satisfied with this c o Vilh alm hoice, Hr lf decides to fight and is victorious over j , whose life he spares on condition, however, that he is to f o r o ollow Hr lf as a se vant, although Hr lf does not quite trust Vilh alm Ga rfia riki h is deceitful eyes . j is also bound for , ’ where he intends to open H reggvib s tomb and thus to win the ’ hand of Erik s sister Gyba . - — 1 m 2 2 1 6 1 . e kf l 6 . . 2 0 Sve u l 1 XIII 7 7 , 9 7 Wilh l binder Rolf o f They arrive one day at a dwelling owned by Olvi , a friend ilh almr ec e V j , who r eives th m well and invites them to drink

t . o e m wi h him As the evening wears on , Hr lf becom s ore and

o e e more int xicated and goes to bed, falling asle p imm diately . He awakens during the night to find himself tied to a post and Vilh alm n surrounded by j a d his friends . A great fire is bum ’ r Vilh alm a o ing in f ont of him, in which j thre tens to r ast him Ga rlSa riki Vilh alm com unless he will go to with j , and ac plish ’ for him the opening of H reggvib s tomb and any other deeds e Vilh élm fia that may be n cessary in order that j may win Gy . o no to b Hr lf has choice but submit, and they go ( y what road i r to A lde ubo K . is not stated) , gj g, where ing Erik receives them 2 2— 2 — 2 k m 1 . 1 1 1 . A n sten rd r k o Ga a i e . XIV 7 73, 7 7 till 7 King Erik is just Sitting at table : when he asks th e visitors wh o ma Vilh alm s: they y be , j answers thu My name is ilh almr f V H rél r . j and this is my servant , who is with me I F risla nd i am the son of an earl in , from which I am a fug tive , ” th e me as land was taken away from by my own subjects . The king questions Vilh jalm as to his knightly accomplish ’ e ea r o s m nts, and h rs a ve y b a tful account of the latter s feats of o . bo prowess He turns to Hr lf and asks him a ut his Skill , o c th e e but Hr lf, in ac ordance with agreement b tween him and

1 A n n a u tr V object is called the of the person from whom it comes, C . 20

n h S rkver Vilh . j alm , disclaims all k ig tly accomplishments o and B r élfr a ynj are not at home , being aw y on a trip to Jotunheim ms t rimr . e wi h G aegir Erik, it se , has enjoyed a very peaceful r time since h is conquest o f Ga rﬁa iki. —2 1 2—1 6 Konun illkorli a 2 8 . t v XV . 73 7 , 7 7 g Eriks Jag ock g 1 Vilh a lms t 1 8 . lofte , Rolfs och j jag 9 Erik and his men have unsuccess fully pursued a hart that th e king very much desired Vilh alm to own , and j is asked to make good his boasts by

’ ‘ la h i e . capturing th e animal . Erik s sister Gy S is to be s r ward H rélf th e l He accordingly sets out with , but the latter is on y n o o e who dares continue the journey . Hr lf comes to a clear o o out e ing in the wo ds , in which there is a h use ; of it com s a w s t a th e r oman , who inform him hat she will m ke ha t his if he e will come in and touch her daughter , who is at pr sent in great sh e b c sh e pain , as is unable to ring forth a hild unless is m n s touched by th e hand o f a a . Hrolf complie with her

' e s h im a t t e r quest, and she give the h r , og ther with the ring a lfkonuna ut out w h as , which will help him of any place hen he h e Vilh alm lost his way . With the hart rejoins j , who takes ’ th e c e n all the credit for aptur , but owi g to Erik s suspicion that o h a s e k it is Hr lf who performed this de d , Eri demands that ’ Vilh jalm shall obtain H reggvib s armor before he will grant h im nd of h is G ‘lSa the ha sister y . — — 2 28 1 6 1 80. Re i . v 20 . XVI 79 4, 7 Rolfs fard till gg ds Hog ’ O n H re vilSs o Vilh alm their way to gg mound, Hr lf and j meet m o s e t e e th e with an awful stor , which Hr lf usp c s to hav be n cause o f the death of all those who have ventured on this r o f t er and before, for none hem have ever returned . Hrolf alone scales th e high pa ling which surrounds th e enormous o h a o f m und , and sees wit in a hum n ﬁgure royal appearance , ’ H re viiﬁs s is t gg ghost . The gho t denies that he o blame for r v ri the recent storm and attributes it to So k er and G mr aegir. He recognizes that Hrolf is the only man who ca n free his t e s o f o daughter ; he herefore gives him two s t arm r , only one ilh alm H r ils of which is to be given to V j . eggv further de clares that it was he who appeared to porgnyr in th e form of a o n t c to o . swallow, in order o ause Hr lf set out this journey ’ on Vilh alm s Erik , their return, is still incredulous as to j

prowess .

th e . c as she passes along lines Erik , instin tively fearing m o vi e In i erO o se trouble fro Hr lf , ad s s gg to ch o a more illus B ut sh e e s st s o trions champion . p r i s and take Hr lf home with o h im a s a n e . n her , treating honored gu st Next mor ing, Hr lf ’ H r ilﬁs a D ulcifa l o not puts on eggv rmor and mounts , who d es

s s e s o e o e resi t ; la nce and hi ld , truck t g ther , also pr duc the sounds that foretell victory . — — Sorkvers tom erin 26 2 2 6 1 88 1 0. XXI . 95 9 , 9 Rolfs och g In th e conﬂict Sorkver loses h is shield a nd Hrolf kills him in o s the third tilt by throwing him int a pit , thu breaking his

h is to o a t neck . Erik orders men kill Hr lf once , but mounted

n D ul ifa l wh o e s men a o c , br athes fire and bite to de th , he fights ’ fi e o s . In i er s his way to afety At gg castl , both she and Hr lf Dulcifa l e a e b mount , taking with th m two l rg oxes , in which are her jewels . —2 1 —1 1 s forebraelser a f Konun 2 6 8 0 . e XXII . 9 9 , 9 9 Wilh lm g ilh alm 2 . V Erik 7 Erik upbraids j roundly for his deception , ’ whereupon the latter offers to bring back H rélfs head before

s s G Oa a nd e s he is to have ﬁnal pos es ion of y , s t out armed and mounted . — — D . 2 8 02 1 1 1 . ver en o XXIII 9 3 , 9 94 g Mondul k mmer till Th o r f r or rim 28 B o ad i va e 2 . g Jarl , M ndul och j rn g 9 Mean e in m or n r one whil , Den ark , p g y , on of his journeys, meets the dwarf Mondull whom he takes into h is service and with whom e B a r n r h e becom s very intimate . jorn w rns po g y against giving too much attention to Mondull and thereby neglecting his ’ s e ne da e In a . O ib r B duties a rul r y, wh n g jo g, j orn s wife , is at o e a e M ndull s a s h er h m lon , o vi its her and spe k slightingly of i r b . In b hus and In resentment, g jo g strikes him . To avenge M ndull m s a B himself, o ake it ppear that j orn has stolen a e or n r e M n valuable b lt from p g y , a pres nt to the latter from o u s e B d ll . Seven night are grant d to jorn within which to prove his innocence . 2— 1 — 1 forl . 0 06 . o ora r fotter 0 . XXIV 3 3 , 94 97 R lf sina 3 o In i erll a Ga r'Ba riki on d v Hr lf and gg , riding aw y from , e a notice a ma n riding a fter them quickly ; he turns out to be Vilh alm e o j , who falls down on his kne s before Hr lf , saying he ’ ee ea o has b n tr ted badly by the king, and imploring Hr lf s 23

’ ' l Vilh a m s . pardon . Ingigerll does not approve of sparing j life ’ Bu o e s Dulcifa l s t Hr lf does spar him , in pite of displeasure, o to Vilh alm . evinced by a desire bite j At night , Hr lf and V h IngigerO lie in bed with a na ked sword between them . il a o h r c s c j lm pricks Hr lf wit a sleep tho n , whi h remain sti king ilh alm s Dulcifa l . V in the flesh In the morning, j trie to saddle , In i er'll i k o Vilh n . who resists, and gg in vai tr es to wa en Hr lf ’ ja lm cuts off Hrolf s feet and compels Ingigerfi to accompany ki or n r o Ga rfia ri . him to Jarl p g y , as he has no mind to g back to Vilh alm c m Dulcifa l j annot ount , nor will the latter permit him ’ o or n r s n to approach Hr lf . When they reach p g y cou try, he t Vilh alm greets hem cordially, and j gives him a false account ’ ’ o s o of Hr lf s doing , saying that Hr lf has been killed at Erik s o ’ command . He also pretends to have fought on Hr lf s side th e f In i rll o or n r with object o bringing gge h me to p g y , and now ’ or n r 6ra On recomm n demands p g y s sister p as his bride . the e

In i erb dd st o . dation of gg , their we ing is po poned for a m nth ’ Vilh jalm s objection to this arrangement stirs up ill feeling ’ fn r In i rlS e in between him and Ste e . gge preserv s Hrolf s feet m herbs that prevent the from dying . - — e f r . 6 1 0 1 200 a r o 0 . t i f tter 1 XXV 3 3 , 97 Rolf sina 3 . Dul cifa l o on r , by rolling Hr lf over the g ound , causes the sleep thorn to drop out and Hrolf wakes and notices that his feet are to gone . He applies a gem stop the pain and crawls onto the f Diilcifa l wh o s h im back o , lies down for the purpo e , and rides B ’ to jorn s house . Here he leaves him outside and goes in and ’

e r e . B Orn s s ttles down in a chair in a dark co n r He sees j wife ,

e ﬁre M ndull blu and swollen , come in and light a , and then o

e B ou a n d In i b r . l ads in jorn , b nd hand and foot, kisses gg o g B o Thereupon jorn upbraids him , saying that Hr lf would not permit such indignities to be heaped on h is friend if he were M n ull s B o is e. d her o assure jorn that Hr lf dead, and that his o a re e e o . feet s v red fr m his body Hr lf leaps from his chair, bears Mondull to the ground and cries out: Know that ’ s " M ndull Hrolf s hands till live, though his feet be gone o ’ ff In ib r s s begs for mercy, o ering to cure g jo g illnes , and to put ’ Th e o e o on Hrolf s feet again . f rm r he d es by giving her a potion o f forgetfulness and applying a salve to her blue skin . 24

out H er love for Mondull vanish es at once . Then he goes and o ’ returns with a large box of salve and Hr lf s feet , which he h e se H rolf puts in pla ce after applying the salve . Then ts s e near th e ﬁre to bake his leg for three days, aft r which they M ndull o H rolf in se are as supple as ever . o pr mises to help ca a rﬁa riki he should go to G . - 1 — 1 B o a nkomst 1 0 2 200 20 . o XXVI . 3 3 , R lfs och j rns till 2 B r o to Jarlen 3 . Although jo n is afraid to accompany Hr lf or n r x o o p g y ne t m rning, Hr lf reassures him and they appear

o s e . together at the table, where Hr lf at ﬁr t is not r cognized B ut B n d and ma n jor is recognize at once, one throws a huge ox- s o ei c bone at him . Thi Hr lf s zes in its ﬂight and hurls ba k, ’ h im piercing the assailant s breast and pinning to the wall . a no t efn r s Then he m kes himself k wn o St e . When he learn Vilh alm s th a n that j is present , he suggest to him at he give

account of his life, as he will probably not live to enjoy it much e long r . 20 1 —20 lefn dsh a n ls . a de r XXVII . 4 Wilhelms e 33, O i m Svekfulls a nda l kt Tilrustnin fOr a t W lhel y 34, g t get ill Gar m . Vilh al s own darike 35 j relate how , after a quarrel with his b u i father he urnt down the ho se with all ts occupants . After s one s living on the ame spot for a while , he was day vi ited by Grimr n a man calling himself , whom he ow believes to have Grimr Off t h been aegir , who ered him strengh and fame if e u d H rélf h r riki an a ba . wo ld set out kill , t en on his way to G a s In i rls Then he w to marry gge . And he confesses that it wa s i o t out e c his ntenti n o carry thes suggestions . He loses his account with a plea for mercy ; then his fate is decided and o h h . c n he is hanged Hr lf t en tells his tale, w i h gai s him th e e In i erli a o r spect of all present . gg , lthough glad t see him t a rfia riki again , suggests that they all sail o G and avenge her n ll U father o a his enemies . ntil this be done she cannot m is t H rélf arry . The marriage o take place on the return of St fner wh a re o f and e , o placed in charge the army and of the th a rlSa riki fleet that is to convey em to G . 1 - - i . 1 2 2 l r ke 0 0 . s se ats t rda XXVIII 3 5 3 9 , 4 7 Rolf g ill Ga On ls O i i h e M n ll 6 M du F rs t . On du s d i 3 , g g t 37 o a v ce the one a of hundred ships of their fleet are f stened together, and Hr l 25

h l k nu ut th t th e o a o na . is placed in e ﬁrs s ip, as he is p ssessor of f o a M ndull A S s on as a f vorable wind arises, they set sail, o sitting in th e stern of th e last ship . Some of the men think Mondull a coward who is afraid to stay with Hrolf and help defend h im ; so th ey loosen their ship and attempt to advance ’ t o a id th e and o Hr lf s , but ey are driven back by a hostil wind

t m s . hen swa ped by a huge whale, thus lo ing all on board They sail into th e mouth of the Dyna and obta in more recruits . At ’ M ndull s co a o mm nd they pitch their tents end to end, and he - covers all the tents with a black tent cloth of silk . Thus they are secure against the awful storm which rages for three nights

is . against their tents , except one man , who killed According to Mondull it was Grimr aegir who appeared as a whale and i to a to wrecked the r ship , but he was not able adv nce the other ” ships on account of the kefli 2 th at Mondull kept trailing out b M ndull H rélf efner o . St ehind the last ship o , and g out to men M ndul s find the twelve who, as o l declare , were sent to e soils a o a nd i h pr pare a ag inst Hr lf Ste ner . T ey find them and M ndull th e s oils o causes to work against its originators , as a h al r M ndull result of w ich the latter l perish . It is ag eed that o no to ta th e a is t ke part in appro ching battle, as he is not much f o a warrior . — — 1 2 1 2o 2 8 . Th r rim i . 0 o Tr 8 . v XXIX 3 9 3 , 7 g Jarls fall 3 ygg , Otla nd knowing that J is now defenceless , attacks the country , or n r B which is in charge of p g y and his councillor j orn . The r a so i l former is killed, to the g e t rrow of Wn and of a l the Tr i people, but the country is delivered and yggv killed by an r a a my which has l nded from three unknown ships, and which two is led by cowled warriors, who depart without waiting for th anks .

— - . 2 1 2 6 20 2 2 l e 8 1 . S a t G r rik XXX 3 3 , g forsta dagen i a da e SturlO ank m t r rik s o s Ga da e 0. 39 , g till 4 This chapter gives th e th e an account of ﬁrst day of battle, at the end of which ’ Sturla u sta rfsama g and his son Erik, Hrolf s father and 8 brother, arrive to help him.

’ S e V k e . C s v . eﬂi. C c l hapters XXX, XXXI , and XXXIII are not given more lose y, as they are full of incidents of the battle that have little bearing on th e narrative proper . 26

— — kri h a ndelser 1 2 6 2 1 2 2 1 . da ens s XXXI . 3 333 , 7 Andra g g 4 ,

SturlO och Th ord 2 Sla ets t . g 4 , g slu 43 The second day of i the battle is descr bed in this chapter , in the course of which ’ r Stu la ug and Hrolf s brother Erik are killed . - - R ids 2 1 2 20 . e v XXXII . 333 337 , 7 Rolfs andra resa til gg

Stefner S Sla ets tillrustnin a r . O n hog 43, Rolf och 44 , ista g g 45 ’ o the eve of the third day s battle , Hr lf , whose army has ’ H re vitSs dwindled to two thousand men , takes a trip to gg H re vils Stefner mound to get advice . He is told by gg that also ’ H r vib s H re vib desires the hand of egg daughter , but that gg - in- H rélf prefers to have Hrolf as a son law . is presented Stefner to with two vessels , from one of which he and are ff drink together . Its contents will have the twofold e ect of supplying both of them with new strength for the continua ’ Stefner s tion of the ﬁght, and of weakening attachment for

In i erb o . gg , so that he will favor her marriage to Hr lf The th e other vessel is for army , and is to give them fresh vigor ff H r vili too . The e ect of these two potions is as egg has pre ’ dicted . Preparations are made for the next day s ﬁght . ‘ - - M l D r . 22 2 2 On u v 6 0 . d e XXXIII 337 34 , 7 g och Grim A 6 tvanne fOrkladde kam a rnes Konun ger 4 , De p strid 47 , g A K e 8 ri ts 0. Eriks fall 4 , Rolfs och Grim gers kamp 49 , g slut 5 ’ The odds in Erik s favor are six to one, as his army is six ’ i ’ ff times as numerous as Hrolf s . Gr m s discharge of a su o cating vapor against the opposing army redounds to his own M ndull disadvantage when o , by means of a bellows, blows it ’ back into the faces of Erik s men , causing great confusion “ among them . The two cowled men come from the sea to

. O ne n help them of them kills Erik, but the other is slai by n élf fn r rimr i r . B r Ste e G G im y j is killed by , while aegr suc cumbs m n ff M ndull o to the co bi ed e orts of o and Hr lf , who as a consequence , win the battle . - 2 -22 i ti 6 2 . n 1 XXXIV . 34 349, 7 9 Rolfs g i borgen 5 , De l h n n 2 fn mk m s a nes O siitt i Ste ers h e o st . g g g 5 , Rolfs och 53 The cowled ma n discloses himself to be H ra fn a nd says that his ‘ k in Kra i. n companion , killed battle , was The i habitants of

‘ u t t The longest chapter of the saga, and f ll of episodes of the bat le tha do not contribute to the progress of the narrative . im nn Gr um e . , see XXIX above 27 th e borg ( A ldeigj uborg) are delighted to hear th at Hrolf w s h o In i erﬁ m n i es to rest re to gg her do i ions, and they straight

wa y put themselves under his rule . Three mounds are raised in o ne e Sturla u sta rfsa ma h Kraki is plac d g , together wit and th h e best leaders of t e invading army ; in another, Erik, B r n élf om th e Grimr y j , p , and their chief men ; in last, aegir n o Stefner a n d all the common men that have falle . Hr lf and

w i n A rés. th the rest of the army return to De mark , landing at I r s n n gige t tha ks them for th eir work . — —2 R f H r f l r . n 1 22 0. n h a n e se a . a s d XXXV 349 35 , 9 3 54 r in i eveals himself his true character as Harald, son of a k ng H r f n in a t eir . a n England, J g by name has been drive out of k th H einre . s e country by the usurper , who now rules He ask ’ H rolf and Stefner to help him regain his father s kingdom . T h his help is gladly given , and a ﬂeet of t irty ships sails to E n L i ind se . ngland , la ding at y — —2 K n 1 2 0 . o un XXXVI . 35 35 7 , 3 35 g Erik i England 55 , 6 i rfér S riden te . t i England 5 , Harald sin faders rike 57 In H einrek a nd spite of the trickery of his adviser Annis , who cause a second army to fall upon Hrolf’ s Danes after his forces have been made tired by the ﬁght according to the rules o mutually agreed upon , Hr lf and Harald are victorious and ’ r k H ein e is killed . Harald regains his father s kingdom and is

very grateful to his allies . “ — - F . 1 2 2 o r r l 6 8 . sterb ode na s B rol o 8 XXXVII 35 7 3 , 35 3 p 5 , B skrifnin m fner n e g ofver England och Dan ark 59 . Ste falls i ’ A lfh ild o love with Harald s sister , and with Hr lf they all sail

back to Denmark on a commercial venture . There a triple

: o m In i erlS St fner wedding takes place Hr lf is arried to gg , e to A lfh ild Or a or n r. S , and Harald to D , daughter of Jarl p g y tef Otla nd ner becomes Jarl of J . " 62 —2 ﬁt l n r . t i a 60. H r lf n XXXVII 3 39 . Rolfs g é a d Ingigerli go to H OImga rlS and the former is made king of all

Ga rBa riki. n The ames of his children are given , and some th e efner account is added to later history of St and Harald .

With a long plea for credence the saga ends .

Chapter XXXVII is a compendium of geographical and cultural infor B mation that does not permit of condensation . oth its geographical and

c 2 2 . ultural phases will be found treated, however, on pp . 7 and 4 CHAPTER IV

SOURCES A N D MATERIALS OF TH E GoN oU -HROLFS SA GA

It will not be difﬁcult to ascertain those elements of GH S

t F as . h that it possesses in common with o her , and whic have

a C . been described, in their gener l outlines, in hapter I It will diﬂicult be much more , on the other hand, to point out actual th e borrowings from other sagas , or from continental romances of chiva lry that were imita ted so assiduously in the north . o The b rrowings , however , that lend themselves most readily to distinct investigation, are the crude cases in which a passage has been taken over bodily or has been changed but slightly . O f this we h ave but one good exa mple in GH S : it is the excerpt on the Geography of Denmark that is treated in our Ch a apter VI , and which is given in Appendix II in par llel columns with the original from wh ich it is taken . As this fa lls more speciﬁca lly under the question as to the origin of ’ r the author s geog aphical knowledge, no further mention of this interesting passage will be made here, beyond the state ment that the excerpt differs from a number of other passages t about to be considered, in hat the author, in connection with

s h is it, never once takes the trouble to mention the ource of Kn lin a a t as . information , which in this case, of course , is the y g g a h We shall ﬁrst t ke up the instances in whic , to show his t erudition or to gain credence, the au hor mentions the titles of real sagas , which he alleges to be authorities for sta tements made by him . It is unfortunate that even in these simple cases of borrowing, the Mss should disagree as to the saga a from which the information is derived, or that n mes once reported to exist in some M S or other are never met with in

a . Y et ﬁ any ext nt Ms such is the state of the case . Suf ce it to say, before the individual references are considered , that the various Mss mention either by name, or implicitly (and what is meant by implicitly will appear presently) , the following 28

GH S death, cannot be taken as a proof that the author of did ' not know S turlSS it might on the other hand be regarded a s a proof that our author was so well acquainted with S turlSS ’ as to have drawn the implication of Sturla ugs peaceful death ’ ’ from the earlier saga s statement that Sturla ugs sons ruled ’ after him . Possibly the manner of the latter s end is not dwelt on in S turlSS because it accords but poorly with the r CH S material of a heroic saga . Othe contradictions between S turlSS and , that may be noted , but which at most prove that a copy of S turlSS was not constantly referred to during the CH S : Sturla u H rin a riki composition of , are g is made king of g GH S in Norway in , whereas in the original work he had been H S SturlSS left as king of Sweden ( G IV, XXVIII ) ; also , GB S refers to the bison ’ s horn as having been obtained by Sturla u CH S g in Ireland ( IV) , the sole reference to that GH S S turlSS country in , while throughout the country in which Sturla ug obtained the horn is understood to be Bj a rma land . Two of the nine sagas mentioned above as being either di r ctl GB S e y or indirectly claimed by as sources , are given by M two authorities as occurring in one and the sa me S . Thus ” Lil e ren India la ndi S j g adds , after the word , in his wedish translation of an original that corresponds to Chap . XVII of our saga : sasom i N iﬂunga saga beratta s The Ms from which Lilj egren translated was probably one S ‘ of those in the library at tockholm , for he distinctly expresses his regret, in the preface to his ﬁrst volume, that circumstances have prevented him from visiting foreign libraries to use the Mss he knew they possessed ; at any rate there is no such refer F i ence in either of the printed editions of a s . Another saga s GB S mentioned in the same passage in XVII , but only in one

Ms, and that apparently an inaccessible one . The saga is not ’ a extant, but to j udge by the following p ssage from Mueller s it would appear to be a H j abningas aga T rfa u S 8 Sa a en a n f rer o e s f¢ier til , ( eries 4 3) at g o som H i mm l h rfor H i dnin rnes S Omendski ndt e e e a ge aga . o nu dette

‘ ’ l B l r n r Li e ren I 6 Li e e s . j g , , 7 ; see ibliography for j g t anslation ‘ Mss 1 S e S . . . e list of tockholm , p 3 l’ ‘ 8 Sa biblioth ek . . . ga II , p 5 7 31 ikke ﬁndes i vore H aa ndskrifterof Gange Hrolfs Saga ( Suh ms r 2 202 ma a e sta a et H aa nd k itiske Hist . D . S . ) det have i

skriftet n ia ti e Torfa eus bru te. , den saa o g g g It is possible , H a tlnin as a a x after all , that a j g g may have e isted at one time ,, a a and perhaps even under that n me, although a version ext nt at the present time of the great Hj a tSninga ﬁght is referred to ‘ in the sa me passage in GB S XVII . This version is now P H eliinss a a 0k H na a s . known as g og , and is printed in as ' rl t S o a pa tr. A few references to H eBinsey are given in the alphabetical C S rla list of geographical na mes (App . III ) ; hapter VI of o a F b ttr ( as . vol . I ) has nothing to say concerning any island ; lSin . H e se e s o the wording of the passage cited 5 v . y se ms to indicate that the author does not derive his information from

a . a nother saga, but has it from hearsay Incident lly , it is inter esting to note that the India la nd of GH S must correspond to “ the Serkland of S orla pattr fl The reference to meista ri Ga lteru s i Alexandri sogu etlr Umeris skald i TrOJumanna ” 8 sogu , found (with this wording) in only one version , is evi dentl y an interpolation, and proves nothing more than that the ’ interpolator knew the na mes of those two works . References to Olafssa ga Tryggvas ona r are found in only P C as . one Ms , termed by Rafn in his classification in III, Introduction in , and there they occur in a passage which is i ’ tended to be introductory , and which in Ra n s edition is printed as a long foot-note ; but in the 1 889 edition of A s mund rson a it appears in small type as a sort of preface ( III , 1 45 O f GH S the nine sagas cited in , there now remains for con r r r n r sideration only the H émunda s aga G eipss o a . The refer GH S ence to this saga occurs almost at the end of , in the last in Yn varssa a chapter ( XXXVIII ) . As the case of the g g vi rla C H rémundars a a l o in hapter I , the g is also not explicitly ut b mentioned by name . B only this saga can e meant by the : H rémundr Grei sson veitti Olafi words p , sem segir i sogu

A F or . 9 . . H Bins e e . the text of this passage, see pp III of this work, v y A S e K . e also the passage from eyser referred to in pp III . l' F a s . 1 8 0 . 1 0 . 3 , III , p 3 , and notes H G S XXV. 32

h h h H a ve ans . There is little doubt th at t e aut or of G S must h known a version of the H rémundarsaga Greipssona r th at is l 1 6 l F . 88 b al h as vo . su stantia ly identic with t at given in , II ( , 2 H pp . 3 5 The few persons named in G S XXXVIII H ram S a h Grei . occur also in . . p in the s me relations to eac h H other and with t e same na mes as in G S . So much for the nine sagas either explicitly or iIn plicitly H Kn tlin asa a referred to in G S . To these we add the y g g , th e mentioned at beginning of this chapter, as the source of the information conta ined in GH S concerning England and th e Denmark . These ten saga s are only ones of wh ich we may H S assert that either the original author of G , or some later r w . C h o interpolator, had direct info mation orrespondences , i ever, may be noted from t me to time, and their discussion will a h be t ken up in the remainder of t is chapter , which treats of sources not found in saga literature . The most that can be said for any of th e preceding attempts s to assign the material to possible or probable ources, is that ff it explains , or o ers to explain, the origin of some single pas r H F a r i sage o trait in G S . more interesting and important s a classification of the material of the saga with regard to the u attitude ass med towards it by the compiler or author, in other words , with respect to the literary obj ects pursued in this style of composition . Before considering the subj ect of - s H character delineation and social conditions a found in G S, a study in outline of the popular state of mind that was F as responsible for the production of the . may be desirable . In the first chapter (on the genera l characteristics of the F a s . ) it was stated that there probably existed from the earliest Old L days of Norse iterature , and parallel with the more con ventiona l family sagas , a kind of saga in which the imagination as such ca me into its own ; in which a dry rehearsal of genoa fi of logical feats of prowess , often rendered more dif cult com

- prehension by over emphasis of purely local laws and customs , gave way to a simpler outline of story, in which the accidents e as of time and plac were as far possible eliminated, and in which were presented events of elemental character in typical

forms, lacking for the most part the high degree of individuali 33 za tion that seems to be attainable in literature only by calling attention to special idiosyncrasies . That the latter type of t saga mus be more comprehensible to future ages , goes without

. But saying the absence of intimate personal touches , which ff r results from the e ort to write in the g and style, is bound to CH be felt as a defect . The reader of S cannot help but feel w ra riﬁed that he has been d elling in an exceedingly atmosphere , and the general impression gained from the following analysis f “ o contents will probably be, that the characters and their 1 1 F deeds have but little individuality . irst we shall attempt to Show that this negative impression is in part due to one of the ’ compiler s literary intentions that ma kes itself felt only in a nega tive manner . The absolute omission of any reference to Christianity is no doubt partly responsible for the impression GH S gives us of i r hang ng in the air, of having no solid g ound to stand on . And it must be plain to the reader why the author has made no such reference . The remoteness of the story in time , its a prehistoric gl mor, is of course vastly enhanced by such omis But C sion . if, in place of hristianity , some other system of ethical conduct, with its outward manifestations , were in evi

r . dence, the sto y would have gained much in tangibility The difﬁculty about GH S is that it is shot through and through C with hristian practices , but that there is no peg on which to e hang th m , j ust as it is likewise true that the story is full of superstitious remnants of the paga n past for which no unify ing rule of conduct is suggested . There can likewise be little u C do bt that the omission of all hristian elements is intentional , when we remember how carefully the passage concerning the x 1 2 geography of Denmark is e cerpted and rearranged, and yet , in striking contrast to the corresponding chapter of Knytlinga sa a r g , all info mation concerning the number of churches is carefully withh eld .

Reference to Chapter III (Synopsis) will assist in understanding the a an lysis . n But this is a characteristic of genuinely heroic as well as of pseudo H l nl n M l l rl h K lt s a . e de ebe itte a te ic e u uri heroic writing ; see V ld Vedel, ( l L 1 1 0 2 dea e z . et . , I) , eip ig 9 , p 4 passim 1’ S ee p . 74 f. 4 34

The conventional character types are preserved with but F as GH S ff little deviation in the ., and in this respect o ers no F x . as e ception As in the other . ( and this is a trait quite distinct from the more historical family sagas) , the lower classes of society do not exist in the consciousness of the writer at all . This is a further fruitful cause of the atmosphere

- of unreality that pervades all these sagas . These low born wretches exist mainly for the purpose of furnishing to the hero and his fellow ﬁghters, an opportunity for the display e e of prowess, and when a large numb r of th m have been killed S by a strong warrior in a hort time , their mission is ended and o no further notice is ta ken of them . Thus Hr lf kills thirty of them while cutting his way through the mélée to King Erik

. h ( XVIII ) In s ort, the story is not concerned with them , but with the noble characters to whom we shall now turn our attention . H u The king in G S is not the chief character of the saga . B t a legitimate king is a formidable and honorable personage . We have only to read the description of H reggvilS to be con

- vinced . o of this He is tall , strong, far sighted, wise, a go d friend and a fierce enemy ; he has lost by death a most excellent wife, and he has the fairest daughter in all the world . An n h e active past, spent in foreig parts , is behind him , and now O n has settled down to spend the rest of his days in peace . his journeys he has acquired magic weapons and a wonderful u h horse . B t e has not always been a man of peace and h is present strong position may be due in part to profitable marauding expeditions undertaken in his early days . In fact Chapter I tells us that “ in his youth he harried much and sub dued the lands about the Dyna . He is a type of the successful m F retired sea king so co mon in the as . and no doubt taken ff from life . How di erent is the type in its earlier stage as depicted in the person of Erik, with whom we become a o q ua inted in th e next chapter ( GH S II ) " Erik is still a s akonun r j g , whose fleets are on the sea both summer and e winter ; he harries all lands ; a great, strong fighter , an activ a n leader of gigantic men , who are dangerous adversaries in y Th e quarrel, and who know something about witchcraft ( II) . 35

’ H re vill s location of his home , being not so permanent as gg , is not directly given : we learn merely that his ancestors lived in ” H i tr k l nd S . s Ges e a a , which is subject to the king of weden r eﬂicient r method of warfare , though ve y against the a my of

- H re viis . gg , is irregular and guerilla like He gives no warning ’ of his coming and the ﬁrst we hear of him is when H reggvib s subjects come and tell their king that Erik’ s men are killing the inhabitants , burning their houses and stealing their cattle . ” : dre a b ir ra ena fé o ( III p menn, brenna yn , enn , a stere typed series of phrases of rather frequent occurrence , as will B ut - i be seen below ) . even the well establ shed rulers , when a r OH they e on a campaign , have little consideration for the r " subjects of the count y that is being attacked . So Jar ’ or n r s Ga rlSa riki p g y men , on their expedition to , sail up the o Dyna and devastate b th shores , perhaps in order to obtain

food, although the main result seems to have been the obtain H er ulS b lS '5 r n u . u 5 a e i b e d ing of new recruits ( j Par bor ,

b ir ra entu fé . yn , enn , XXVIII ) Possibly their procedure may have been more humane than that of the professional sea

kings, for in connection with this incident no mention is made

of their havingmurdered the inhabitants, which seems to have

been the constant practice of the lesser adventurers . Thus the Tr vi pirate and berserker ygg and his foster brother Vazi , when n they fall upon De mark, burn houses , kill men, and steal all : ra endu b bir the cattle they can lay hands on (VIII yg , enn dr u e k ra endu fé llu natSu a 0 . p m nn , o , er Peir ) But a there is honor even mong the sea kings, and they are capable of keeping promises that are binding on their conduct ’ In i rﬁ H r ili . e e v s during long periods of time At least gg , gg

daughter, after her father is killed and the victorious Erik has e - Ga rlSa riki won d cided to become a land king in , his newly i possession, manages to conv nce Erik by means not over subtle, that it is his duty to be magnanimous and to keep his word to

a girl . And indeed , Erik leaves her unmolested for years .

Whether this is because he loves her, is not stated ; in fact, ’ ff In i erﬁ after Erik s ﬁrst declaration of a ection for gg , we hear h no more of his love for her . S e tells him that no man may

rightly be called a king if he brea ks his word to a maiden . The sea king, in the same chapter ( III) , admits the correctness of “ “ h er : VerlSi sa niﬁin r ei i orlS sin view g , he says , er g heldr ”

ii 6r 0k o a stundu ek fa . vi y , kj s somu , enn skal vei A strong sense of morality ﬁnds its ex pression in the words of the princess on this occasion, for she ends her declaration with the words : fyrr enn ek gangi na ulSig meiS nokkurum n a ek f rr veita mér braﬁa n ok n tr ma ni , p skal y heldr bana ; y

a n in f is min p e g n . O course it not certain whether her words are inspired by aversion to Erik or not . They might also be ' r r a ega ded s a result of Christian influence . The princess herself is described at the beginning of th e th e story ( I ) as the most beautiful of women , but beyond state ment that her hair is long and of golden color, nothing is said h ffii h ar of her personal appearance . Hun a sva mikit at vel a l h r lika m k fa rt lSr h a enna a o sva. e m tti y j allan , g sem gull h lmr a ( I) . The beauty of her hair must have been very ’ l or n r s great, or e se Jarl p g y imagination is easily excited , for it will be remembered that after he has seen but a single ed h strand of her hair, wrapp in a silken clot and dropped by a swallow (X) , he vows that he will have her as his wife or ’ In i rlSs tt die in the attempt. That gge beauty is made so li le of by GH S is in accord with the entire absence in this saga of the element of constant epithet . Never do we hear of the “ ” ” In i erfi e o beautiful g g , or of the brav Hr lf , or of the ” ” M n ll h ilh alm Y du t e V . et crafty o , or treacherous j all these persons have the characteristics implied by thos e a dj ec tives th , although a cursory reading of e saga may not leave a h clear impression of t e fact . -H rélf Gongu , the hero of the saga, is, as far as externals are concerned, rather definitely described ; even his mental characteristics are occasionally referred to although it would be manifestly unfair to expect any very refined psychological H probing in a work like G S . After telling about his father “ th e o : H rOlfr Sturla u sson and brothers , saga ( IV) g es on g mestr ba elSi di rlS 0k h a elS ok sva un r var manna , at g , p g , at h estr fekk borit ok vi a fnan engi hann allan dag, var hann b j at gongu ; manna var ha nn va enstr at yfirlit; ekki var hann sili blendinn vifi al lSu py .

Through out CH S the practice of sorcery is represented as m i o co mon and apparently legit mate . When s mething unusually t th e incredible is narrated, the au hor hastens to reassure ' : N u O m nnum slikir h lutir Otrule ir rea der p tt o Pyki g , P veriSr a t 96 h verr se a h eﬁr sét elSa h e rt p 1 at gj , er hann y r i ( XXV) . It is the fear of sorce y that enables Erik to reta n Ga r'Ba riki h a s : h possession of , once he secured it var ann a fnan k rrsa eti silSa n a Ga r'Ba riki vi ﬂestir j i y , h nn kom i , b voru Ofu ir b a a eirra met" s at erja hans riki , s kir kappa P er honum r einka nle a a ldrs 0k lk n is i s vo u , g sakir g fjo y g Gr m aegis

( XIV) . O f all the warriors in the story wh o are acquainted with Grimr magic , and they are many, the most accomplished is a e ir aegir, whose nickname is probably derived from g , the

- sea because of the fact that h is mother was a sea monster .

At least, some men believed this because he was able to walk h e both on land and on water . Moreover, we are told that ate raw mea t and drank the blood both of men and beasts . Not the least of h is accomplishments was his ability to assume t any shape he pleased, and wi h such rapidity that the change c rimr i ould hardly be followed ( II ) . G aeg r is the only man (if this term may be used of so dreadful a creature) who suc ceeds at any time in the course of the story in dulling th e H re vilSa rna ut edge of gg by magic , which the sorcerer Annis u later (XXXVI ) fails to do, although he does succeed in d ll ing all the other swords in the Danish army : Danir u rlSu Pess a va rir eim ei i vo nin étt h u u a br tt , at P bitu g p , p Peir j gg pr tt til , ei i h lifa r f rir ok berlSi melS sem g voru y , var lika sem Peir lurkum H re vilSa rna utr i b r i h a ffii , utan gg beit, sem vatn yn k i f a ri a t o en nn de t et fi G mr va. p g y g utan aegir, s at menn vissi mi B u til Pess da e . t the power to dull the edges of swords did not belong to Grim alone ; we are told that the S rkver B r n élf brothers o and y j , also in the service of Erik, k likewise possessed this gift . Mi lir ok sterkir voru peir 0k vifirei na r f lkunnu ir ok a ldra fullir de ffiu illir g , jo g g , at Peir y r rr um O f rk r e a o ost . S ve ggj i ( II ) these two brothers , o , who was physically the stronger, appears to have been the

t th e better wizard, for he is men ioned several times as asso 39

c iate of Grim in h is villainous but successful underta kings . ’ o h H rélf H re vilSs S w en , on the occasion of his first visit to gg m r r ound, passes through an awful sto m on the way , a sto m so n h im viole t that it uproots trees and throws them against , he is as sured apologetica lly by the ghost of H reggvits th at it is not H reggvils who h a s raised this storm against him and all th e In i er'li c but th e suitors of gg who have pre eded him , that r m real malefactors are Sorkver and G i r aegir. It is clear from this that the sorcerer has some power over th e forces of h is S rkver nature , and t at this power possessed by o as well rimr as by G aegir . Grim is even able to endow others with powers previously h h e not possessed by t em . It is who encourages the weak and insignificant Vilh jalm ( XXVII) to go OH in search of Hrolf In i rll h im and to kill him, and thus to win the hand of gge for ’ n lh a h c . Vi n a self Grim promises to mag ify j lm s stre gt , and ’ c Vilh alm r ording to the latter s own confession, hands j a d ink that immediately makes a strong man of h im : gaf mer cinn ' ” dr kk Ot r a h y ; P ti me p la upa a fl i mik ; XXVII . Just why Grim should take th is exceedingly roundabout meth od of getting o at Hr lf does not appear, nor is it at all plain why he should Vilh élm In i rlS desire j to obta in the hand of gge . Perhaps the only explanation possible of this peculiar conduct on th e part h t of Grim is t at he is naturally a wicked crea ure, who takes delight in wicked things ; of course, it might be due to a strong fellow- feeling between the wicked Grim and the equally ilh él V m. wicked, though less capable j Magic potions administered for various purposes are natu rally a very effective element in any story dealing with th e n h super atural , and we are therefore not surprised to find t at the potion that Grim gives Vilh jalm is only one of many occur H - ring in G S . There is the inevitable love potion of medieval u legend as well as the dra ght that gives strength for the fight . h M ndull ff sa tta rbika r - - W en o o ers the (peace cup, loving cup) ’ B In ib r to j orn s wife g jo g, the latter indignantly strikes the back of his hand from underneath , so as to force the cup and its contents into his face enn hun sio h endinni nelSan undir ” k it k a dlit B er o n . , upp i honum (XXIII ) y putting some 40

’ or n r s M ndull s thing into the drink of Jarl p g y associates, o take m B away from the all love for jorn, and they think he must be guilty of the theft with which he is ch arged by Mondull: Enn h rlSn k f rs k r kki f rsta Pegar i i h a ftSi ent y ta rétt 0 d u t y bikar, llum h orﬁn vinatta viii B ok Otti a llum ann var o jorn , P p o sem h ” X sa nnr s k . mundi at o , XIII Whether the peculiar disease In ib r ff ‘ t that g jo g su ered from during the preceding win er, was m M ndull also brought on by potions trickily ad inistered by o , a is not stated . It is however cert in that the trouble is caused b M ndull rt a y o , but the means he uses in this pa icular c se are not described : Ingibj org kona Bj a rna r ték kra nkleika nok k n l n rbi l l um u da r e a n vetrin e st l b é. g um hun g o sem hel , enn i l s nna lSi um n vann c vitsto a . o g hlut, sem hun va ri ; XXIII When Mondull desires to make good again the harm he has ” B h In ib r minnisvei drekka done j orn , e gives g jo g g at , which causes all her love for Mondull to disappear ok tyndi a llri ast ilS r inn v dve g (XXV) . A more elaborate example of a potion given to increase the strength a nd success of com ba ta nts is that of the two vessels handed to Hrolf by H reggvill ’ on the occasion of Hrolf s last visit to the mound of H reggviB. t The larger of the two vessels is for the entire army ; h e other , H o Stefner smaller one, is only for r lf and , and in the case of the latter two there is to be the additional effect that there h h . will never be discord between t em Accordingly , when t e

men have partaken of the wonderful beverage, they forget : h h x about their wounds t ose that ave been most an ious to ﬂee,

now become most eager for the fray, even egging on the : h verr b a itii a f drukkit en inn others enn Pegar , kendi g sinna Sa Ott an c Ofa erir sezt b a itSi melS eim e utlu ra, P va ri , pegar p ; ggj ” b r a t sk ldi élSr vildu h rlSa s ﬂ e s a t a . Peir mest , at j y , er yj In M ndull l the same chapter o speaks of this drink as o , but a V 61 this conveys no re l information as to its nature ( C s . v . M ndull The character of o is very simple in outline, and per haps for that very reason the motives for his conduct are so ffi M ndul di cult to understand . At ﬁrst o l intrigues against the B or n r But life and family of j orn , councillor of p g y ( XXIII ) . his schemes are frustrated by the timely appearance of H rélf

. a ( XXV) He immediately m kes common cause with Hrolf, 41 going so far as to take part in the great campaign against ’ rlia riki or n r s Ga , and to assist p g y army by magic against the monsters of th e sea (XXVIII ) as well as against the seilS that was being prepared for Hrolf and Stefner ( XXVIII ) . That th e men who are to operate this seitS should h ave been “ brought from Ermland, ought not to cause surprise . In the n Ga rlSa riki M ndull ﬁ al battle fought in , o , by a number of n ingenious feats a d suggestions , does much to turn the tide i of victory in favor of the Danes and their all es . a r o S i Then , having rendered gre t se vice to Hr lf and te ner, Mondull practically forfeits all claim to th eir gratitude by dis of appearing entirely . Moreover he is suspected having run OE G lSa th e : G lSa s stir with y , the sister of slain king Erik y , y B c konun s h va rf Or Ga rOa riki 0k ir ks g , burt , var Pat geta sumra ” n M ndull mes ser ma na, at o mundi hafa haft hana burt On th e M ndull (XXXIV) . whole it would seem that o plays dens ex mac h ina the role of a , without whose aid some very striking transformations could scarcely have been repres ented

- as plausible, but who is discarded by the saga writer as soon

as th is purpose is attained . Perh aps the most interesting feat performed by Mondull is

that of making severed limbs grow on again . The feet (prob ably the legs) of Hrolf have been cut off by the treacherous Vilh alm In i er'lS j (XXIV) , and are preserved by gg in life : a t giving herbs, that they may not die p er sogn manna, at Ingiger'lSr konungsdéttir h a ﬁ geymt f¢trna ok botit bja pa n kk a i a L M ndull e i de . gros, er m tt yj ater (XXV) , o procures m In i erli the severed members , presu ably from gg , smears the h H rolf joint wit ointments , and orders to bake the stumps at d t the ﬁre . After oing this hat hero is able to rise and walk h is h a d about and use legs as if nothing happened . Perhaps this belief in life-grass in which severed limbs could be - m r . prese ved, was a wide spread popular superstition The sa e E i sa a 0k A unda r device occurs in gls g sm . Egil loses his hand A rinn f a a nd and e j preserves it for him in herbs , later she t heals it on again . A s ill closer parallel is furnished by a popular tale recorded by Rittersh a us in her N euis léindis ch e

1”S ee V . . s lS C s v ei . A . E . S ee pp III s . v . rmland 42

Volksma rch en But th e s Roscld and Geirald (p . tory of , LII 2 1 a s . th am on printed No of e s e collecti ( pp . 9 in spite of its close res emblance in ma ny respects to th e story of th e H rolf and Vilh alm GH S relations between j in , does not a s cont in the motif of th e severed and re tored limbs . Many practices referred to in GH S are commonplaces in P a s . . n th a r literature When an e emy attacks e l nd, or an a my an th k a n must be raised for y purpose, e ing sends around arrow that is the signal for mobilization ( la etr hann beror u sk ra H dlm 0k e . s e t . pp , III) The ame custom is referr d o in j “ ” is = r r S h e . th e l skera upp o , VI ome of customs are of foreign origin and show a n unmista kably continenta l inﬂuen ce H l F that was exerted on G S as we l a s on other as . Thus the remarkable list of medieval instruments th at were used at the triple wedding described in GH S XXXVII is paralleled by a i i H a ok Ol o lm . a sh rter but s milar enumerat on in j , VI , although h ere th e instruments do not ﬁgure at a wedding : Leika ra r slo u h r ur i ur sim h on ok allra g o p , ggj , p , psalterium handa l tif ri h jé a e . Add to this the foreign wines and foreign meats GH S v e mentioned in XXXVII , and it is e id nt that we are not S n i in candi avian surround ngs any longer, but rather in those “ r of medieval continenta l Eu ope .

” A Middle English origin for this passage is also not impossible ; it would be interesting if a speciﬁc contin ental or English source should turn up . CHA PTER V

GoN oU -HROLF A S A N HISTORI CAL CHARACTER

We are in the fortunate position of being able to use th e illustrious name of Thomas Carlyle as an introduction to a a -H rol consideration of th e purely historic l Gongu f, who is quite distinct from the person who has been thus far occasion

ally referred to by that name . Anything savoring of Norse n h C th e inﬂuence appealed very stro gly to T omas arlyle, apostle .

of German literature and of Germanic things in general, to the not English people , and we are surprised to read, in a chapter ’ H aa rfa r 1 a on Harald g , the following lines , written in C rlyle s S whimsical but pregnant style : ettlement of Iceland, we say, F notablest settlement of the aroe Islands , and, by far the of h t e . . all , settlement of Normandy by Rolf Ganger (A D RO nwa ld th t Rolf, son of g , was lord of ree little isle s far F F O Vi ten north , near the jord of lden , called the Three g h sea - Islands ; but his chief means of living was t at of robbery, ’ which , or at least Rolf s conduct in which , Harald did not

- approve of . In the court of Harald, sea robbery was strictly ’ s forbidden as between Harald own countries , but as against foreign countries it continued to be the one profession for a ’ H era ld s K gentleman ; thus, I read , own chief son , ing Eric that afterwards was , had been at sea in such employments ever ’ a since his twelfth ye r . Rolf s crime, however , was that in m x co ing home from one of these e peditions , his crew having h fallen short of victual, Rolf landed wit them on the shore of h crirne Norway , and, in his strait, drove in some cattle t ere (a by law) , and proceeded to kill and eat ; which, in a little while, he heard that King Harald was on foot to enquire into and th e punish , whereupon Rolf Ganger speedily got into his ships th e F - again, got to coast of rance with his sea robbers, got

1 Th e early Kings of N orway a lso a n E ss ay on th e P ortraits of J oh n

n o N Y . 1 8 K x, . 7 5 . 44 in fefnnentz by the poor king of F rance in the fruitful shaggy s k — th e de ert which is still nown as Normandy, land of North men ; and there , gradually felling the forest, banking the rivers, tilling the ﬁelds , became , during the next two centuries , Wil Con u stor helmus q e , the man famous to England, and moment h ous at t is day, not to England alone, but to all the speakers th e m to of English tongue , now spread fro side side of the world in a wonderful degree . Tancred of Hauteville and his a n It lian Norma s, though important, too, in Italy, are not worth

. th a nd naming in comparison This is a feracious ear , the grain of mustard seed will grow to a miraculous extent in ” some cases . C n arlyle could not have k own , owing to the nature of his a studies, to what a miraculous saga the must rd seed of a mere mention of the name Gongu - Hrolf had grown under the th H S e G . care of author of It will be well , however, in view of the fact that the annals of those times are exceedingly com plicated, not to anticipate .

The conquest of Normandy by Rolf, for so we had better th S call him now at we are no longer on candinavian soil , can n t not be regarded as a isolated phenomenon . We must ra her C view it, as is suggested by arlyle above, as one step in a his torica l sequence that culminates , although it does not end , with the conquest of England by William of Normandy in 1 066 .

Much has been written , especially during the latter half of the nineteenth century, on the various expeditions underta ken by Scandinavians during the ﬁve centuries or more that pre B ceded the Norman Conquest . efore we review brieﬂy the t ’ Viking expeditions tha precede Rolf s , and consider the scant ’ details we have of Rolf s own activities, mention must be made of the sources from which our knowledge of this subject is k derived . As is well nown , the actual contemporary chronicles s L that have anything to say about Viking attack , are in atin , and S were written either in England , Ireland or cotland , or else in some part of the heterogeneous domain of Charles the 3 Great . More will be said of these annals in th e account of

’ S ic ff Cen tur D ic tion a r for infeo ment ( y y) . N Va ra n i n This does not refer to the annals of estor concerning the g a s , n which are in Russian, and which will be dealt with in the Chapter o

Geography .

B ut H u l ik ot t . e Meuse, where they g rich boo y g was killed and his men were driven back to their ships by th e F rankish e army . This attempt appar ntly remained isolated and had no m n is a i porta t consequences , for no more he rd of the Vikings a a for more than two centuries . When they ag in appe red on to re a the continent, make their first serious attack, g at politic l a changes had t ken place in Europe, as may be seen from a l 2— 0 study of th e A nna es of Einhard for the years 77 8 4. The Saxons had been converted to Christianity by Charles the Great B at the point of the sword . efore the next appearance of the th e t m B Vikings on continent, we find he in the ritish Isles , e t e where th y begin heir d predations in the year 789 . The continental coast is only occasionally harassed by them ( F risia and its islands , 799 and Had the Vikings made their attacks at the beginning of th e to ninth century, it seems not unreasonable believe that they of C might have experienced, at the hands harles the Great, a defeat th at would have dampened th e furor Nortma nnorum to such an extent as to have discouraged them in their a ttempts to settle and secure a firm foothold on the continent . That wise ruler appears to have recognized the possibilities of danger n from that direction . Thus , according to Ei hard, we find him in th e year 8 1 1 making a tour of inspection of the coast de in F a h fences West ranci , wit a view to strengthening them . h th e After the deat of Norse chief Godfred, the Vikings in the British Isles desisted from an expedition projected against th e

- F risian coast . The Anglo Saxon and Irish chronicles are l o ﬁl ed with their d ings , especially in Ireland, until well into th e n fourth decade of the ni th century. In the year 834 th e ﬁrst on F o really serious onslaught was made the risian c ast, result c ing in the plundering, among other places , of the ity of Dor th e L stad, on ower Rhine, in what is now Holland . This per m wa s d in 8 8 6 i 8 So for ance repeate 35 , in 3 , and aga n in 37 . complete was the work of destruction that the name of the wa s t town forgotten, al hough it still appears on th e map in ’ Worsa a e s D ans ke Erobrin g. F or C a a few years, hristi n Europe had peace from its pagan invaders ; but in 843 the enemy actually wintered in F rance 47

a on b a fo r th e first time . In 845 an attack was m de Paris y n ew fleet sailing up th e Seine ; fortune favored th e invaders a n d th ey even entered th e city and began to cut down the in h n h abitants, whe they were stopped by a dense fog, whic the Christians quite naturally believed to have been sent by God ’ h a rr in s are a nd th e city s patron saints . The y g of the Vikings not limited to F risia and France : in 850 they spent their first a off winter in England (Isle of Th net, the Thames) , their rule in Ireland having been already firmly established since the a a beginning of the century . A second att ck on Paris was m de 8 6 -8 n in the winter of 5 57 , and the Vikings , after having bur t h s o several churc e , were induced to leave only thr ugh the pay v th S 86 1 e r o . e ment of a h a y ans m During pring of , Vikings ma rauding along the Seine made two more attacks on To get at the little that contemporary history has to tell us o c concerning R llo, it will be ne essary for us to pay some attention to the great campaign against the continent which im seems to have brought h conspicuously into notice . It is only towards th e end of this expedition that we begin to hear

of Rollo, yet , to get his historical setting, we must remember, 8 with Munch , that the conquest of Normandy means a cam a i n o f -six rm a p g thirty years, inte ittent, perh ps , but carried on a nd th e e ha e by one sam army, which may, however , ve be n o Th t -six x constantly reinf rced . ese hirty years e tend from 1 e i h s 879 to 9 5 . At the b ginn ng of t eir attack the Northmen o c Si fred were not led by Roll , but by the Danish prin es g and H a st in 8 e a e . Godfred , p rhaps also by In 79 an army of North Da men gathered on the Thames . England wa s already nelagh e n from th Easter coast to Watling Street . This army set sail F n h e n f th e S for la ders, landing on t ba ks o cheldt, and staying 88 1 d a ll t there until the year , engage hat time in marauding "The attacks on P aris are mentioned here to the exclusion of many B notices that might be given concerning raids on other places . ut the

amount of annalistic material is so enormous, and the story so disjointed , l n rin s that a full account of all the p u de g would be a dry catalog. The works of the continental annalists who deal with this period have all been ’ r P ertz s Monumen ta Germa niae v p inted in , e en those annals that were s not written in Germany . The community of interest in the middle ages

was not limited by the present national boundaries. ‘ D norske olks h is toric 66 . et f , I , 9 48

t expeditions . O ccasionally pitched battles were fought wi h the o f So 880 people the surrounding districts . in the Vikings

' e L th e s F h def ated ouis , Ea t rankis king and killed his son , and S a little later, on the river cheldt, they inﬂicted a severe defeat n e on the Abbot Ga zlin . Reverses , howev r, were also not lack S t ing especially noteworthy is the battle of aulcour , on August 881 e F h 3, , where th y were vanquished by the West rankis king, Lo s on uis III . Thi event inspired e of the most valuable works L L i s i ’ l e udw l ed. of O d High German it rature , the g During the autumn of this year the Northmen withdrew from Saul court and the surrounding regions of Picardy and made their F ri h t way into sia, which t ey subdued , af er which they sailed up H s I 882 t the Ma as and wintered at a lou . n hey were besieged a F C a here by the E st ranconian king, harles , who ﬁnally m de e t e p ace with h m , however, and permitted Godfred to rule over F 882 Si fred so b off a e risia . In July g was al ought by Ch rl s ’ m o Si fr d with a large sum of oney, whereup n g e left Charles dominions and went into winter- quarters at Conda tum ( Condé ’ E u B t h is i F l sca t . u n sur ) pilferings landers , Picardy and 88 Champagne still continued . In the summer of 3 the invaders t in th e set led at Amiens and neighboring country, staying h there during t e winter and summer o f 884. In October of that yea r Carloma n bought them off for th e sum of a s r th e m rks, to rai e which it was necessa y for him to tax to st th e utmo all resources of the country, including the posses s e e ions of the clergy . In Dec mber of the sam year the Vikings e h h s em to ave regarded all obligations as at an end, for t ey a ta cked F e o West ranconia, th n bel nging to the Emperor f 88 Charles . In the summer o 5 they penetrated to the valley

th e 2 th o s . of Seine, and on the 5 of July to k posses ion of Rouen of a s b o m Another long siege P ri y the N rth en followed , last ing from November 885 until October 886 and the invaders were persuaded to raise the siege only by th e promise of money and by th e permission to pass Paris and sail with their sh ips up s B u the Seine and ettle down in urg ndy, where they were ru e o allowed to plunder . They inter pt d this occupation l ng h 88 c enoug , however, to pay a visit to Paris again in 7 to colle t

L B A lth och deu ts ch es es ebuch N O . . raune, , XXXVI 49

h n xt r wa s di the promised ransom . T eir e ope ation rected west e th e B h ward and resulted in th defeat of retons , after whic they returned to th e Seine The scene of their activity th L u now shifted again to e East, and while besieging o vain

h e F nu S . 1 they were routed by t East rankish king, Ar lf ( ept , During the years 893—896 nothingis heard of th eir f r h not depredations, o t ey had gone to England, because ’ Arnulf s victory had been followed up with sufficient energy to h o u om u make t eir stay on the c ntinent nc fortable, but beca se th e crops were bad and th e West F rankish country was too But i poor to make plundering proﬁtable . they were back aga n 8 o th e va th e in 97 and occupied their former footh ld , lley of S c th e eine, when e they spread once more throughout north of F th e th th e rance . During closing years of e ninth and ﬁrst e th e t d cade of tenth century , we hear little of heir doings , as the keeping of records seems to have become less and less cus toma r of a nd y, probably because the general discouragement h lack of faith in the permanence of anything written , w ich o h e h rr in f A nnales resulted fr m t a y gs O the invaders . Thus th e ” Vedas tini t 00 h end wi h the year 9 , and give as t eir last entry s a h C re a t tement t at ounts Robert, Richard and Heribert a e 1 1 x debating what is to be done with th Northmen . The ne t certain da te of importance is that o f the battle of Chartres wh o c s e It is not known was vi toriou in this battl , th e a although it seems invaders must have m de a good showing , as th e region about th e mouth of the Seine wa s handed over to

. s h t them We are al o told t at hey were baptized . This gave 1 2 th e o a fﬁ c o N rm ns o cial re ogniti n on the continent . The few remaining dates are now given in chronological order 9 1 0 The Norsemen devastate Brittany (Province of Cor o a a n u ille) , sc ttering the inhabita nts .

5 0 St. A named after Vaast near rras, where they were written ( 874

A ll the annals dealing with the Carolingian ( to 9 1 1 ) and the succeeding ’ S t P ertz s M onumenta S ri or axon dynas y are edited in (main series, c pt es , v 1 - . i N o. . S cri tores K ols 4, g ven as 4 under I p , in the classiﬁcation of arl ll n n ue e ku de der deuts ch en Gesch ich te . L z 1 06 Jacob, Q , vol I , eip ig, 9 , p . ” The name N ormans seems appropriate now that they are on their own soil . 5 5 0

2 1 Co r s 9 unt Robe t, after having in vain be ieged the Norse Lo h r th e men of the ire for ﬁve mont s, g ants them

possession of Brittany and takes hosta ges . 2 B a u 9 7 ritt ny again given to the Norsemen, whence it wo ld seem th a t they had not taken possession o f it on the

previous occasion . 1 Incon e O f L orsemen 93 , appar ntly chief the oire N , punishes the Bretons for rebelling against an d killing his gov er ors n . S “ 933 William, chief of the eine Normans , does homage to King Charles and receives in exchange a part of B “ rittany . A s the last entry mentions a new ruler for th e Seine Nor ’ e s e mans, we are already b yond Rolf s time, and mu t now retrac our steps to gather up what little we know of Rollo himself from the contemporary annals . 9 1 1 1 5 The land at the mouth of the Seine is granted to th e

invaders, but Rollo is not mentioned . 1 8 K C 9 In a letter of ing harles , it is recorded that the land h a s e th e been handed ov r to Norsemen of the Seine , n with the expla natio th at Rollo and his men a re meant . 2 9 9 Rollo mentioned a s still living . B d s e 933 efore this year Rollo must have ied ( e 933 above) . t h This is all hat the contemporary annals have to tell us , wit the ex ception of the testimony of a poem that Gaston Paris published for the ﬁrst time in 1 870 from a Ms of the year 1 000 c ( irca) , and to which he gave the name Planctus super ” r S mo tem Wilhelmi . ubstituting in the second half the cor rections that Storm regards as absolutely required to make : sense, we read

H ic in orbe tra n sma Ii no na tus pa tre in errore pa ga norum perma nente ma tre quoque con-signa ta alma ﬁde u otus und sa cra f it l a .

So Rollo must already have been dead . K B - . idr. 1 1 S . The dates are according to torm rit , pp . 37 39 ” B C . After the attle of hartres, see above “ 1 0- 1 1 Krit. B idr. 4 4 . 5 1

Moriente inﬁdele suo pa tre quos Con ﬁsus D eo va lde sibi ipse surrexerunt contra cum bellicosi " u d t o e subj ga vit ex ra f rt .

a t s As this is a l ment on the death of Wilhelm , hese line refer to h im and the references to his father are of course to is a Rollo . Although it written seventy ye rs after the death of t a s Rollo, his information may be regarded derived from a s contemporary source, because it show us a living tradition ’ ' i concerning Rollo s orig n , which may very well have persisted e for so short a period . It impresses us all the more as b ing genuine in view of the fact that those sources which Steenstrup h i uses by preference, none of whic are contemporary, gve us S h a s t no similar data . torm so horoughly succeeded in dis “ d o th cre iting the acc unts of these pos umous historians, that it

would hardly repay us here to resume their arguments . Only one f A déma r o the later chroniclers, de Chabannes (as a rule ” e Ch a ba nna is S wrongly named Ad mar de , by torm as well

as by others , as is indicated in the authoritative edition by m Ch a va non e e Jules ) , presents a meagre , sob r, unrh torical account which is entirely in accord with the traditions embodied o f S our in some the sagas, to which we hall devote attention ’ A dém r 1 0 0 . a s a presently history, written before 3 , cont ins several details curiously corroborating the information yielded P la nctus ff a t by the , to the e ect that Rollo rem ined a hea hen at

t . So M heart, even af er baptism we read in one S Et s sa cerdotibus F ra ncorum factus christianu a , immi obitu a mentiam s s t se nente in versus , chri tiano centum an e decolla ri coluera t idolorum et demum fecit in honore quae , c a a ecclesia s distribuit h ristia norum entum uri libras per , C in ” c e ba tismum s c r t us a . honore veri Dei, in ujus nomin p epe B C o f h e od eheading a hundred hristians in h nor o t old g s,

‘7 m The corrections are only three in nu ber . To save space, only the

emended passage is given here . 1 ' The dates at which these men wrote their works is an indication of their nearness to the events , and of their trustworthiness when they con tra dict : R R the contemporary annals icher de St. emy ( 9 9 5 Dudon de 1 01 0 St. Q uentin ( Guillaume de Jumieges ( 1 07 0 C 1 havanon, p . 39 . 5 2 and at th e same time distributing treasure to th e Christian u o h is ch rches in hon r of Christian baptism, certainly exhibits c a r a urious st te of mind on the pa t of Rollo, and strikingly f l us e confirms th e testimony o the P a nct . Whether Rollo k pt u h i s a nd t a a p s inconsi tent course, whe her the s me imp rtial r A déma r magnanimity was displayed frequently du ing his rule, s t ak o doe not say, but hat, comparatively spe ing, nly a few of s th e his subjects became Chri tians during his life, is clear from ’ son Willelmus following quotation, which tells us that Rollo s , h a d o a who been baptized when very y ung, fin lly introduced the ’ new religion after his father s death defuncto filius e us Willelmus o e us Tunc Roso , j loc j prae

u ba tiza tus omnis ue eorum Norma nnorum fuit, a p ericia p , q , qui uxta F ra ntiam h a bita verunt multitudo ﬁdem C susce it j , hristi p i m m et ent lem lin ua ob ittens o a ssuefacta . g g , latino serm ne est Now that we have considered the meagre information to be glea ned from the chroniclers contemporaneous with Rollo or t th e nearly so, we are ready to ake up references to Gongu H ol s r f . that occur in the agas In doing this , however, we u x CH S a t m st e clude , for excepting few vague sugges ions at s the end of this chapter, thi saga has absolutely no connection with th e more trustworthy traditions of the O lder and more s MObi s legitimate agas . It is unfortunate and misleading that u , ” Verzeich niss GOn u-H rOIfssa a in his , should give , under g g ,

Steenstru S . references to the works of p and torm , cited above Whatever the controversy between those two eminent scholars h a s d t to ur brought to light, it has contribute no hing o knowl f H u t edge O C S . This is not to be constr ed a s a reproach o r these writers, as they were not in any way conce ned with e eo a H the mass of het rogen us m terial found in C S . In the s S c CH S single in tance where torm ites , and which we shall o s o e have ccasion to di cuss later, he d es so mer ly in order to x use e plain the meaning and of a certain word .

There exist four records, or rather , four works , of Scandi o i - o navian rign , in which there are records of Gongu Hr lf, as opposed to the contemporary and post-contemporary conti nenta l s n account which we have already considered . O e of a th e c these four is Norwegi n , other three are I elandic .

v . 1 8 . Cha anon, p 4

5 4

This is th e account that Carlyle follows in th e passage quoted th e s at beginning of the pre ent cha pter . To Storm these sources are useful in establishing the fact h - o wa s Steenstru t at Gongu Hr lf a Norwegian , and not, as p

F or us s e o . held , a Dane . , thi qu stion is of little imp rtance Whether the historical Gongu-H rélf wa s a Dane or a N orwe gian is of no consequence as regards the character of the hero a a of our sag , of whom we may s fely assert that he is neither i F ornai Dane nor Norweg an , but like so many heroes of the

da rs ur . og , belongs to the land of fable We a re now ready to answer the question concerning the relation between the historical Gongu -H rélf and the hero of e t CH S . What th y have in common is the name and no hing e else . What strikes us a s peculiar is the way in which the nam itself must have been taken from one of the four Scandinavian s r i a o un source given above , o from some s mil r s urce now th e known, and more striking still is fact that the meaning of m the name should have been a plified ; and that then , an entirely or r r fictitious F nalda saga was const ucted about that name . It would be analogous to this procedure if one should borrow a m c name fro real life, assign this name to a fi titious character , o and then write a n vel concerning this character, without the slightest regard for the actual biography of th e original posses o th e sor of the name . N where in authentic Scandinavian sources do we find any reference to the grea t weight of Gongu o s to Hr lf, and the rea sonable inference seem be that it was his size rather than his weight that prevented h im from riding o h im But t of horseback and c mpelled to go on foot . the au hor GH S e h e o lays more stress on the w ight, for says of Hr lf “ GH S a mestr ba etSi di ur‘lS ok h etS ( IV) h nn var manna , at g a 0k sva t h estr fekk borit k Pung at engi hann allan dag, o var ” vi hann P j a fna n a gongu . Evidently the author of CH S had no use for a hero that was unable to perform deeds of prowess ’ on s m hor eback , and so the hero s size ust not prevent him from riding ; but, owing to his great weight, he cannot be on horse

a da . e e b ck all y This heavin ss does not , howev r, render it impossible for Hrolf to perform the knightly exploits which a re ’ so dear to the author s heart . CHAPTER VI

GEOGRAP HI CAL KN O WLEDGE DISP LAYED I N TH E GoN GU H R6 LF SSA GA

e x The list of G ographical Names in Appendi III , which is e a intended as a supplement to this chapt r , will give an ide of 1 th e O f e GH S large number places m ntioned in , and also of its Ga rOa riki the wide geographical knowledge of author . is th e a so W a ca n t the scene of m in action , h t be more natural han that th e unusually gifted Grimr aegir should pay visits to the n a nd K s of Tatta ra riki adjace t Jotunheim , that ing Menelau s H lSins e hould attempt to hold e ey, which lies betwe n his king dom and Ga rlia riki? But this ex ploitation of th e popular geo h c th e e s grap ical notions urrent in Middl Age , does not satisfy our author, so we also ﬁnd references to many lands , from Indi l Irland to a a nd. In fa ct the story is not cramped within r b . o t e na row oundaries It is n teworthy, however , hat th re is no mention of Vinland , the Icelandic name for that part of m orse en . e e America known to the N Mor over, strang to say , w is d no ord said about Icelan , although , in accordance with the r o f p inciples composition of these fabulous sagas, that country may have been purposely omitted in order not to weaken the impression of exotic strangeness that the names of so many little-known countries must have made on the minds of the e read rs .

a Ga rO riki The sag begins and ends in a , and whether that

In i erO land is to be ruled by the invader Erik , or by gg , the e rightful h iress to the throne, is the question at issue . It will to be well bear in mind from the very start , that the author Ga rtSa riki a knew practically nothing of , wh ich n me stands in so many sagas for the western portion of Russia . Nor are t the his orical sagas more explicit on this point, yet it must be from the then existing saga material that our author gets his

h Seventy geographical names occur in t e saga . 55 5 6

m h im n ca n . ames , for they n ha rdly have been ore than ames to But while th e author does not have any real knowledge of Ga rba riki a e h , he certainly is c reful to agre wit his sources in n the use of these names, and thus to co ceal his own ignorance h of t e loca lities In question . There were good reasons why Scandinavia n writers should n Ga rba riki have know something about , in view of the fact that Scandinavians played such an important part in the found 2 u ing of the Russian sta te . According to the R ssian chronicle Va ra n ia ns of Nestor, the g came from over the sea in the year 8 and o m S t 59, to k tribute fro a number of lavonic tribes, tha m are speciﬁcally named . Having beco e tired of paying tribute Va ra n ia ns 862 to these g they drove them , in the year , back n over the sea . And they began to govern themselves ; a d e th re was no justice among them , and clan rose against clan , e h n and there was internal strife b tween t em , and they bega ”3 to make war on each other . Realizing their sad plight when e left to th mselves, they sought for a prince who might rule t Va ra n ians h a d them jus ly , and turned to the g whom they ‘ ff h driven out, o ering them the control of t eir land , which they said was large and rich , but without order and in sore need of e a ruler . Accordingly three brothers were induced to com a nd e over with all their relatives followers ; the ldest , Rurik, Sineus B - th e settled in Novgorod, the second, , near ielo ozero, “ r r d T uvo in . third, , Izborsk And the Russian land Novgoro was called after these Va rangia ns ; they are the Novgorodian s of Varangian descent ; previously the Novgorodia ns were

Slavonians ; but after the lapse of two years Sineus and his. Truvor a nd i a nd brother died, Rur k assumed the government divided the towns among his men, to one Polotsk, to another ” B — F r . ew Rostov , to another ielo ozero passages in the histo y o f any people have occasioned a more vigorous and sometimes .

’ A complete résumé of the history of their settlements is given in Vil ’ ‘ Rela tions etween A n cien t Rus s ia a nd S ca n dina via a nd helm Thomsen s b , th e Ori in o th e Russ ia n S ta te O 1 8 . g f , xford, 7 7 — a N . 1 1 . V. Thomsen translates a portion of this p ssage of estor, pp 3 4 L in The original passages, in Russian, with atin translations, are given ’ K m nn m -R r B ruse s Ch ronicon N ort a oru Wa ria go us so u m see ibliography.

Or Va ra n ia n s . 1 . to some other g , Thomsen, p 3 The translated passage,

of . like the original , admits either interpretation 5 7

even acrimonious discussion than these few words of Nestor . The matter is all th e - more debatable owing to the existence M - H o of SS . so several of Nestor, two of which (the called yg tia n and Ra dziwill say that Rurik first settled at Ladoga and did not move the seat of his government to U Novgorod until the death of his two brothers . nfortunately, misdirected patriotic zeal has often interfered with the calm judgment of scholarship and has added to the diffi culties of a rriving at a solution of this ta ngled question . The contro versy raging around this passage of Nestor has divided the a a n o S writers of e rly Russi n history i t two camps , the candi na voma nia cs and the Russomaniacs the latter not unin fluenced , perhaps, by motives connected with the once wide P a nsla vic . n e spread movement The questio at issue was , wer Va ra n ia ns S S ? the g candinavians or lavs As was natural , the former camp split into two divisions : those who believed that Va ra n ia ns S the g were wedes pure and simple , and those ” who claimed that th e term Varangian merely denoted io F or Teuton without defining nat nality more closely . our purposes it will suffice to state briefly the conclusions arrived : Va ran ia ns at by Thomsen, as follows The g who came to “ 862 S Russia in were wedes, who settled, among other places , L A ldei u in adoga and Novgorod, which correspond to the gj borg and H OImga r'lSr mentioned in the GB S and in many other

n a . Icela dic s gas , historical as well as ﬁctitious A glance at the map will be necessary in order to appreciate S n fully the peculiar route that candi avian , and as it seems , more especially Swedish traders followed in their voyages to rb riki Miklu a rbi Ga a and further on to g , with which the name

Varangian was later to be prominently associated . Nov i w gorod, to begn ith , if that was really the place designated a H élm a rb r a in the sag s as g , must not be taken as identic l with

izh ni- the city of N Novgorod , on the Volga , so familiar to unfor modern readers because of its annual fairs . This is the tuna te error to which Du Ch a illu commits himself in the map

5 O r during a long period which culminated in that year, as Thomsen has a series of considerations pointing to the fact that the relations between

Russia and the Scandinavians must have begun long before that year . 8

“ n A preﬁxed to the ﬁrst chapter of his Viki g ge. Geographical considerations make it plain that it must be the other , still t th e La existing but almost forgo ten Novgorod, on shores of ke a Ilmen, once a great trade centre , and especially f mous during L a the times of the Hanseatic e gue, of which it was one of the chief stations , which lies on the most feasible route of travel ’ Th K r Vikin s from Sweden to Constantinople . e maps in ea y s g " ’ 8 in Wes tern Ch ris ten dom and in Verelius H is tory ofSweden r show the position of this city correctly . It is unfo tunate , in c this conne tion, that the Icelanders themselves, great as was c their clerical a tivity in other directions, should not have left a single map that might give some indication of the extent of Mediterra the travels of their kinsmen in Russia , along the a ne n, and through the continent of Europe to Rome, and fur

’ - . so ther, to Jerusalem A single called mappemonde does 1 0 th exist, in which e relative positions of various peoples are crudely marked by merely writing the tribal names in a juxta

o o . p sition corresp nding, apparently , with their relative geo graphical situation , and there is also a plan of the tomb at in Jerusalem , which has of course no value for the present HOIm rOr . a quiry Assuming then , that Novgorod (or g , th e although identity of the two places is not undisputed, see 6 1 . e note, p ) was one of the s ats of Varangian government

fi and commerce , it is dif cult to see how it could have been of

fi much utility as a seaport . This dif culty , however , is only an apparent one, as N easily accessible from the ocean for the comparatively light vessels of the ninth and tenth centuries . The city lies on an island at the northern x m L e tre ity of ake Ilmen , where the River Volkhov drains the L L lake, to carry its waters to ake adoga , whence the short , F but very broad and deep Neva ﬂows into the Gulf of inland .

There is little doubt that this journey was made frequently ,

Old ssa a h el a as is indicated for example in this passage of f g g ,

‘ l Vo . . . I , p xx

F rontispiece. ' V l 6 o . . . I , p 4 A to K E terla dte S kri ter t ccording eyser, f f , I , 5 5 7 , the two maps hat fol r r rv low are the only ones that a e p ese ed. A P r nt. . . . inted in Rus , Vol II 5 9 which describes an embassy to Russia undertaken by Eina rr “ pamba rskelﬁ and Kalfr A rna sonr : Peir foru um varit a ustr l amta la n s a H lsin a lands k um KjO til J d , p til e gj , 0 komu fram i vi éli relSu fOru suma rit a ustr Ga rba riki S bj , Par til skipa ; um i , rb 2 sendimenn komu um h a ustit A ldeigj uborga r. Ge u Peir P H OIm a rlSs a a rizleifs konun s melS eim upp til g fund J g , P rendum bulSu Ma nusi O konun s e , at Peir g , synn lafs g hins vilS ok f l N ore s 0k veita helga , at taka hanum y gja hanum til g , s rk fai f lSurleiftS ok hanum ty til Pess, at hann o sina , halda hann n ﬁr til konu gs y landi ( C. l r F rom this passage the location of A deigj ubo g also is plain . H OIm a rBr Just as g is at one end of the Volkhov , namely where L A ldei ubor it leaves ake Ilmen , so gj g is at the other end of L a . the s me river, where it enters the other lake , adoga If the S a A ldei a candinavian n me of this lake was gj , not unlike L a doga in form , the city on that lake would naturally be A l i A l i bor A ldei ubor de u . de a gj g ( gj , gen of gj , g, 1 The etymology of both H élmga rb r and A ldeigj a 1 has given

rise to some interesting speculations . m H OIm a rlSr Although an exact parallelism , in for , between g

and Novgorod, cannot be drawn , the second syllable of each , m 1 2 here at least , undoubtedly has the sa e meaning . It is true , a rb r however , that the word g is never seen in Icelandic to mean city ” except in the designation of mythical or foreign “ places . This fact ought to be enough to render impossible

o S the contention , otherwise reas nable , that the lavonic word for city owing to its great similarity with the Icelandic O n a rb r o . g , is b rrowed from the latter the contrary , although a rlSr the word g is good Icelandic , its use to replace the more

11 A ldei a That gj may have been used as the name, not only of the lake, r f bor r th e but also of the town on it, without the gene ic su ﬁx g, results f om z Old ss a a Tr vas ona r H eims krin la following stan a inserted in f g ygg ( g ) , c . 9 7 r r A l r k Oddh ib a r fo eylSa deigj u b a uz , oegir ( 6x h rilS a f bvi) siban ( oss numna sk skil) gumna ; ' logfa ga ndi la egis ( SII va rlS h ildr) meb h oldum rt k mt str r e o a u a tSa . land Vald mars brandi ; ( ha ) , i G O i a S or b a oro C S r rig n l lavonic ec me, in Russian , ; in hurch lavonic, a ; l 1 M . rod h . . r d B k r od . o C 5 a erne e this wi l explain Rus g g , as below ( , r L z Russische G ammatik, eip ig, ” 8 K n b r z K ‘ Mikl rb r on n n T . 0 oe u a r iev i a C s ta ti o le homsen, p ; g ; g p , ’ t m ror to n perhaps an imitation of the Slavonic Tsarigrad h e E pe s w . 60

bor A ldei ubor customary g ( in gj g, for example) , in foreign in countries, might not improperly be assigned to a foreign ﬂuence , in this case to the language of the country in question ,

. ﬂ namely, to Russian This foreign in uence appears to be here all the more reasonable when we repeat that ga rlSr in the sense rbr m h CV . . Ga t o of city is never used in Iceland ( s v , for y ’ But V G rh riki logical names as well . C s explanation of a a or G rh a veldi a a , the n me being derived from the castles or strongholds which the Scandinavians erected a mong the ” S a lavonic people, the n me thus telling us the same tale as

cas tra . the Roman in England , must also be noted) Thomsen gives two possible derivations for the ﬁrst syllable H OIm a rlSr: h olmr= isla nd of g , the city being on an island, or h olm = Ilmen a re a corruption of , the native n me of the lake, duced h olm th e to by popular etymology, thus rendering possible former assumption . Another , more ingenious explanation , but - ff K Ch ronicon N ort rather far fetched, is that o ered by ruse in “ - u ma nnorum Wa ria ga Rus s or m . Kruse explains Holmgard as r b tw L L O the territo y included e een akes adoga and nega, and ” thereabout, which he says is called an island (whence the ' m H olm ard na e g ) , because it is almost an island, being full of L . a cus La do a m swamps, lakes and rivers ( H est tractus inter g et O ne am et dictus a ludibus g circa, ita , quia fere insula erat , p , la cubus ﬂuviisque munita) . While the words and there ” about ( et circa) permit us to include the district between L H OIm a rlSr lakes adoga and Ilmen under the designation g , we cannot but ob serve that the country called by that name is s K shifted to the Northea t by ruse, to a region not between the A ldei ubor ov orod- HOlm a rlSr cities of gj g and N g g , but to one “ “ H olm K . t r on the same side of both , adds ruse, e ga d restant vero in nomine Russici t A ldei u There is a general belief, which is quite old, hat gj borg is the same place as that which is called L a doga in Rus

2 82 D A ra m s rum m P . s : e bu P er a ue Co merci , following Rasmu sen q o H vn 1 m R s . cu u s ia ( a ia e p 5 . 1“ P erhaps it is the name Ch olmogori that led Kruse and Rasmussen to a this suggestion, as the town is in the province of Archangelsk, and as t N D mat er of fact, lies on the orthern wina , as may be seen from the map ’

En elh a rdt s A Rus s ia n P rovince o th e N orth L 1 8 . appended to g f , ondon, 9 9

” their number, even making him their leader . Perhaps the total absence in the Icelandic sagas of distinct references to Va ra n ia ns the g who founded the Russian empire , may be taken ’ as an indirect proof that Th omson s assertion that these m Va ra n ia ns S . g were wedes, is correct The comple entary positive proof would be expected in the Swedish accounts of m e the same period, but the lack of al ost all cont mporary docu

S . ments in weden, both literary and historical , is notorious Y et , in view of the fact that thousands of Arabic coins were S found in weden , especially on the island of Gotland , and that - S Anglo axon coins were found in Russia , and in view of the explicit testimony afforded by Swedish ba utas teins to th e effect S th e Ga rba riki that wedish subjects fell in east , in , we must

. agree with Thomsen that the A ustrvegr must have been a

- . n much frequented route It is even possible, as Thomse insists , that the trip along the Eastern Way may have been a much more common one than that undertaken later on by the kinsmen of these Swedes in the fruitful and more cultured lands of Western Europe . In support of this thesis , Thomsen a us trve r goes so far as to say that the word g , which occurs so

' on ba uta s teins often the , is paralleled by no similar word which would indicate eq ual familiarity with the currents of

Viking adventure in the West . Considering the precision and deﬁniteness with which Thomsen has settled almost all the k disputed points on this subject , it would almost seem un ind to call attention to the fact that this word after all does exist , ” at least in the plural ves tm egir. B o efore taking up other details of Russian ge graphy , in order to be able later to test CH S by the geographical knowl oi e edge the time , it will be well to see what this saga t lls us

Almost all the books that have been written on Va ra ngia ns deal with ’ lm s W r n rne r . . Cronh o ii i a t these mercena ies ( e g , g , which gives cri ical F innbo i K accounts of the most famous Warings, such as g ramma, ols orva ldr v il rla H a ra ldr h a rb rab a r kegg, p o , , The p omising title l n i V i P os y ed y Variag (the last arang an) , is only the poetical title of a n E r e S P V Ger e ssay on Cha l s XII of weden , by rofessor ladimir Ivanovitch y n N R P M z D rev a a i a vo a oss i a St. a in a Russian maga ine ( y y y y , etersburg, y

and June, m r v n a strv r lSrve r CV . ves t e u e su s v . g , gi es deﬁ ition (as opposed to g , g , - r 2 n orlSr v egr) and refe ence to B a n til 9 6 . 3

o concerning the route that has been outlined ab ve, namely the commercial passage from H élmga rtir or Novgorod on Lake A ldei ubor L Ilmen, through the Volkhov to gj g or adoga on

L L B . ake adoga, and then through the Neva to the altic What ever else the author of GH S may have known about Geog ra h S p y, and in some cases we shall how that his knowledge is worth considering, he shows no knowledge of the two cities on this route , although he frequently mentions them ; he does not even give us the direction in which one lies from the other, and 22 F m of the rivers he says not a word . urther ore , if his style were not bare , and following the model of other older and more truthful writers , so objective as to conceal all expression of his own views on the course of the story , we should

surely find it possible to trace , even in his vocabulary, signs of the nervousness with which he hastens to excuse his igno b k Ga r a ri i. O rance on the subject of the Geography of ften , when we should most desire something definite concerning the journey he is describing, he says nothing of the directions, v distances , or the character of the road or conveyance . E en at crucial points , early in the saga as well as toward the end o o of it, he fails to mention by what means Hr lf gets fr m one place to another . In fact it is chiefly in connection with the movements of H rOlf himself that the author of CH S ta kes the pains expressly to disavow any knowledge of the circum

stances attending a trip . There is only one such instance in which he pleads ignorance that is not directly connected with rOlf H . In that chapter of the saga in which HrOlf makes his first e appearance, ( IV) , he quarrels with his father and broth rs vissu ei i h va t and leaves home , so secretly that menn g , um ” m ti . H rélf hann lei , ( IV) The next ti e we hear of we feel t b hat he is as ignorant of his earings as is the reader, for (VI ) h énum voru vegir 6kunnigr but we have been already told H rin a riki that he had started his journey in g , not far from the present southern extremity of the boundary line between S weden and Norway , that he passed chiefly through forests and uninhabited places and finally directed his steps up

z” V lkh ov N . But HS D 6 o G . 6 if , eva mentions the yna ; see p . and the N A G . alphabetical list of eographical ames ( pp III) . 64 towards Sweden by way of the Eibuskog ( stefnir hann své E b k k l lS i ik a ustr i us o o a et a i Sv a r i . i g, upp i ) This forest was H rOlf large and lost his way , and was in it for a long time , ’ eitt kveld Otr sson s until one evening ( ) , he found Atli ygg t Otr ss n house . A few days af er he had killed Atli ygg o in self defence, he had the encounter with eleven men in a clearing in o itt r élSr ok 5 2 a r the wo ds ( cinn dag kom hann fram i e j , p 23 llifu lvo n lS e menn a p a a ) . Although it was not easy to ﬁnd

' ’ one s way through the forest , travelers seem to have used it frequently in passing from Norway to Sweden and vice versa . Hrolf concludes that the eleven men he has killed must have Verma la nd come from , either to hunt or in search of Atli Sva Otti h énum verit Or ( P , sem Peir menn mundu hafa Verma ok d r elSr e tirleit vitS A landi farit at jaga y , um p tla) Perhaps it is due to the influence of the dim and fabulous East that the clearness and exactness of the account decrease as we move 7 l iiS r S for 5. e a eastward , beginning already in weden ( hann 1 0k ekki fra ferlium f rr kom sinnar, er sagt hans, y enn hann u l n itS u lfi U e th fram i Ga t a d v Ga te ) . p to the pres nt we have e ’ H rélf impression that the author knows his geography . s progress thus far has been through a country concerning which the author has information either through reading or by word ’ o n of mouth . And during the remainder of Hr lf s jour ey, w until he reaches Denmark , the writer also seems to kno the h o ’ lay of the land . T is is clear from the fact that Hr lf s trip to Otla nd ska mt fra or n s rls J , terminating borg p g y j a , is made v by ship, showing appreciation of the relati e position of Den mark and the Scandinavian peninsula . The few things that Hrolf does on the Scandinavian penin sula are all performed in places that the auth or gives us in ’ Ol eir s their proper geographical setting . J g ship , in which H rélf S l isdalr in is to sail , has a captain who is from i g “ i riki o Sv a . While the ship is moored somewhere n the coast “ Kfirla nd o Ol irr of , Hr lf has the altercation with J ge that ter ’ mina tes in the latter s death . We are also informed h ow long

- it took to make this trip, and we hear of the return to Den

F or these events of Chapter VI it may be well to refer to the Synopsis H r of G S in Chapter III of this wo k . 1” A N S ee . . pp III , Geographical ames 65

1 h ernatS A ustrve mark, but as the men were engaged i g we must assume that the long period consumed by the journey was not entirely occupied with traveling . During the summer ' e KII rla nd they harri d the coast , chieﬂy that of ; early in the autumn (er hausta tok) they sailed westward ( a us ta n = from m Otla nd in the East) , and reached so e place in J late the m autumn ( sits u haust) . The indications of time do not help us to ascertain whether the author had real knowledge of the distances involved , for we are not informed what part of the period was spent in traveling . We see that th e author knows the name Kurland and also knows that it sta nds for a strip of Seacoast that can be reached by water from the Sca ndinavian peninsula . That is all the information we get . The lack of precise information concern ing Denmark in connection with this trip is somewhat com pensa ted by the lengthy description of that country in GH S “s ' XXX II Bu Ga rba riki Kti V . t concerning itself, of which r ’ r t land apparently, in the author s mind , fo ms no par , he stu u dio sly keeps us in the dark . Even when he tells us how H rOlf Otla nd sets out from J , in Denmark , to win the hand of In i erb or n r : Ekki gg for Jarl p g y , he puts in this disclaimer ” fra h ver a leiiS H rOlfr fOr er sagt , j , nor do the words imme

' dia tely following add to our knowledge : enn sva sem hann h a flSi m k sOtt Or Da nm rk einn sé jo o , var Pat dag, att hann hvar ” m lSr kk S cinn a ge (XIII ) . omewhat in accordance with our conception of th e common method of getting to Russia from S candinavian countries in those days , and yet illustrative of the author’ s timidity to accept any responsibility for his geo : fOru v b graphical references , is the following peir um S i O k ll rb rikis Ekki a r n r 0 Ga a . t e t h v a l itS Pa an til er p g y , e j e Pau fOru f rr A ldei ubor a r E r kr , y enn Peir komu til gj g ; sat i e ” konungr i borginni B ut we are not only to ” S A ee pp. II . ” S vi ob a That is, if bj means part of the Scandinavia n peninsula ; but ' if, as is quite possible in view of the fact that H rOlf and Vilh j zilm have no

‘ — if m Sv i OlS mikl b ship, it eans bj hin a e a hin kalda ( see A lphabetical List G N A lde ubor of eographical ames) , then the route to igj g would seem to be not the same as that indicated above ; nor would it be like the trip across B a B P r r r - the y of othnia given in ete sen , but athe an all land route through S a xla nd Vin dla nd a rb rik and , and northward through G a i. 6

be kept in the dark as to how H rOlf got to Ga rba riki : we a re rk r also not told by what road he escapes from there . So ve ’ H rOlf In i erlSs has been defeated and , to save gg life and his off D ulcifa l own , rides with her and her jewels on the back of ; th e author readily informs us that their traveling was done v a c rather by night than by day, but avoids gi ing a plausible oi count their journey to Denmark , which would have been

exceedingly interesting owing to the fact that , being performed

on horseback, the entire itinerary must have been overland .

No doubt this was too much of a task for him , so he enters n : B reint his accustomed plea of ig orance igi er Pat g , hvar a u etSu h versu a u vOru a leiiSinni p fara, lengi p , enn meir foru na r Pau um et enn um daga (XXI ) . Even concerning the ilh élm latter portion of the journey, which was performed by V j In i erb v and gg alone, and which appears to ha e been done on t in fOrma foo , the author again denies the possession of any : ei i fré eirra feriS f rr tion Er g p y sagt, enn Pau komu til ” r n po g ys jarls . F orna lda rsa a It is typical of the g , when it deals with coun S tries not candinavian , to invent everything without regard v for probability . E en the more historical sagas , not classed F ornalda rs ur e as og , and th refore without the odium implied by the almost synonymous term lygisogur show no scruples v in this regard . We e en have an instance in which CH S is more speciﬁc in the presentation of geographical detail than

the alleged source . In the very ﬁrst chapter we are told that

H re vill S at an earlier date , gg had for even years harried th e

fellr um Ga rOa riki country surrounding the river Dyna , er ,

ok h er alSi b A ustrriki a misle ir Oir a rmeb f kk j Pa an i y g i , P e hann fasena dyrgripi; Pessi a er hin pri a eba i rlSa mest i i u s r ttu ar essa ra r l ita Oi In r h eim num . At pp p e p e gva r h inn ” i f rli 27 v b . o , sem segir i sogu hans

’ A Miiller s S a a biblioth ek 6 6 peculiar error of g , II , 4 , should be noted. GH S 6 6 Miiller r l In giving a synopsis of ( 4 , almost literally t a ns a t a : D n St rrels e r r ing the words of the saga, s ys y a, der i ¢ e den t odje eller f erde Flod 0 h v is U ds rin Er Vidf rle s te j i Verden , g p g ik ¢ ¢g , som der

b erettes i hans saga . It is impossible to understand how Miiller could have substituted the name Eireks sa ga vil orla for that of Ingva rssa ga ” vibf rla A o , the two having so little in common . mistake that would 67

The passage of Ingva rssaga viiiforla that is here referred to : h h e rbi umra ebu a vi is the following ( C . V) hann y P , ar fellu u a Ga rba riki ok su sem milSit at iii a st n um , var mest i a fOr In va rr villa A ustriki ok a f nokkur li var ; p g um , fretti ma r “ h va Oa n su 2 se a a b O vissi , felli , en , engi kunni Pat at ggj ; p j Ingva rr feriS sina ur Ga rba riki; ok a etla Oi at reyna ok kanna l ar s r r IS V engll pes a a . Neither here nor elsewhere in

th e b . is Dyna mentioned y name, a fact that should be noted B r n I V S . m S . oc a N R , in his (the ﬁrst) edition of ( tockholm , v declares that the three ri ers here mentioned, but not th e named , are the Dnieper, the Dvina , and Volga , and that h Ingva rr sailed up a branch of the latter . There is little t at is positively known of Ingva rr beyond the fact that there was 1 0 1 a man of that name who died in 4 , and who was connected k with a voyage (or more than one voyage) to Ga rba ri i. It is impossible to ascerta in whether th e author of GH S is right in In a rr assuming that gv sailed up the Dyna . In view of the general untrustworthiness of both GH S and IS V a its source , in m tters of geography , the question as to

accuracy of statement may be dismissed . It will be more proﬁtable to investigate the source of the author’ s geographical m knowledge . As he evidently did not get the name Dyna fro IS V m ? , where did that name come fro Its occurrence in Krakumal a u H S can sc rcely be bro ght into connection with G , as there are no other points of contact between our saga and L b r k a n o b O . v th t of Rag ar In this connection , howe er, the fol in A nt u A nno a . r s . : t lowing passage found the , under the title

orva lds sa a v ibf rla v have led to the confusion with it of p g o , would ha e orva ldr Ga rBa riki seemed more natural, as p ﬁnally builds a monastery in , ES V r whereas the neve mentions that country even by name . What the ” r B S V Odéinsa kr he o of was seeking was the , which he found , but Ingva rr sought and fou nd the source of a river which the author of GHS ’ M ll r says was the Dyna . ii e s substitution would seem like a mere slip of

the pen , however, if he did not try, with the aid of the alleged quotation ES V GH S from , in , to determine the age of the former, of which he says

H blever citeret G H S . D a s idstna ev nte ( II , ans saga i ange rolfs aga va ere n re B e ndelsen a f femten de A a rh undrede tien er neppe kan y g end gy , f r d rm n n n A l det til at b esty rke den ov en or ytt e e F o od i g om Sa ga e s e de. If Miiller r l IS V were enti e y unacquainted with , we might understand his u r r to m contin ed efe ence to it instead of the for er, but of course he knows IS V 1 8 very well , and gives a long and critical account of it ( III , 5 t on éo ra h i u s tirées du livre de H a uk Erlends on i s g g p g e , is of interest : “ B runnr c Or f ora r at h in a t er inn i Paradiso, er falla j g i

a m h eitir P h ison fellr a India la ndi Onnu r pann hei ein , hon ; h i ir OOru na fni fellr Blala nd oc E ifta e t Gion oc Nil , hon um g

h eitir fellr Sercla nd rlSa h eitir land ; iii Tigris , hon um ; i l i ir a 5 Eufra tus fellr a . P a cto h e t , hon um Mesopot mia Asia sOndum b a Erm r h eitir Onnur a a r landi, Pa er gull i j ; , p eru ulls nda r b a TO h eitir a a S a nia landi a r oc enn g a i j ; g p , p eru ullsa nda r h eitir a a Sa xla ndi sOndum g ; Rin , Par er enn gull i ' ' DII n i ir a Ta na is h eitir a skilr fra . h e t hitt . , er Europa Asia , er mest vatn er i Europa ; Par fella i LX stOrér oc kemr i VII O l tOiS m h imsins stOiSum s l um s u . e i o, mikil i I heim lut eru a Orir stOraer oc N ia Seim a l-D Olko a Pessar ; Nepr y , g una , g , ”

K Sa x elfr Tifr B . Vina, uma , , Padus , , Rodon , etis Here we have a reference to the Dyna which apparently r agrees with what CH S tells us conce ning that river . The prominence given to certain Russian rivers furnishes additional proof of the fact that Scandinavian travellers and merchants

6 . often passed over the route described on p . 3 Thus the O lko a now Volkhov ( g ) , a river so short, and so unimportant ea s as to be practically unknown to the average r der, is a signed

a place among the great rivers of the European continent . n To return to the Dy a , is there not a parallel in the passage H h é rilS t e G S C . : a j ust quoted , to h words of I Pessi er hin P j eba i rlSa mest i h eiminum It will be seen that the largest a river in Europe is s id to be the Dun , in which we cannot fail

to recognize the Danube (Donau) . There is nothing in the passage to justify the assumption that the rivers that follow are named in the order of size (and attention must be called e to the fact that we do not necessarily m an actual size, but size

in the mind of the compiler of this information) . A man read

s a ing thi extract , however, might easily get the impression th t in point of size the Danube (to use the English names of these rivers will not impair the correctness of what follows) is fol e in lowed by the Dni per, then by the Neva , and the fourth m . t place, by the Dyna Nor is it necessary hat we assu e the author of CH S to have read this very passage ; it may have

7 0

H l iba o f h O ns H . V sun kv H i b . a the meaning t e word e ey in ( o g ) , M k Rii n 8 1 o e e . which , according to g , is Hiddens e auf g The statements concerning the island of H eOinsey fail to give us a clear idea of any beliefs reconcilable with our present t GH e knowledge , which the au hor of S had in conn ction with a rOa riki the geography of G . Nor are we enlightened as to v th e his iew of geographical location of certain countries , when “ we learn that wise men say that H ebinn the son of Hj a ra nd t was the ﬁrst to settle on tha island , when he was sailing from ”3 2 i l n Ind a a d to Denmark . All that we can do is to accept the O pinion expressed by Rafn that the author had not the faintest idea of the historical and geographical relations between 3 rO riki T r riki 3 Ga a and a tta a . Whatever additional information our author thought neces to on Ga rba riki to sary divulge the subject of , he seems have e thrown in hurri dly, apparently for the sake of completeness,

in the last chapter , and before we proceed to summarize all his

ma e knowledge of that country, it y be w ll to excerpt the pas “ i h : Si ldi r lf s sage n question ( C . XXXVIII ) g H O r a u tr til H Olm a rlSa meiS ski um ok In i er‘Or melS o g tiu p , gg h num var H rOlfr pa r til konungs tekinn yfir alt Ga rba riki metS ralSi k n ur k nn rr iki nn r un o ungsdott o a a a r sma a . p ifij gr Ga rba rikis ka llailr Ka enu a rb a r a t li r metS f a ll a rbi eim skilr er g ; p gg j g p , er Jotunh eima ok HOlmga rOa riki ; pa er 0k Ermland ok fleiri

Grundris s . 6 1 2 . , p u C . V : a t er frOlSra H ebinn kon n r H X II p manna sogn, at u g j a ra nda son ta eki r v ilS a e er s i ldi D a nm erkr a f Indi l n fy st land p y , hann g til a a di. The ’ view that H elSins ey may be a confused recollection in the author s mind of Rii en the island we now know as g , is supported by the sentence : Eirekr konun r h a fb i r urn e as: a rb a riki E g he iat y bessa, hann kom i G . rik would r Ga rba riki H eb in s e have had to pass th ough to reach y , unless the latter was somewhere in a body of water lying between Gestreka la nd ; pa t liggr ” undir Sv ia konun Ga rlSa riki for r estr k l nd r g, and , it is f om G e a a that E ik B n Ch . G S . S ee Gr driss 8 0 2 u . nd . comes ( II) map , , III , p 3 ( ed) l“ A n t. rus . . 2 2 : D du roi R Ga utreks s on , I , p 3 ans la saga olf , comme r me H n et B a un u dans les aut es de la me classe, celles de erra d de ose , de G g ' R et SOrle n e reconna it r v érite olfe de , on pas la moindre emp einte de la , de ’ ma n iére l env elo e mém e rev étues r étr que pp locale dont on les a , en pa ait e r k dépourvu e . Ainsi la situation assignée a u Ga rda i e et 2 la Tartaric et £1 ’ ’ ’ l ile de H eb ins ey entre ces deux pays prouve que l a u teur n a pas en la ’ ’ moindre idée des localités qu il a essayé de nous décrire ; tout ce qu il en ’ ’ r u un rOle l A sie cc ui sait, c est que les Tarta es ont jo é dans , q nous prouve ’ le e l inv on M 1 2 1 que récit a été composé apr s a s i des ongols en 4 . 7 1

n r mariki m on u s . We eet here for the ﬁrst time a statement rb rik HOlm a rOa riki in which Ga a i and g are not synonymous , as h : H Olm a rlSa riki b C . they are in I g , er sumir menn kalla Gar a B Ga rba riki riki . ut while we are told that one of the thirds of Ka enu a rlSr n is g , and are led to assume that a other third is HOlm a rOr g , the author leaves us in the dark as to the identity

m “ of the re aining third . This we must infer from other “ F u s sources . ortunately the Russian annals again assist , and from them we gather that the three main divisions of Ga rba riki “ H lm r r P l sk K nu rbr O a O a te a a e a . were g , j , and g ’ The author s knowledge of Ga rba rikimight brieﬂy be summed up as follows : He knows that the land was divided into three

parts , but names only two (XXXVIII ) ; the name of one of o these parts was sometimes synonymous with the wh le , for he “ : H Olm a rlSa riki Ga rOa riki says ( I ) g , er sumir menn kalla he knows the names of the two cities in Ga rba riki that were probably most familiar to Scandinavian ears : HOlmga rOr and A ldeigj uborg but in what part of Ga rﬁa riki they were he does n not tell . We may safely assume that he was ig orant of their

precise location, unless we regard the landing on the banks of “ a c A ldei ubor the Dyna, in order to re h gj g, as a proof of his

knowledge that the city lay inland, in which case we should be m t compelled to assume, conversely, fro another chap er, that ” h HOlm rlSr he was ignorant of t e fact that ga was also inland . He knows that Ktirland is the name of a strip of seacoast on

“ A L ’ n E m n rs . t. rus . u da a a es ( on y g , vol II) événements tels qu on les trouve dans les annales : Vladimir le grand laissa a prés lui plusieurs fils et u és Ia ros la v dé a u -roi N parents dont les pl s renomm étaient , j so s de ovo B G ch le -fils B ria tch isla v P et gorod, oris, li , petit de olotsk son neveu adopté Sv ia to ulk r é K 51 p , qui , se trouvant p écisément iev , la mort de son oncle, ’ ” s em a ra a us s itOt du A s P a ltes kia r p gouvernement . cor esponds to the P S n modern olotsk, and as that city is on the outhern ( or, as the Russia s r D r say, Weste n) vina, the lack of ca e in defining the position of the river B r i in G S is of a piece with its igno ance of the important city on t. In u r H Olm a rlSr Ka enu this connection it m st not be fo gotten that the names g , a rlSr P a ltesk a r g , and j indicate the p ovince as well as the capital or at least

dominant city .

See above note . ” Ch . V D In XX III , the expedition lands on the yna banks, and after a t number of adventures they march inland, at the end of the chapter, wi hout

again setting sail . ’ i l H r lfr f D nm rk s tr HOlm a rlS V S g di O a a o a u til g a ( XXX III) . 72

B A u strve r t the altic, somewhere on the g , and herefore we can e rlSa riki not deny that he may have considered it a part of G , ’ although his only mention of KIJ rla nd gives u s no indication h a nd t e . of relation of these lands He knows the river Dyna , B that it flows into the altic , but does not know the important P l k c a e a . city of t s j , situated on this river In the dire tion of S Ga rlia riki the fabulous outheast , and not inaccessible from , A lubor lie Jotunheim, in which is the city of g, and Tattara B Ga rba riki . e riki etwe n this land and , hostile relations are n Ga rba riki k own to exist . A remote province of is Ermland ; it is situated along the mounta in-chain that separates Jotunheim HOlm a rlSa riki from g , and appears to have been nearer to ” r Ka enuga rb than the other two ma in divisions of the count y . ’ H fiinse f That e y in the author s system o Geography, was con n cted th a rfi riki a e wi G a , has alre dy been pointed out . F a r more complete than the account of Ga rba riki is that H C S . given by of another country , namely, Denmark I f the encyclopedic passage on the geography of Denmark were not Kn tlin as a a a so manifestly borrowed from the y g g , as will p

pear from the parallel passages in Appendix II , it would be ’ of the greatest value in determining the author s geographical

knowledge . A careful examination of the parallel columns will disclose the fact that the Knytlinga passage is far more explicit than CH S ; in fact there is only one short sentence in the CH S extract that is not distinctly based on a corresponding n l K t . sentence in the y , excepting, of course , the introductory ’ GH S d étre sentence of the passage , which furnishes the raison

for the interpolation of a discourse on Danish geography . “ c th e Véb r um The senten e referred to, following words i jo g “ ” konun B ut reads : Par ta ka Danir g sinn . altho ugh the ex Kn l cer t t . p from the y , in the Appendix , does not furnish us diﬂicult t with a statement to correspond , it will not be o ﬁnd Kn tl c other sentences in the y . from whi h our author might easily have obta ined the impression that the Danes took ” elected) their king there . The most convincing single Kn l sentences in yt . bearing on the electoral power of the Véb r : h 26 ah ro lir Knu k jarga Ping a e these I . ( C . ) Peir b ir b e tr o

h . 0 . C . XXXVIII ; see p 7 3

' H a ra ldr sOttu nii Otla nds via t a r sk ldi konun é til J , P p y g taka é r iki lm nni h 2 a V b a a lm C . 8 j ga ping; var Par l t i e II . ( ) p er H a ra ldr konun r andalir Véb a r a n a r g var , attu Danir j g Pi g ; p skulu sér konun a fnan a ab a llra Danir g taka j Pvi Pingi, at r i . la ndsma nna yﬁr a llt D ana veldi var pa Knutr til konungs

' “ tekinn ; hann gj orlSist bratt rikr malir 0k st rnsamr. All that GH S XXXVII gives concerning the geography of Den Kn tl mark, is taken from y . XXXII , except one sentence, for h whic , however, there seems to be no reason to assign a source l other than the Knyt . This saga has been studied much more l a GH S Finnur thoroughly and critical y th n , especially by Onsson J , and we are able to make use of his admirable dis ‘0 cussion of the geographical passage in question . Ons n Kn tl J so , who divides the y . into three portions of unequal length, ﬁnds that the chapter on the geography of Denmark is Contained in th e middle portion ( Chapters 26—28 h i and a few isolated chapters) , w ch he regards as essentially ‘1 K B ut o the Saga of nud the Holy . alth ugh the chapter is a r Onsson a bso part of the saga, its character, acco ding to J , is so ’ lutel ff t Kn y di eren from that of the rest of ud s saga, that JOnsson is unwilling to believe it to be the work of the same writer . He notices its decided similarity with the ﬁrst and

Kn t . l to . third sections of the y , according his division He Kn tl t . does not doub , therefore, that the author of y , himself, h . e. t e c i , author of parts I and III , inserted the dis ourse on ’ n Onsson s h e the geography of De mark . Probably J note to t effect that the utilization of this discourse in GH S furnishes ‘2 us with no premises for deﬁnite conclusions, should be taken as referring only to the conclusions concerning the age of K l n t . y , as it is in connection with the date of composition of But that saga that this note is given . from the manner in which the author of CH S used the in formation obtained from

Fms 2 1 6 2 2 . XI , p . , m 3 . F innur Onsson Kn tlin a s a a ns Kild r r k J , y g g , de e og h is to is e Vaerd. Kgl. k D s e. . S . Skr. 1 00. See B . Vids els , 9 ibliography “ Mo k S M H Wrongly cited by g as the aga von agnus dem eiligen (p.

P . 1 . A f Omsta endi h ed . 2 ﬁndes ddra n 4 den g , at kap 3 i U g i GO gu r lf s K k n n B s m h l H o s a a a . a i tet e te t ed ud edes . g , p 37 , med 74

K l n t . : y , two things are clear that he possessed knowledge of

t . Denmark, and that he composed wi h artistic intent n As to his knowledge of De mark , it may be directly drawn from his own experience and travels or indirectly from books MOn or oral information . As he omits the names of and F l tr Kn tl t a s . mentioned in the y , it is clear that he regarded hem as small and comparatively unimportant . And the fact that he expands the reference to the numerous kingdoms of which the land was formerly composed, into a statement of the supe riorit Sk l un s y of the jod g , for which there is no distinct parallel K l t in n t . h e the y , proves that possessed informa ion , not found in his source, concerning the mythical history of Denmark . A detailed discussion of the changed designations of the Kn tl points of the compass in the y . , which changes have been ’ GH S Onsson s followed in the transcript, will be found in J “ r a ticle mentioned above, and as this is a matter that concerns Kn tl GH S y . more closely than it does , we refer the reader to Ons son Ons son J , emphasizing, in this connection, that it is to J that we owe our immunity from such errors as the one made “ S a a biblioth k i in the g e , where the contents of the geograph cal passage in GH S have been given as internal evidence in deter of GH S e mining the age , a process that app ars to be ridiculous now that ' we know that the passage in question is borrowed O almost literally from another saga . nly from the manner in which the author of GH S neglects to use some of the material can we draw inferences, and these inferences do not ﬁx the date of the saga, but touch upon the literary method of the u r author . We have just seen him suppress an nimpo tant detail , probably in accordance with the principle of selection , but we shall now behold him exercising this same privilege with the deliberate purpose of enhancing the artistic quality th e of setting with which he wishes to provide his saga . I refer here to what is evident from even a cursory examination Kn tl H . G S of the parallel quotations from y and , namely , the

Kilder . . , p 3 5 F r t e S om h fact that Roskilde is given as the capital of jaland, a posi tion that it yielded to Copenhagen on the accession of Christopher the Miill l r B P . E . er S a a bib . H S avarian, , in g III , infe s that G must have been written before the accession of that monarch . 75 suppression of the statistics regarding the number of ch urches in the dioceses of the various bishops ( and the information a GH S that these capitals are also the se ts of bishops , also care fully refrains from borrowing) , and the suppression of the statements as to the number of ships th e king may levy in Kn tl each province . Almost everything else in the long y . pas H sage passes over into C S, but these details are carefully omitted . In fact, not only the number, but even the very exist h ? be ence of t e churches is concealed . Why There seems to CH but one answer . The author of S wanted to produce the orna lda rsa a th e impression that here was a real f g , in literal s seilS a h sense , when the orcerers still practiced and s ng t eir ff e ective charms , and when the only motive of action was the desire for aggression and resistance , for brave expeditions o ﬁ h t against the enemy, with much g od fellowship and much g ing . He felt himself bound to omit any references to the C h m hristianity wit which he ust of course have been familiar, in order to enhance the impression that he was presenting the h in r du reader wit something genuinely old , antedating the t o c tion of Christianity by hundreds of years . Where he resists the natural desire to borrow and give h imself an air of learn ing, he shows artistic intent . The manner, furthermore , in which the constituent elements of the saga have been selected , must also be taken as an indica tion of his intention to create a saga in which Christianity and the events of recent history B ut play no part . this subj ect has already been discussed in th e So H S the chapter on Materials and urces of C . Had all the information of geographical nature in Chapter

XXXVII been put into the mouth of a character in the saga, we might ﬁnd an amusing parallel in the grotesque remarks ’ of Ziis Biinzlin in Gottfried Keller s little story Die drei r ch t Ka h r Bu h e e en mma c e . t t e g as it is, author has strung his bits of information on the string of his narrative with such nonchalance as to forget how absurd it is to add, at the end

In of the story, a geographical description of the countries which many of the preceding incidents have taken place . He n not only, at the end of a story partly enacted in De mark, ﬁnds that he ought to say something about the country, but also 6 considers it desirable to preface this Danish material with a shorter but perhaps even more interesting account of England . In a work of the present day we should ﬁnd such insertions But inappropriate . the sense for what was pleasurable and what was merely useful may have been less distinct in those t S ’ days , and af er all, many of the playgoers in hakspere s day may have enjoyed the historical information given in such a play as Henry VIII as much as its literary or dramatic quali H S . C ties It is not unlikely that the author of , while trying r to invest his sto y with a romantic atmosphere , also aimed to L t . e impart verisimilitude to it , by resorting even to statistics th e us turn now to the short passage on geography of England , which is given in full under England in the list of geograph ical names , Appendix III . F or this pas sage a s a whole there is no c orrespondence in

Kn tl th e s o f s s m y . , but as ﬁrst entence it make a tate ent paral Kn tl a s d leled essentially, in y . , and the wor ing implies quota

o Kn tl. . tion from a source, borr wing from y is a fair inference The passage from CH S begins as follows : England er kallat ga gna ulliga st land a f Vestrlon dum a nd then proceeds to assign industrial and agricultural reasons for this wealth Kn tl o o y . , on the ther hand , d es not say that England is th e e h called rich st country , but alleges t is as a fact, as a sub ’ sidia r c K e y ause of nut s great wealth , England b ing given in Kn tl o e o y . as nly one of sev ral countries fr m which he took tribute . The closing words of the long introductory sentence

h 1 Kn tl : Ok O melS uO a t of C . 9 y . are P Pat at England er a g s ll rl n at la usa fé a ra N orﬁ a da . The peculiar changes that GH S “ to c A llra makes in the sentence , going so far as onvert “ orOrla nda o a i Vestrl ndum N (genitive) int o (dative) , be e e might taken to be devic s to cov r up the borrowing, or as th e unintentional result of a n indistinct recollection of the e e original s ntence . The sp ciﬁc details given by GH S concern ’ “ ing England s w ea lth ( see under England in the list of a m s e e geographic l na e ) were evid ntly add d , as already indicated Kn l t t . above, to jus ify the assertion quoted from y But it would not follow that these details must therefore be a t vari Th ance with the facts . at the industria l and agricultural

CHAPTER VII

GoN GU -HROLFS RfM U R

It is not surprising that many of the sa gas should have been versifi -H rOlfssa a e ed in rima form . Gongu g has not scaped im r O . r u this treatment . nly two Mss exist of these , one at -Ma na ea n C th e Copenhagen , in the Arna g ollection , other at L s inten i . Reykjav k, in the National ibrary It was at fir t the tion of the present author to bring out a complete edition of rim r MS e t u c S . hese , with a ollation of the two and what ver m e be . critical a terial might necessary With this obj ct in view , MS wa s a copy of the Copenhagen . prepared for the author by OrOa rson C Mr . Matthias p of openhagen, and compared with ’ OrtSa rson s c the Reykjavik MS . on Mr . p return to I eland . A e s careful xamination of thi copy led to the opinion , confirmed o Mo k to th e by Profess r g in a letter the author , that literary and archaeological value ofth ese rimur was so slight as scarcely e to justify the great exp nse of printing them in full . O f the twenty rimur in the copy (the copy of the M S is now in the

L C U s ibrary of olumbia niver ity) , one of the shorter and more a o is anim ted nes given below in full , with a rather close English i . second translation No part of this r ma , the in the series , has e t t ever b fore appeared in print, but the four in roduc ory lines of the ﬁrs t rima as well as the concluding sixteen lines of the ’ twentieth have been quoted as specimens in JOn porkelsson s book on the poetry of Iceland in the . ﬁfteenth and sixteenth “ centuries . Volume 2 o f the Katalog over den A rna ma gna ea nske Hind k ml 1 s riftsa in s es MS C e NO. g de crib the at openhag n as 555 , as 61 0 —f i is : e o . 60 dev t . . S follows AM , 4 Pap X cm . bl r m n a ine in . S c so fore i e d B1 if e . p g g amme odex g nummer , 57 beska di ede beska erin vre o r ere g ved g langs o g yd e margen .

m i n n n 1 O d t i a . 0 1 6 r n r 1 8 e . a h u d ede C 88 g g p Island i det 5 g , openhagen , , P 1 5 3 79

bl 6 f rek mm r On -H r o . r im r Efter . 5 o e en lakune G gu Olfs u . krif h On R ma 2 r : u 0. Ove s t rta g g Hrolfs y . I alt A comparison with the events in the GH S to which the e s o episodes in the following s cond rima corre p nd, will show how faithfully the rimur have been made to agree with the be ffi u original in the facts of the story . It would di c lt to avoid making the assumption that the writer had a copy or at least a skel eton outline of the saga before him while writing these im r r u . t t In fact, it is extremely likely, o j udge by the wenty

e d s four lines which are h re quote , that there once exi ted and s e s set rimur possibly now till xi ts , a of dealing with a phase of the saga material scarcely touched upon by the rimur in our

M S . The wording of the following passage hardly admits of the interpretation that this earlier portion of the ma terial may be equivalent to what we should call the substance of the turla u ssa s a rfsa ma O n S a t . s e g g the other hand , it will e m C e th e s t e lear on a r ading of hort quoted passage, hat the ref rence ’ ’ is to the war ensuing on Erik s invasion of H reggvill s terri a nd th e u-H rOlfs Rimur e tory, that the author of Gong wish s to be set down as authority for the fact that this earlier portion of the material has been gotten up in rimur form by another “ person .

Mig b efur h ebib vm' maeriia r slotS ' mylldur h iorﬂis steffne Po hafa fyr'lSa r fra mda nn 06 fra ma n a ff Pessu effne Me has asked for verses a gentle man ; yet there is an ode performed f s e of the ﬁrst part o thi subj ct .

Kunna O befur hann kurteyst skil

' kia la rs a ff vjrrtum breinum “ This is not the proper place to discuss independent timur versions of GB S by roth century scholars ; such will be found indexed in the Biblio graphical N otes published as Supplements to the British Museum Catalogu e F 1 886- 1 0 by Willard iske, 9 7 . 80 sa h efur grypaﬁ sOgunna r til s ur rs um re num egg i y t g y .

He has had favorable knowledge of poetry ; he h a s touch ed upon the story in the ﬁrst details .

Sa vill h eyra sOna r miet saman i maelsku dyra vm geymer Pann er H reggvitS h iet

' h afflSe GOrlSum a b styra .

That one wishes to hear poetry in a highly valued language concerning that king called H reggvili ortSum ( who) ruled G .

Skal eg a f pessu skyra ﬂeytt en skunda o f nyu fraeﬁe sOguna befur hann saman reyrt synn i riettu kuzebe.

I shall describe this quickly and hasten to a new lore ; the story he has compassed h is in faultless poem .

Leynger ecke liolla spia ll

' leselS a f ejr'lier ﬁa lla kuelSur hann glOgt vm kongsens fall 0 kizer n ub g a a ga n alla .

Not length y is the ditty compiled by the man ; ’ he recites clearly the king s death th e and all dear compulsion . 81

Skylst hann Par vill fra tia fund farib er sOgunne valla Pvi skal gylldan golnes mund Or um n i ll g p nya n sp a a .

n There he parts from the ﬁnd of k owledge,

hardly is the story justice done . Therefore a new song h shall be sungof t e heroes .

Or'lSa rson It is only fair to Mr . p , who made the copy of which c the su ceeding stanzas are an excerpt , to state that he is not responsible for the chaotic condition of the orthography . When

OrlSa rson t MS . Mr . p made the copy of all the imur in the he s o o t was under the impres i n, as was the auth r of his volume , th e MS that entire would be printed under his supervision , in M ou Europe , and that constant reference to the original S w ld be possible while the work was going through the press . In th e o other words , a collation of the copy with riginal, that now r e t would involve co respond nce and long delays, would hen have m B ut proceeded simply as a atter of course . the copy given here will give a very good idea of what is in the Gongu-H rOlfs Rim r u .

A U N N UR GO N GU-HROLFS RY M A

Hjer skal renna a f ra dda r Pey rOgnis ﬂa ustur bia rtre mey fange h i rs ab fremia mebur f rlSa f 25 nockurn lebur y e P g . Here to a fair maiden poetry start from the silence of the voice

dealing with a man ,

if it please any one .

Ska lldenn vanda Ma nn sOng mest meysta rliga i fraeﬁum best 82 gieffst Peim Pesse ga fa nn h reyn r a f g aella ra h eyms i h yggin stein .

Poets take th e greatest pains with Ma nsOn s the g, in the best work ; this good fortune is given by th e hea ler of the world to their intellect

ra usn 0gmegn og ra ﬁeti greytt A llrer bliota megn elSa matt ma leil snia llt ella vysku hatt r t sl kt a ff drottn veitt iet er y e .

Others receive might and strength eloquence and great wisdom ; magniﬁcence, power and ready counsel , L truly such is bestowed by the ord .

H ey'bnum riett sem ch ristnum kann kongur himna Petta vann

' forﬁum vejrta ne r sem nu lldu O er uyta h ie ngua tru .

To pagans just as to Christians ’ heaven s King these things

' of yore as now did grant

to those who thought no faith needed.

Voru marger meckta r menn

' menta rjrker forﬁum senn Peir sem gym tust fraegll a b fa

' l rff a uiS r fol du lj s 0gd e 2 . Many reputable men there were n highly lear ed in days of old, those wh o desired to win fame

on earth or else die . 6

H yrtu ey Po Pra utenn PrOng

‘ Preyngde lyfe h OI lS elia lOng fyrba studde fraegba val

ﬂiott a ff einum greyna skal .

Care not though 2 hard ta sk impel your life hard or long ; grea t renown supported th e men ; e swiftly of one shall ( I ) r late .

7 Abur ﬁell pa r oliurinn nillur yta H rolffur ba rbist viﬁur fellde recke fraegba rma nn m r rOin furliu oa bu var o n hann .

B o ef re, the ode ceased there where Hrolf fought the men ; the warrior Slew a famous man a r r ther wea y had he become .

Kuﬂle Atla kasta r hann P2 kongson gjor'lSe Petta 26 tia opta r skal eg ecke hier

' illsku l rk h lio ff s j a ta a Pier .

’ Then he casts off A tli s cowl and this the prince spoke again I shall not m such mischief get fro thee .

9 Settist niﬁur og sa renn batt sy'lia n tok 26 ganga h ra tt moa llur na sta mOrkum 2 marga daga var ute Pa .

Sa t down and dressed his wounds and then took to fast walking ; very tired , for many days h e was houseless in the wilderness .

Naefrum spentur niotur sta lz naesta sier og bak vm h a lz klungur og hamra kongson rann a O u ﬁnnur rm k ppa ng a ha .

The wa rrior clad in birch-bark next to h im and round his neck ; c rags and rocks he ran over

and ﬁnds no man .

1 1

Fu lla nn mannb for nu villt faer hann ey 2 ley‘lium styllt Pvi ne st dro til bygh a bratt tna r m 2 n urn ba v och hatt . A full month he now went astray and is unable to control his course ; t hen he rapidly drew near habitation,

matters now improve somewhat .

1 2 pvi naest ﬁnnur breyba braut bygba r lystu r mincka r pra ut elfe Gauta 26 kom fra mm irn sa ﬂiota daelu mm e ga .

Thereupon he ﬁnds 2 broad road

bright with dwellings, lessens trials ; he came to the Elb of the Ga uts 2 and saw ship ﬂoating .

I 3 pa r var b ryggia a land vpp lon

' ljflSer munu par kunna brOg‘lS ’ viii enda h enna r efﬂdist glaeﬁur m h e lsa r ka enn skiaeiiur ytu y pp .

86 beserks b efur hann bol 26 sia rn n byta eingenn j a e n 2 .

too Wicked is he and treacherous , this the men did say ; h h a s m t e body of 2 savage he it see s, no iron can bite h im.

A tta tye h efur hann hier holda tucun a nu me6 sier oss befur na u6ga6 a ullum til

k 6 vO n s il 26 au a me sier p a p .

Twice eighty men h a s he here at this time with himself ; he has forced us all h to swell his ﬁghting strengt .

I 9 A lluel skiemta yta r mier a nsar H rolfur og burttu fer vt a skey6 sa ita vinnur e t r a Ol r ﬁnnur p e Pett J gey . Quite well do you amuse me replied Hrolf and departs ; o s men he g e aboard , the being willing, Ol e r and thereupon ﬁnds J g y .

Kongson h eylsa r Rau62 a

' kjrn ia digur er hann 26 sia h ylmer spur6e 26 h eyte kund

u e mde fa lska hi n sem g y lund .

The prince greets the rascal , very stout did he appear ; the churl who keeps a crooked ’ asks the prince s name . 2 1

Sag6e hann honum sem h olda r heyt hier ne st m llte kiempa nn teyt eg vil ga me6 y6ur i li6 mtl 6 6 a 0ghier go 2n si .

He told h im his name ; then the bold warrior spoke h I wish to enlist wit you, such I consider a good plan .

Eingenn lyst mier Pocke a pier Po Pu vilier fylgia mier ef ecke sparer illsku verk oss f l i kiem nn ma y ga pa sterk . It seems to me no cause for thanks though you wish to follow me ; if you do not spare evil deeds t the s rong warrior may follow us .

23 pessu jatar Peyngilz ui6 Pvi naast gieck me6 honum i 1i6 h ielldu sy6an a gla mma grund a r a r g p Pegar i samre stund .

This th e man accepts and thereupon joins his troops ; then the same hour the warriors went forth campaigning.

24 H a lurenn tok 26 heria Pa ha6e marga randa ga ka u6enn ra nte kurska Pio6 6 a ff c m m r nn 6 kuga e P i a ga sio .

C The hieftain then took to harrying, many 2 battle did he wage ; 88 the rascal plundered th e Kursk nation ; x from them he e tracted great treasures .

2 5 Illa for me6 hern26 h elldur h uorcke di6 nie saemder velldur ba ndur ra na 0g ka upmenn kann i kyn ge fullur llsku mann .

a R ther cruelly did he carry on war, neith er valour nor honor rules ; peasants and merchants rob th e man full of wickedness can .

H rolfe var ey vm sodda nn si6 seggium veyter ey Par til li6 var6 Pvi ecke vingan go6 rn ri veytt a ff JOlgeyr h io a o6 .

Hrolf did not like such conduct and does not assist in that ; therefore there was not good friendship Ol r accorded the prince by J gey .

27 potte H rolfur latur 0g ley6ur i lundu f2r 0g sia llda n grey6ur hann kom a lldri i randa rig recka r urfftu 26 i Si Pa P ver a g. He thought Hrolf lazy and odious sluggish and seldom willing ; he never came to ba ttle when the men needed to defend themselves.

Ly6smenn aller loff6ungs kund

’ lejrff6u Pratt a ff katte lund Pagu a ff honum goss og gull i r6i t 6 in go s me Pcim v ga n full .

Vefreyu sege eg vaena nn naut vella lun urinn 6 h r u d Par me a t.

The coa t h e wraps around his head, did 2 t on nowhere he ﬁnd bet er e,

' V fre una ut the good e jr I say, n th e there upo warrior snored.

Jolgeyr vakna r morne me6 misia ffnt ha ff6e stundum gie6 klaeddist skiott 0g kom 2 land k m kundinn h iellt 2 nOc tu brand .

JOlgeyr awakes at morn was uneven at times his mood , dressed quickly and came ashore, th e rasca l h eld 2 naked sword .

34 Kemur Par 26 sem kongson la kynia rey6ur var hann P2 h Oggur offan 2 mi6i2 nn mann mi i h 6 n 6 i 6 u ygst 2 s ey 2 hann .

Comes to th e place where lay the rather angry was he then ; th e strikes on middle of the man , im in two he has in mind to cut h .

Kongsyne h lyff6e kapaun Par kund 26 eige broddurinn skar

' bolld 0g bejrn sem h orff6ist a H rolfur r6 26 va kn go e a P2 .

There the coat protected the prince so th at the ra scals sword did not cut ﬂesh and bone as seemed likely ; then Hrolf did awake . 91

36 Vu6a teinn i 2nn26 sinn a ula ns reydde h Ondinn stinn h ygst 26 sny62 h Offu6i6 braut ki ff h a rdla s ott a randa gaut .

The sword 2 second time ’ the boor s strong hand raised ; he has in mind to hew the head ff very swiftly o the man .

37 Kongson P2 2 ka u62nn h liop kynge fra eg hann mestan glop 2 f myklu aﬂle 2 mote Preyf 2 f m lldin s rif klae6inn r f y g a a ey .

The prince then ran on the rascal , I describe him th e biggest baboon ; with great strength he grappled ’ off and tore the man s clothes .

38 Geingust Peir me6 grimmleik 26 ga rpa sueytinn h orff6e 2 P26 ska ck26e eingenn ska tna leik kr ff26ist 6 foll in s e by 2 d n bleik .

They wrestled ferociously,

the band of warriors looked on, none meddled with the game of the heroes ;

in many places the bleak earth shook .

39 Berserk Pesse trylla st tekur tyggia 2rff2nn vy62 h rekur Pa rtil h olda r h riota i kaff ff hamre einum burtu a . This savage becomes furious and drives the prince here and 92 until both men plunge ff o 2 crag. ymser vr6u vnder Pa ero Peir komner lande fra dreyngium biell vi6 druckna mest e dug6e huor sem kunn best .

A lternately would th ey then be under ; nowthey have come out from th e sh ore ; n the heroes guarded most against drow ing , ea ch one lasted th e best he could .

41 La nga stundu vm la xa mi6 liekust Pannenn ga rpa r vi6 vn s 26 ley6 26 lande bar f n ur lOff6ungs a rtinn ste d Par.

A long time for 2 winning turn h the warriors t us played, until at last they nea red land ; the prince now there stands .

42 Jolgeyr eige n26e ni6ur nu tok honum 26 leyka st mi6ur haus i lynda H rolfur greyp h Offu6i6 a 6 ka rffa sue f r e i yp.

ol e r a J g y did not re ch to the bottom, now he began to be less pleased ; Hrolf seizes h im around the waist and brought his head under water .

43 Geyspa tok s a glyrnde ver ga urenn h la ut 26 druckna hier logs so skylde ly62 fund lodda rinn d2u6 hitte 2 stund .

Jolgeyrs spar6e ecke 2u6 ytum Potte h orﬂinn nau6 .

Th e warrior gave out the gain to the men with both hands ; ’ he did not spare JOlgeyr s wealth ; m n the e felt Oppression vanished .

H rolfaur h iellt 2 h a vah Oll 0g ha6e marga randa gOll eingenn sto6 vi6 odda frey yta kaenska i vopna Pey . Hrolf directed his course to sea and waged many 2 ba ttle ; no one’ s skill could hold out

against th e warrior in 2 combat .

Ja ffnann sigur 0g sa mder h la ut suer62 vi6ur i h uorre Pra ut a ff ytum ﬂeck h ann ﬁa r nn 6 ii vte Pa enn sumari g r .

Always victory a nd fame the warrior won in every trial ; from the men he got property

thus the summer passed .

50 pa rie6 h aetta h iorffa vind hitter gullz 2 Sigluh ind arife Sturlugs 2 u6nu frekur r epte Petta Jutland tekur.

Then decided to stop sailing on the ship the ﬁnder of gold the son of Sturlug in good luck s after that arrive in Jutland . 5 1 pa r rie6 ﬁrir porgnyr jall Pannenn greyner visna spia ll kurt 0g heydur a ff kongum bar Or r katur 0g vit ga pa var .

There ruled earl porgnyr so the ditty relates ; in courtesy and honor he excelled other cheerful and liberal with men was he .

52 Styllers a rlfenn Steifner hiet sta linn vy6a brotna liet ﬁnst Par ecke fraegre dreyngur fra mm m ein ur i list 0g so a g g .

’ ’ Th Steffner e king s son s name was , far and wide he let the swords break ; a more famed hero is not found there, preeminent is he in skill and honor .

82 var h ylmer harla rykur h uorge fanst P2 anna r slykur 26ur lyff6e a ff mskuskey6 l r k h O ff 6 e lenn Oc te i r a mei .

That king was very rich ; nowhere was there another such to found ; already he had lived Off his youth and was in the twilight of old age .

54 BiOrn skal nelfna bulilungz mann bragning ia ffna n trvskap vann sy62r kemur hann soguna vi6 32 kia nn 6 6 var vi randa kli .

’ BiOrn shall be named the king s man who always served the king faithfully ; 96

c th e s r later he omes to to y, l ski led was he in war .

55 H rolfur so sem hermet spiall b itta gior6e rykann j all a tt 0g heite inte bratt 6 k v 2u ling to p i varla fatt .

Hrolf as th e report goes did meet the rich ea rl ; ancestry and name he quickly made known ; h indiﬁ rence t is the king took not with e .

56 Sx md 0g h ey6ur siola bi6ur sueiger sta lz 0g ra ndavi6ur vyser skyllde veria lOnd volldu um i 2 h O g geck hann j 2 rle nd.

Honor and respect offers to the king h a nd t e warrior hero, in order to protect the lands h l he subordinates imself to the ea r .

57 Kastala h elldur kiempa nn tru me6 j arle var hann i kimrleik nu aunguan atte 2ufund2r mann if k n z ll r n ar e o g i sty e s va n .

The true hero holds the castle ; now he was greatly loved by the earl none was there who bore h im 2 grudge ; ’ h th s t e prince worked to e earl s succes .

58 Stelfner fra eg 0g styllers ni6 sterka nn kiz rleyk bundust vi6 frOmdu ma rga nn ﬂeyna slag festu 62 brae61 212 sy n g.

P26 vill h elfna kyngeka ll r n r krapplund26ur vit po g y jall .

’ The earl had Tryggua s father killed in 2 ba ttle ; this the crafty churl wants to avenge

’ or n rr pugnaciously on earl p g j .

Brende hann vy6a brugnings h2u6ur bra gna dey6er raen ist 2 u6ur Peir sem suer6i6 synia r fa llz r r l z socktu traust til po gny s j a l .

’ F a r th e and wide he burned earl s lands , kills men and plunders property ; those who are concerned r place their trust in earl porgny .

64 Bio Pa j a rlenn bra gna li6 bysla skiott i randa kli6 stolltum fylgia Steffner 0g H rolff ll inda kolf sta tann baru v . Then the earl makes ready his army a very quickly for the b ttle, the proud Steffner 2nd Hrolf they follow

bearing the haughty standards .

Era 6ur Pegar buenn er Pio6 brognum h ielldu i randa gio6 berserkia ey bilu6u h Ot b ra 6li 2 g komu Peir i mot .

The broth ers when the army is ready lead it into battle ; ’ the savages threats did not weaken ; swiftly they are coming against them . 66

Fla 62r essum fundust 2

' fjf162r h uover a6ra sia tyrs skal Pa nnenn t2nn2 lOg a 0 e ma bOrnum miO t ma g g y g.

They met on some islands ; the men see ea ch other ; thus the divine laws shall be dented , emptied and preserved for the children . A PPENDIX I

TH E VOCABULARY A N D STYLE or CH S

b GH S Concerning the voca ulary of , two widely divergent opinions have been by scholars of the highest authority , at an

r C . C . interval of half 2 centu y . The earlier opinion is that of 1 th . Ra fn , who regarded e style as unusually pure The later Mo k a is that of E . g , who reg rds the foreign inﬂuence as evi 2 not . A n dent only in motivation, but also in vocabulary exa mination of the vocabulary discloses 2 large number of n u mistakable foreign words, and of others that may be foreign , all of which have been collected in 2 list to accompany this h appendix . An inspection of this list shows t at 2 large pro

t Ch . e portion of hese words comes from XXXVII , specially “ that part devoted to the ma rriage feast . Here we meet with 2 number of courtly terms for which classica l Icelandic has of course no equivalent . O n the other hand such common words “ ' ” L n2tt11r2 borrowed from the atin , as (which occurs in the Sn orra Edda N dla Preface to the , in the j , and other well a known works) , c ll for no special notice as signs of foreign

' A r inﬂuence . few p roper names are also foreign in fo m , and D l f l . i l r c Vi h alm . h . u a t erefore also appear in the list , e g, , j Attention is called to the term “ loan translation introduced = in connection with the word h o fm26r CV Clea s by a nd Vi usson gf , and solus means that the only quotation given CV m GH S t in is fro , although the references in tha book are F as . only to III ( ﬁrst edition , of course) , by page

‘ 2 2 f 1 8 0 D u a un - A n t rus . . G u . I , 3 ( 5 ) reste la saga de g Rolf se distingue par un langage tres pur et par une certaine habileté dans la conception du plan . ’ Grundriss 8 1 0 S M , II , 49 , 9 3) die aga, die nicht nur in den otiven R h z a den Geist der itterdichtung, sondern auch in dem Wortsc at st rk m l den fre d iindisch en Einﬂu ss zeigt . ‘ The prevalence of the present participle in s evera l of the sentences of this description of the wedding must also be taken as 2 purely foreign

2 L ﬂ . mannerism , probably atin in uence ' F M 1 06 . . F z M D ie S . . rit authner, prache, rankfurt a , 9 , p 5 3 100

1 02

kurt s k r isu . F e s u t st O . y V, e ( superlative) I courtois 160 1 L r . at. 2 , , lion leo ; there is also more naturalized fo m N n H O S . l , which does not occur in C m eis i L H m i ri ta r . at. O G e sta , I , XXV magister or , MHG m ist ri La t e e o . , which als from (Weigand M n la us s e e , frequently in XVII . n m éttﬁra . , passi éfu l 2fu lum m p g , only in dat . pl . p g , XXXVIII . Not fro HG, La t i vO as initial was there already shifted , but from . p or A 11 L S 2 a t. pea , pawa ; originally irnent ice L a s . . ow at. p , XXXVII , p MHG pimente L pig

mentum . i m i r F L a no . . u . t. p p , only in pl p p XXXVII rom the a perhaps r through the F . réttr CV : 6 , XXXVII , and in the example 495 II en er hir in ” ’

h 2 f6i f rsta rétt a m GH S . CV s kent y , which is lso fro ” assumption that it really means what is reached , seems e m l ss reasonable than what is prepared , ade right ré tta . ( from , like Ger Gericht from richten) ; or, loan

word from Gericht . rid ti r m t i du u . . da d t. r d a . , pl XXX , acc pl ridda a XXXIII , in r 1i6 i . r dd2 . cpd . 2 XXX In the sense of Ger Ritter as well -2 a re as Reiter . Most ri nouns foreign ; this undoubtedly

Ger . i m c l n ru salter um a us i a i s t men t CV . , XXXVII , , Greek

im mu c l i ru L s h on a si a ns t ment. a t. . p , XXXVII , symphonia k rla tsb una 6i dr s d i c rl t V k rl s a es e n s a e . C s a at , XXV, In , is 1 given as foreign . Weigand 1 9 0 gives 2 MHG variant h r L L rl l . c um sc a a t ( scharlach) from ow a t s a a t . Vilh élmr j , passim . APPENDIX II

PARALLEL PASSAGES OF GH S A N D KN YTLI N GA SA GA

F n . or ( O the Geography of Denmark discussion see p .

Knytlinga sa ga Gongu-H rOlfssa ga ( Chapter 32 complete ; F r2 La ndsskipa n i Da a rk) ( Conclusion of Chapter 37 )

r i fn h D nmo k . Ste i 3 . a er mikit r ki , 37 var ge t ok li r k sundrlaust a rlsna fn ﬁr Otla nd ok gg i ; j y alt J , lu r D nm rkr f Ri b inn mesti h t a e sat hann o ta st i pum . h ir Otla nd li r D a nm rk m k sundr eit J , Pat gg hit o er j o 6 r 6 h un b ok O l n sy 2 me ha ; Par er inn laus , er Par J t a d s nzti bisku sstOll Da a rk mestr ri y p i hluti kis . i H ei62ba e ok c li r et 6 6 h aﬁnu , er i P im bis Pat gg sy r2 me kups m b2lit i r62 h undrat kirkna 1 00 ok 0 i 6 , en 3 skipa I JOtla nd eru margir hofu ' k nII n i A nna rr bisku s o g . p st26ir stOll 2 Otla ndi 6 5 I H i62 ba e er J , Par er sy t e , h eitir Ri um vi bisku s nn r ri um i p , i P p a a r i p , riki eru 4 kirkj ur 0k 20 0k ' 00 1 1 konIIn i 3 , en tigir skipa g ri 6 ri6i bisku stOll til tbo s . p ps

2 Otla ndi h eitir A rOsi ri6i i A rOsi er J , er i , P , i Pvi biskupsriki eru 200 kirkna 0k 1 0 konfin i , en g 9 F r i k tigir skipa . jO 6 bis ups stOll 2 Otla ndi h eitir 2 r m er J , er i r61 i Vébj o gu ; Par taka Véb Or um vi bisku sriki k n j g , i P p Danir onu g sinn . 200 kirkna 0k 0 eru 5 , en ' k nII n i 1 L o g 00 skipa . ima r6r h eitir 2 Otla ndi r r l i i J , Pat Lima fjo 6 er 2 JOt a nd ; " rdr en r en r a i 6 6 er mikil i , hann g g hann g g nor ri til su rs , a f fitnor6ri til su6rs ; ur enn i inna nver6um fir6inum nor6a nver6um Limafir6i er gengr S ee note on next page . 104

m ott ci6 vestr H 2 raldsei6 vestr til h a fsins j til hafs, er ;

’ h i ir r ldsei6 lét lét H a ra ldr konun r e t H 2 a , Par Par g H a raldr konfingr Sigur62rson Sigur62 rson draga yfir skip fi r 2 draga y skip sin , P er sin, hann komst undan Sveini P2 hann fOr undan Ofri6i in k n F rir n k ti i F rir vesta n L m Sve s o un s . vesta on ng . y i a g y f 6r6 h eitir Lima f r6 li r Va ndilsska i j er Pat riki , er jo gg g ; Vend lsska i 0k vikr nu vikr til nor6 ra ett2 r e g , til ho m ; N r6r r b run i h fu6s 6r o ett2 t2 . 2 , Par er inn 5ti i Jo g er Par o biskupsstOll i Da nmork i Pcim sta6 er h eitir i Jorungi ; i Pvi biskupsriki eru 1 00 kirkna 0k 60 kirkn fimm a , en tigir skipa ' 1 k ntln i 1 Otla ndssi6 h eitir Otlandssi62 6 vesta n o g . J 2 J er kollu a llt vesta n ir2 Vendilska a 0k fr2 h a finu r62 a f g , no n Van l i Millum Ot da sska a 0k 6 t l . su6r til Ripa . J g su r Ripa lands 0k F jOns gengr Me6al Milli JOtlands 0k FjOna gengr A F b A lfa sund A F n Oni . O i fa ra rsund. j er inn inn j er D r h fu6st26r O6ins 6ti biskupsstOll i a a k i o i ey . O6insey i Pvi biskupsriki eru 00 kirkna 1 0 3 , en tigir skipa konlin i F Ons ok F Ona 0k S 2 en r g . Milli j Milli j j lands g g , B l i n 2l n i l r l n e t ssu d. S a d SjO a nds geng Be tissu d. I j er h fu6s R i kel u I SjOla ndi er binn 7 di bis o ta6 i O s d . kupsstOll i Da a rk i ROis keldu i SjOla nds biskups da emi 00 0k 1 1 kirk ur eru 4 j , F rir r6 n r en I oo ok 20 skip konungi. y no 2 n Sj aland ge g Fyrir nor62n Eyra rsund liggr inn Eyra rsund 0k Par fyrir A 6 k2n Sk2ney ok Halland . nor 2 n S ey ; Sk2ney er erkibiskupsstOll i L S2 h inn 8 bisku undi , er di ps ll D rk i f stO i a a ; i Pv biskups Par er h o u6st26r i Lundum . da emi er h 2lft ij or6a 1 00 kirkna 0k kirk ur h 2lf 3 j , en t annat 1 00 skipa konfingi; S2 ‘ This is the only passage in the GH S excerpt that is not borrowed in

. e. . is th e the correct ( i , original) order It here given , not in place in

h GKS Kn tl. w ich it is found in , but opposite the corresponding passage in y

A PPENDIX III

ALP HABETI CAL LIST OF A LL GEOGRAP H I CAL NAM ES O CCUR RI N G I N GoN GU -H ROLPSA GA

Many of these names occur only in the description of Den CH S mark in XXXVII , and are therefore borrowed from the K l n t . y ( see App . II ) ; this fact is indicated by the letters K l n t a . y . after the n me In the case of the more important names, such as those, for instance , that enter into the discus

sion in the chapter on Geography , reference is made to the

. n pages where they are treated Where E . Mag usson has 6th Sa a Libra r listed the same names in the vol . of the g y H im k n l L m h e s ri a . e a ( g , vol IV , ondon , that fact is p b sized by the letters Sa Li . The anglicized name used by Mag b nusson will be found in Index II of Sa L i . All the geo

a in GH S graphical n mes occurring are given here, but not all the references to them in the saga are recorded , many being

unilluminative and unessential . Page references are to the

present work unless otherwise stated . Roman numbers are H G S chapters unless otherwise indicated .

l i ubor —6 1 A de . gj g, pp . 59 , XIII , XXX ’ in CH S Lil e ren s The name occurs only twice , in spite of j g assertion : Ibland andra orter uti detta rike ( Holmgard) fOrekommer i synnerh et Ja rls2tet A ldejoborg ganska ofta 2 th e Sa a uti v ra sagor which is quite true , however, for g H l da ni E s t ins ni 2 6— 1 o a e s . 1 f f y y , extracts from c , 7 , , and 1 c t A lubor 5 of which , oncerning his city and that of g A r s L l i i nt. u . a ib A d a (q . are reprinted in S . e g . lfa s n Kn l A u d, yt e Kn tl Als y, y . h m l i r i tun i . A d ubo A lub or e um See e . g, XXXIV , Jo gj g Not the A la borg of Salib ( in r s it a A O , XXXIV . That the author knew was possible to s il 106 1 07

Ga r62 riki m t from to Den ark wi hout leaving the ship, is th e : léttu ei i f rr shown by words g y , enn Peir komu til Da nm rkr A rO aLib : R v ro e s . S i e c 2 i y e . A sa tun : A sa f K , XXXVI tun nor6r r2 a na skogum ; but the Kn tl n . : A sa tu 6 y , whence this probably comes , has nor r

fr2 Da na sko um g . s rriki SaLi : a a - A u t . b , I E stlands, E st realm , Eastway , East T r riki . tt a countries See a a . ' A ustrve r A us rriki a etla r nII t . g , VI , same as ( q hann i n 6 A ustrv her a i eg. B el issun Kn l t d. yt . K l a L - B or undarh olmr n t . : B g , y S ib orgund holm . f r B ra ndfur62b or Brandi u 62 . g, XXXVII , also XXXV D rk Kn tl L ib : m . a a n S e . S o , XXXVII , from y . e App II Den

mark . D n ls er u ga b a XXXV . D Li na Sa b. y , I , XXVIII . Not the Dwina of E i k : E E i 6us o L b i h 6 L l . S a i ds aw idwood. See g VI , , p . 4 ; also j f 233 . E ngla nd XXXVII : er kallat g2gn2 u6iga st land a f Vestrlon vi l2sinn a llr m2lmr 0k fellr h veiti ok dum P par er b , Par ok a llskona r 2 6 m2 0k c6 6 vin, s e i Par hafa ; eru Par kla i ger 6 L un 0k ma rgh 2tt26ir veﬁr meir enn i o6rum sto um . ' dIInabor h fu6st2 6r ok Kanta raber S 6 g er Par o g, Par er kar a ok H elsin a bor Vincestr ok 26 6 ok borg gj g, margir rir sta ir ' r i f ir trl nd S a Lib : bor i e i ne nd . See Ves a . g , er her eru g

England . E m n 2 r la . o d e . . 2 r III , XXXVIII Se p 7 As it was remote p Ga r62 riki n t tion of , the i habitants were reputed to prac ice

witchcraft . E ra rsund Kn tl y , y . F eni i F un d a s L . , not in either printed ed . of . ili. (p 2 S M S Ot-U lf doubtedly following tockholm . , has, J Her ” k2m e 2tt2 d ur F enidi mader, en stark p , , which he anno 2 H m 6 . G S an ta tes p . 3 XXX gives the name of the as but - Ali , not the place name . F On Kn tl j , y . ﬂa emskr B i Kr r IX . ra n and 2k declare themselves to be 108

ﬂa m kir s F laemin e s at ett . The corresponding noun g

jaland does not occur . ’ F ri la n a L : F ilh r k ib . . s : e s d IX . S risland V j false sto y er F risla ndi 0k v2 1‘6 ck 6 landﬂOtti vi son jarls eins or , Pa an , P rikit var svikit undan mér a f sj2lfum landsmonnum

Gar62 riki S a Lib Ga rth rea lm , passim , esp . I and XXXVIII . , H S Garths . It is noteworthy that the author of C never th o mentions e pe ple as such , and therefore never has occa h rzkr sion to use t eadjective ge . Ga utla n a L : l n ut lf d 6 a u l . ib ut a d a G te ﬁ S Ga G e . vi VI ,

r k n i r ir i k nun 6 . e l u d a o . e Ges t ala d II . pat gg n Sv g S e Svi o H 2ra ldsei Kn 6, ytl. H e6inse 6 v2 G r6 riki S . S a 2 s . e y XVII e p . 9 er sagt , at milli ’ li r H in h itir h tl i a rlsriki a t e e6 se e n e tt . gg y ein, er y ; er j p frO6ra a H e6inn konun r a ra nda son er m nna sogn , at g Hj ta eki 6 2 e n si ldi Danmerkr a f fyrst land vi P y, er ha n g til ” I i n i k 6 Ok f n n F or nd ala d ; 0 Pa an t eyin a honum a f si6an . H 6inn r d kal s k a r al H 6ins n n S d a m . e a a aso . e e Hj see p , c 49 y

’ H l a k 6a H u din s ana V lsun akvi62 in e g w n g b II ( o g in forna) , ’ 2 H 6inn S S S 3 . e trip from erkland to Denmark ( erkland India la nd) is represented as having been instigated by the sorceress Gondull in Sorla Pdttr He6ins saga 0k H na F og ) , as . vol . I , c . VI , but nowhere in the saga is an

K E rl d k t r . . See te a te S ri e island mentioned eyser, f f , Vol

2 S . I , p . 554, for conjecture as to the meaning of erkland ei e K l H 62ba , nyt H elsin a b r o t th gj o g, see England . It is hard t believe hat ere 2 l H lsin aland was town of that name in Enga nd . e gj (SaLib : H elsingla nd) and its inhabitants th e H elsingj a r

( CV) are elsewhere always associated with Sweden . H Neither of these two names is found in C S . H lése O f Or6r: k21126r H lés a rska lli mikill 0k y II . p var eyj , rkr 6r O lés D nm r u ste ; hann var a ett2 r H eyj u i a o k . The island has ocean tides : GrOa volva haf6i fundit hann 1 ﬂ2 6a rm2li i H lése e y . 11n ik a L H lm h H 6 r62r i . o a r 2 S ib : t U . g I g . sed in Ch I as syn h Ga r62riki onymous wit .

1 10

12nd receives special notice : Par eru menn sterkir 0k Purs le ir 6i 0k vi6rei n2r 0k f lkunni ir g , har r illir g jo g ( II ) . v 66 riki via . S i XXVIII . See S l i i S d : i vi riki. L l 2 s al S a . . y g VI j , p . 34 T riki a ttara . 6 XVII See p . 9 . Just preceding the passage H e6inse : Ta tta ra riki eitt quoted under y, we read er kallat 0k ulla u6 a s i A u trriki a r ori k mest g g t s . p eru menn st r 0 t rkir k 6 r nd r nun s e 0 har ir til ba da ga . U i Menelaus ko g 12 u konun r 0k mikilsh 2 r d ec g margir ga tt2 menn . The a j i tive denoting the people occurs three t mes in XVIII , which is rather striking in view of what has been said on 62 riki Ga r . . this point under , q v They are not more

closely characterized, however, and when their king is

a th e . killed, t ke to ﬂight, as other nations do in sagas It is peculiar that the name of this fabulous people did not tempt th e auth or of CH S to make literary ma terial of

their qualities . Ti n lan d F a Lil u but . h . da not s . C , in , j , in his translation of l Li . VIII ( j , p . adds after the ﬁrst mention of Wase (Vazi) och denne var 2ttboren i Tionda la nd i Svea ” Lib : T n h l nd . Sa e t a Rike . Vermala n H rOlfr d VI . surmises that the men he has killed came from Verma la nd on 2 hunt or in search of Atli r L : rml Ot sson . Se 6 . ib V e Sa e a nd. ygg p . 4 V strla n e d S L . , see quotation under Engla nd . e ib Westlands Apparently never meaning more than th e British Isles ; th e t therefore, in quotation under England , hat country is th e in th B ritish Isl s said to be most prosperous e e . Va ndilsska i Kn tl g , y . Véb r Kn tl jo g, y . r Vinces t XXXV . Appa rently a ca pital : 0k haf6i 2tsetu i borg ' i ri h i i X F e r . e t r. : H a r l r nI P , er V X XVI oru Peir a d I til ' Vincestubor a r nII k nun s tekinn ﬁ r g , var hann til o g y 6 6 2tt S a alt Pat riki , sem fa ir hans haf i . ee quot tion under a Li : r . S n b . . V t England Winchester Petersen ( p 9 ) i ces , fabela ti e S CH S rin er i der i den g g aga ( ) , g e kunde det kke va er r H ov dsta d e es e . , gjp til en Vindlan d r L 2 a or n . a i XXVIII , strong lly of Jarl p g y S b l Wend a nd . BIBLIOGRAPHY

OF TH E P RI N CIP AL WORKS CON SULTED I N TH E P REP ARATION OF TH IS M ON OGRAP H

’ A nti uités russes d a rés q , p les monuments historiques des is t é é S é é landais e des anciens scandinaves, dit es par la oci t d r m C u des Antiquaires u No d. To e premier . openhag e ’ i ri r r 0 l im r me e P é es B 1 8 . de p des erling, 5 Tome second 2 1 85 . ' A rn s n On Isl nzk so r ZEﬁnt r 2 L a o J e a r o6 u 0 i . , , pj g g y , vols , eip — 1 862 6 . zig, 4 B rn k r Erik L 1 2 e e e 0 . , , Russische Grammatik , eipzig, 9 B ornemann U S 1 8 , Der rsprung des russischen taates , Gotha, 79 L T ’ (a translation of V. . P . homsen s English work, q . B remer Otto r c 2mme , , Ethnog aphi der germanischen St ( in ’

u 2d cd. . Paul s Gr ndriss der germanischen Philologie , , Vol S III , trassburg, B rooman N ils Reinh old S Widtfa rne , , agan om Ingwar och Son S fr2n am Isl2ndsk2 n Ofwers2tt hans wen , g la , och U ndersOknin om W2re Ru nstena rs A A nlednin a f g lder, i g S S F om Sa a ens Trow2rdi h et amme aga , samt oretal g g ; h wa ruti de fort hos oss Utgifna Sagors W2rde tillika

s f2 A ltsa mmens N rdiske ta d stes . til o Historiens och r k F or ri if t f 2 S 2 ets bett n ut we a S 1 6 . p g, g tockholm, 7 a rl l Th omas K Y 1 : C e . 8 y , , The Early ings of Norway, N . , 75

Ca r enter Willia m H n uisl2ndisch n a p , Grundriss der e e Gr m L 1 1 88 . matik, eipzig,

Cha va nan ules A déma r C Ch é , J , de habannes, ronique publi e ’ d a rés a 1 8 p les m nuscrits , Paris, 97 . Cl as i u s e b and V s on O 1 8 . y gf , An Icelandic Dictionary, xford , 74

Cronh olm A br W2rin r H ist i k U nderSOknin L . 2 ne or s , g , g, und , 1 2 83 .

Cronh ol N 2 . Y . 1 m ea nder N . S 0 , A History of weden, N ; , 9 2 vols . 1 12

D u Cha illu P a B T ul . h A th e a , e Viking ge ; E rly History, h Manners, and Customs of th e Ancestors of t e English Y 2 . . . 1 8 0 speaking nations, vols , N , 9 . E r H l a ina us a n ri L l i . d t Is and a e. , f , Histo a i eraria Editio nova H a un ia e 1 86 , 7 . El h Dis r i r i Lund h rum 1 1 se tat o Wa e a ae ot o . g , de g , G , 73 En h el a rdt h L 1 8 . g , A Russian Province of t e North, ondon, 99 F is ke Willa rd h c L t , , C ess in Iceland and in Icelandi i erature, F en 1 0 . lor ce, 9 5 F rna lda rs N o rl o u r6 a n a C. r d . og , see Rafn , C ' F orna lda rs ur N or6rla nda bIIi6 h eﬁr rentuna r og , til p Valdimar A mun F s a r on 1 86 . d s . 88 8 , 3 vols Reykjavik, 5, , 9 ( irst

vol . reprinted F ornma nna s ogur eptir gOmlum h a ndritum utgefna r 26 Tilh lu s N orra ena F orn fr2 e62 féla s K benh 2vn 1 2 tum hin g , j¢ , l 1 1 28 o th e Kn tlin a a a . vo 1 8 s vols ( . , , c ntains y g g ) Ga lth er Wol an Isl2nderbuch 1 8 2 A ltnor , fg g, Ares , Halle, 9 ( biblio h k I Sa a t e . dische g , Heft ) a da l B n dikt un u-H rOlfs-rimur S a f H rOlﬁ Gr n e e Ga . a , , g ag n Sturla u ss ni 0k In i er6i H re vi62 rdottur i g y g g gg , Reykjav k, 1 8 93. H unkt r f Oldislandsk li ra urh is rie H o B . oved e a e tte t to f, p den , K b nh 1 e 2vn 8 . j¢ , 75 r rla r a n In va ssa oi6 B ocm . g ga fo , see . b Ka rl h n a co h . J , , Quellenkunde der deutsc e Geschic te, vol I , L 06 . eipzig, 1 9 Onss on F innur oldnorske 0 Oldislandske Literaturs J , , Den g His K benh 2vn 1 8 - 1 06 torie, ¢ , 94 9 . J Onss on Finnur Kn tlin a sa a K 0 h istoriske , , y g g , dens ilder g D m l k b r K n li a nsk V ns b a . Va e d. ( o ge gt e ide ka e es Se s

s i k ﬁl s ﬁsk A fd lnin a kk 6 6 B . H i tor s o o o e . R e e g g . ind, No I K n 1 b 00. , pp . 1 . 9 Ka h le B ernha rd S Skalden Gr Bin , , Die prache der auf und der Rima rium nen und Endreime, verbunden mit einem , 1 2 Strassburg, 89 . Ka h le B ernha rd A ltisl2ndisch es , , Elementarbuch, Heidelberg, 1 8 6 9 .

K F is . ea r C ra nc n . y, . , The Vikings in Wester Christendom, A D 88 Y L 1 1 . 8 8 . 8 . 7 9 to A D , New ork and ondon , 9

1 14

dera bdruck aus der zweiten A uﬂa ge von Pauls Grundriss

. S 1 0 . der germanischen Philologie trassburg, 9 4 M r ll R o W. . S S . ﬁ , Russia ( The tory of the Nations eries ) , N

Y . 1 Lo 00. and ndon, 9 M uller P eter Era smus Sa abiblioth ek A nmerknin er 0 , , g med g g indled n A fh dlin r K b nh n 1 1 1 d a n . a v 1 8 e e e . e 8 8 g 3 vols , j¢ , 7 , , 820 1 .

M n h P A F r l f r d L u . s nd v c . o te ne e be a e e a e e e , g over de mest j 0 Reiserouter saa vel Sta ederne La n dis g mellem , som d trict rn 1 6 e e . C 8 . i Norge hristiania, 4 G rik A x K r K l el ilderne Sa kses Oldh isto ie. 2 ben , , til Dele, ¢ 1 2— havn , 89 9 4. P l ra v ir F ra n i a e S c s . g , , History of Normandy and of England : — Vol . I General Relations of Mediaeval Europe the Carlovingian Empire— the Danish Expeditions in the — and L . Gauls the Establishment of Rollo . ondon , M

C LI . DCC . P N M H a dbo d n -n r sk r ﬁ r n . n di o a ete se . a e o e Ge , g i gammel g eller systematiskt F remstilling a f de gamle Nordboers o ra ﬁske Kundskab A lmindeli h ed ge g i g , samt de dem bekj endte Lande 0k h istorisk ma erkelige Steder i Sa erde

l sh u a r d t isa er isla ndsk K a f . e ed d be e e . , j efter ilder N M F r K b nh 2 n . ste . e v 1 8 . Petersen ¢ Del j¢ , 34 ( The second 1 0 part promised on p . v and p . 3 unfortunately never

appeared . ) F l r r r6 2 Ra orn da s u . C n C C a . f , . . og No rland 3 vols , open — 1 82 0. hagen , 9 3 N rdiske Ka em - islandske C C . o e Ra n . f , p Historier, efter k H a andskrifter forda ns ede ved Carl Christian Rafn .

h . 1 82 1 1 82 1 826 K ben 2vn . j¢ , 3 vols , , 3, Ra mba ud A l red , f , History of Russia, from the earliest Times Y 1 . . . . . to 877 . Vol I , N , n d R us n A ra bum P ersa rum ue asm se , De q Commercio cum Russia,

H vnia 1 82 . a e, 5

Ritters ha us A deline neuislandisch en Volksm2rch en , , Die , Halle, 1 02 9 .

Rosenber N ordboernes A a ndsliv Oldtiden g, fra til vore Dage,

- K b nh vn 1 8 8 80. ¢ e 2 , 7 1 15

S ch lozer Kurd 'von 2ltcstc B zu S , , Russlands eziehungen candi i n n i l B 1 na v en Co sta t no e 8 . und p , erlin , 47 S criptores Rerum D a nica rum medii a evi partim h a ctenus in m nda ius colle it a dom a vit editi , partim e e t editi , quos g , La n ebek c reco novcrunt Jacobus g , ius post vero mortem g m F uh in L m d . ct . S d . C primu P . . e e Engelstoft E Wer l uff H i 1 2— 1 a . 8 . a un a e 8 . vols , , 77 34 S enkovs ki Osi Iva novitch isla ndske Sa a er F or , p , De g i deres

Russiske t c Russisk oversa t 2 f L . hold til den His ori , fra Ke er A nna ler N ordisk Oldk ndi h ed 0 c yp ( for y g g Histori , u i n a f Kon li N ordisk Oldskrift el kab dgv e det ge ge e S s , K nh 1 - b vn 1 . c 2 8 . j¢ , 47 , pp 77 The original Russian ver 2 a t sion is in Russian periodic l published in S . Petersburg, 1 834. The second volume of the same periodical con tains the Eymunda rsa ga in Icelandic with 2 Russian trans c u lation , and with opious notes in R ssian , also by nk vski Se o ) .

' S b ren die ﬁnn isch c Bevolkerun j g , Abhandlung uber g Inger ma nlands in den Mémoiren , der kaiserlich russischen

. 1 . Akademie der Wissenschaften , II , p 45 S t ens tru h n H R N nn F r m rn . B e o a nes C. . . or a e c ste p, J ¢ ind In l nin N rm n r i n K h vn d d o n t . b n c a c dc c 2 1 8 6. g i j¢ , 7 Andet B ikin en r r ind : V getog e mod Vest i det 9dc A a h und ede. K nh v 8 be 2 n 1 8 . j¢ , 7 S torm Gus tav Kri i k Bidra Vikin i n H ri t s e et dc s isto c . , , g til g ( I L r k -R l K n db v . o o 0 o 1 8 8 . Rag ar g Gange ) ristiania , 7 a P k S h m F . Critis H istoric 2 f h e cn k , . Danmark udi den d s c h . K cn O o . b 2vn Tid fra din til G rm den gamle 4 vols , j¢ , 1 — 1 8 1 774 7 . h F T r S a . ll i i k i m P . abe er Cr t s isto a f , til den c H c Danmark, K b nh vn 1 e 2 . j¢ , 779 Th ms L P T o n V . h e . e , . Relations between Ancient Russia and S O th e x candinavia, and the rigin of Russian State, O 1 8 ford , 77 .

Th m L R k rikc r n la in k o s n V . u d n n e . . P s a ts S a , y g gg g genom dina vcrna S 1 882 , tockholm , ( a translation of the English

original) .

T r u T ri D n r m D o ae s h . Se es a sta u et a ni 2 f , y Regum a e primo 1 16

c Skioldo O dini h lio Gormam ra nda evum orum ad g , H a unia e 1 02 , 7 . Vedel Va ldema r Mittela lterlich c Kulturidca lc , , Heldenleben (

L 1 1 0. I ) , eipzig, 9 r Y 2 1 2 Vc elins S . 0 . , History of weden , New ork , vols , 9

K r r uch 2 . L L . O t b . i nd F r. W c Wc a . g , Deutsches vols , eipzig, h 1 0 1 1 0. t . 9 9 , 9 s ed h t mb l G o r h i m m i i rl u Er. C ris S o a e 2 d c a a m ev We a . a ﬁ, y g p ex monumentis Isla ndicis cdidit ct commentationibus illus

tr vit as a bove H a unia e 1 82 1 . a ( ) , , A da nsk Er b rin a i o Worsaa e . . . e o , J J Den g England g Nor

ma ndict K benh avn 1 86 . , j¢ , 3 m Yn va rssa a vi6 rla B roc a n . g g fo , see Z G T h - - oé a . g , . Englis Icelandic Dictionary ; Icelandic English — 1 0 1 8 6 . Dictionary Reykjavik, 9 4, 9